Open Cultural Studies 2019; 3: 62-74

Research Article
Alison Mc Letchie*

La Divina Pastora, the Dougla1 Madonna

[Link]
Received October 9, 2018; accepted December 7, 2018

Abstract: This article contextualises the adoration of la Divina Pastora (Siparia Mai) in Trinidad with the
racially charged politics of the island nation. Using interviews and participant observation, it demonstrates
the importance and unique nature of this practice which allows people of many faiths share in the space
that is la Divina. This religious, cultural and social space is one of many on the island where diversity is
celebrated, unlike the political arena where race-baiting is used to rally the electorate. The article uses
various theories of race to analyse why Hindus and Catholic devotees are willing to share access while
their political leaders seem unwilling and/or unable to do the same meaningfully. The paper concludes
that while no current theory of race sufficiently explains the la Divina experience but that She embodies
the national hegemonic ideal which politicians claim they embrace but which they do little to encourage
because doing so will undermine their political base.

Keywords: Trinidad, la Divina Pastora, Siparia, Hindu, Catholic, race

The worship of la Divina Pastora at Siparia, Trinidad2 where Hindus and Catholics pray, side by side is
an example of the ability of diverse groups in Trinidad and Tobago (see Tables 1 and 2) to live in harmony
with each other. This practice counters the politics of race that is part of the country’s national landscape.
Trinbagonian3 politics has always involved questions of race starting with the divide and rule politics of
British colonial officials and continuing with two major political parties, the People’s National Movement
(PNM) and the United National Congress (UNC). This political reality seems a stark contrast to what
happens in Siparia where Hindus and Catholics worship together before the statue of la Divina Pastora in
the Catholic church of the same name and have been for over one hundred years.
Before proceeding further, it is important to clarify two terms that will be used throughout this document.
Firstly, when referring to race, it is not to validate the construct, rather it is a recognition of the socio-
political categories used as an identifying marker. Within the Trinbagonian context, these racialised groups
are usually thought to be African, Indian, Chinese, White, Mixed, Syrian/Lebanese and Other. These racial
groups do not in themselves indicate ethnic allegiances. A Trinbagonian’s ethnicity is the product of a more
complex set of markers. It is a result of “race” as well as the country or countries of origin of an individual’s
ancestors Yelvington4 and Khan5, both explore this in their separate essays on Trinidad ethnicity. Another

1 This term is traditionally used to describe the offspring of Indians and Africans. It is said to be derived from either the Hindi
word for black or bastard and has been extended to include all products, both tangible and intangible, that results from the
mixing of Indian and African culture.
2 The church where the events described in this paper take place on the island of Trinidad however the country is the Republic
of Trinidad and Tobago.
3 A colloquialism used instead of the more formal Trinidad and Tobago.
4 “Introduction: Trinidad Ethnicity.” Trinidad Ethnicity, edited by Kelvin Yelvington, University of Tennessee, 1993, 1-32.
5 “What is ‘a Spanish’? Ambiguity and ‘mixed’ ethnicity in Trinidad.” Trinidad Ethnicity, edited by Kelvin Yelvington, Univer-
sity of Tennessee, 1993, 180-207.

*Corresponding author: Alison Mc Letchie, Claflin University; E-mail: amcletchie@[Link]

Open Access. © 2019 Alison Mc Letchie, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribu-
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important point is that although the geopolitical nation is Trinidad and Tobago, throughout this paper, its
citizens will be referred to as Trinbagonians. This is a matter of simple convenience (shortening the name)
and the events described in this paper take place in the town of Siparia which is on the island of Trinidad. It
is important to note that many of these issues of race and ethnicity discussed in this paper do not manifest
themselves in the same way on the island of Tobago where the population is not as racially diverse as
Trinidad. However, regardless of the island on which they live, the issues discussed there are national ones
that impact citizens.

Table 1. A Comparison of the Ethnic Groups within Trinidad and Tobago, 1980 to 2011. Source: Trinidad and Tobago 2011
Population and Housing Census Demographic Report, The Government of the Republic of Trinidad and
Tobago, Central Statistical Office, Ministry of Planning and Sustainable Development, 2012, [Link]
tt/media/publications-documents/.

Table 2. A Comparison of the Religious Groups within Trinidad and Tobago, 1980 to 2011. Source: Trinidad and Tobago 2011
Population and Housing Census Demographic Report, The Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Central Statis-
tical Office, Ministry of Planning and Sustainable Development, 2012, [Link]

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This paper argues that la Divina and Her pilgrims are instructive in the understanding of race and race
relations in Trinidad. The contraction between the national narrative (every creed and race find an equal
place) and political practice (rum and roti politics) is what this paper seeks to investigate. La Divina is not
the only example of shared national spaces, but it is one that is both a site of tension and collaboration; an
intimate experience and a national shrine; regulated and open; contested and embraced.
This paper begins by introducing the reader to the historical events that shaped the cultural, political
and ethnic landscape of Trinidad and Tobago with a significant focus on the island of Trinidad where la
Divina is located. Next, it discusses some of the common theories of race specifically as they pertain to
multi-ethnic and Caribbean societies and Trinidad in particular. Then it turns to the voices of the pilgrims
to understand how their experiences of la Divina helps them understand race, politics and Trinbagonian
society. The paper concludes that la Divina pilgrims are very aware of the attempts of politicians to divide
and rule but, in part because of their devotion to la Divina, they can recognise in each other, and by
extension their fellow citizen, a fraternity that goes beyond religious, racial or political ideology.

Explaining La Divina in Trinidad

The Aragonese Capuchins founded a mission at Siparia in the southern part of the island sometime between
1756 and 1759 (Ottley 58-59), and it was there that they introduced the feast of La Divina Pastora or the
Divine Shepherdess (see Figure 1) to Trinidad. The origins of the statue are not known; however, Goldwasser
explores some of these origin stories in her 1996 dissertation.

Figure 1. La Divina Pastora covered with offerings from the faithful on Holy Thursday/Good Friday. Source: Alison Mc
Letchie, 2002

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Trinidad, a neglected Spanish colony attempted to increase the population by issuing the Cedula of
Population in 1783 which was extended to French and Irish Catholics (White men and freed persons of
Colour) requiring that all migrants be “subjects of a nation tied to Spain” (“Modern Trinidad” 14). The
Cedula established a direct link between wealth and the ownership of slaves, not just as a potential source of
labour, but as a means of acquiring land. Free men, especially Blacks and Coloureds, saw their investments
grow on this (culturally) French (ethnic, ideological, civil liberties and language), Spanish (political) colony
where Roman Catholicism was the official religion.
In 1797 when Trinidad became a British colony, officials attempted to institute a more rigorous type of
rule. Although Catholics were guaranteed religious freedom, the British government worked to encroach
on the civil liberties of the slaves and the free Blacks and Coloureds and worked hard to instil a rigorous
class/caste system in Trinidad. Post emancipation, there serious labour shortages and officials looked to
migration to solve their problem. Turning (unsuccessfully) to newly freed slaves from the Eastern Caribbean
and African colonies and freed Blacks from the United States. Then to Europe, next to the Chinese before
finally settling on Indian immigrants as a source of migrant labour for the British. Starting in 1845 and
ending in 1917, approximately 143,939 people came to the island from India (see Table 3).

Table 3: East Indian Migrants Introduced under Indentureship, 1838-1918. Source: Roberts & Bryne (129)

Most of the labourers came through Calcutta’s port (smaller number originating in Madras) were Hindu, but
there was a small Muslim group (both Shi’ites and Sunnis), and a smaller number of Christians. Housing
was provided on the estates and those that left the plantation without permission were penalised. The
terms of indentureship required that immigrants work, initially for five years (later ten) on the plantation in
return for a wage and return passage to India. Between 1869 and 1880, however, an immigrant, resident in
Trinidad for ten or more years, could receive ten acres of land if he gave up his claim for free return passage
to India. Less than 20% of the Indian workers returned to India.
The country’s movement towards self-governance began in earnest at the end of the Second World War
and political independence was achieved in 1962. The PNM was established in 1956 and from its inception,
it has always been perceived as a political party that serves the needs of Christian, middle-class, Afro-
Trinbagonians. However, there have always been several high-profile members, even among its founding
members, who were both non-Christian and/or Indo-Trinbagonians.
The UNC in its present incarnation is the second major party on the island. Its roots can be traced to
the labour unions of sugar cane workers which explains the party’s traditionally strong ties to the Indo-
Trinbagonian population. The party descended from, and is related to, other parties, which have either

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been absorbed by it, or with which it was once, but is no longer, affiliated. These include the People’s
Democratic Party (PDP) and the Democratic Labour Party (DLP). In recent years, the UNC has managed to
recruit several Afro-, Christian-Trinbagonians.
According to Vertovec6 local racial, political polarisation began as early as 1956 as a direct result of
the methods used by the colonisers to control the diverse population. This strategy combined with the
competition for economic resources and access to the political super-structure has shaped the current
climate. This is the Trinidad in which la Divina exists and thrives: a diverse island of many people, with
many faiths, all of whom worked hard to create a home for themselves and their children. It is these people
and their descendants that She serves, and who serve Her.

Explaining Race in Trinidad

To understand the importance of la Divina in the context of the political and social reality of Trinidad and
Tobago, various theories of race relations need to be examined. Plural societies, for example, were defined
by J. S. Furnivall in 1939, as “a society comprising two or more social orders which live side by side, yet
without mingling, in one political unit” (Morris 124). M. G. Smith (239-240) developed Furnivall’s definition
further, suggesting that any definition of plural society should be extended to include class and religion. He
argues that because of the legal restrictions of colonial societies and the threat of the possible use of force,
the groups that comprise plural societies would, in fact, seek to form separate nation-states.
Beckford introduces the idea of plantation society, a type of plural society, where the economic system
was developed to serve a colonial overlord. He argues that even in instances where the colonial power
has been removed and replaced by indigenous politicians, “characteristics of the plantation system have
persisted, and they define a particular social framework” (Beckford 139); this is manifested in the economic
system that includes dependence on large amounts of unskilled labour, centralized decision making,
authoritative management and strict social stratification. This model can be used to explain the continued
“existence of a class-caste system based on differences in the racial origins of plantation workers on the one
hand and the owners on the other” (Beckford 144). For Beckford, even though the worker has moved off the
plantation, his status remains the same; the authority of the capitalist is supreme.
Beckford however does not account for the many spheres in which people in these societies interact
that are not economic like schools, in churches, and at Carnival. His model also does not consider the
growth of the Black and Indian upper class nor does he sufficiently confront the complexity of social
stratification within Caribbean societies that includes many factors, among them “race.” skin colour,
religion, educational level, and family connections.
Multiculturalism, another theory of race relations, centres on amicable coexistence of various groups
within the nation-state. Roy Todd writes that it can take two forms: ideological or state policy; ideologically,
multiculturalism themes discuss “incorporating acceptance of different ethnic groups, religion, cultural
practices, and linguistic diversity within a pluralist society” (204). This theory has been criticised on several
different grounds. First, there is concern that the unity of the nation-state is threatened by the diversity of
which it is composed. Another anxiety is over the possible creation of cultural and social ghettos for ethnic
minorities. Finally, some argue that as legislators push multiculturalism, other issues important to nation
building are ignored. The problem that confronts supporters of multiculturalism is how to incorporate the
principle into the fabric of mainstream social, cultural and political life of the nation-state.
Andre-Vincent Henry suggests: “there needs to be an explanation of the relatively peaceful co-existence
among racial groups which is, at the same time, accompanied by suspicion, separateness and hostility”
(24). Henry’s call for a model that is better suited to the Trinidadian experience is legitimate; however, he
seems to ignore his own data that demonstrates that of the six racial categories (Indian, African, Mixed,
White, Chinese and Other) in the census reports, the Mixed group is the only one growing. This is clearly

6 Vertovec, Steven. “Hinduism in the Diaspora: The Transformation of Tradition in Trinidad.” Caribbean Sociology: Introducto-
ry Readings, edited by Christine Barrow and Rhoda Reddock. Ian Randle Publishers, 2001, 622-642.

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an indication that, with respect to personal relationships, individuals are interacting very closely or
that individuals acknowledge the benefits political, social and economic that are derived from labelling
themselves as Mixed.
Munasinghe answers some of Henry’s argument; she claims that Trinidad does not fit the traditional
models of plural or multicultural societies. Rather, she suggests that there are two national narratives
operating simultaneously upon the national consciousness. Trinidad “has two nationalist narratives, one
of a cosmopolitan plural society and the other of creolization” (Hybrid Spaces 667). She contends that the
presence of both these narratives causes a new type of national identity to emerge: one that embraces both
ideas of creolization and diversity.
Creolization, for Munasinghe, developed in response to the need for postcolonial leaders to create a
national identity that specifically addressed the complexity of a multi-ethnic, non-indigenous population.
About this notion of creolization, Khan writes that it is a reaction to “a desire to recuperate the subaltern
and the marginal, to bring agency, resistance, and resilience back to the disempowered” (Callaloo or Tossed
Salad 273); it prevents the development of any single master narrative. Brathwaite argues that creolization
leads to the creative development of a whole unit (political, cultural, and social) in Jamaica, rather than two
separate societies (Black and White). For him the development of a creolization meant that the “local” and
“resident” acquired value and relevance; indigenous institutions and traditions were validated. He claims
that creolization allows for, “interrelated and sometimes overlapping orientations…nothing is really fixed
and monolithic” (115).
An argument can be made that the Caribbean is a frontier that acts as Lamar and Thompson write as a
“zone of interpenetration” (7) between several distinct societies. This zone is a direct result of colonialism,
and despite independence, many if not all Caribbean territories are still part of this zone. In Trinidad, this is
most relevant. As ethnic and religious groups attempt to create a nation-state and forge a national identity,
erosion or infusion is occurring as various groups interact. “Purity” is no longer an option; a Creole identity
has emerged and continues to be formed.
More specifically, in the Trinidad context, douglarization has emerged as a contested ideology and
personal identity. Douglas, either as a racial category or as a cultural space is an extension of Creolization.
For some douglarization is problematic because in their opinion it requires the rejection of parts of Indian
or African identity for the Dougla to be created. Others see douglarization is the only solution for racial and
political tension in the nation since Dougla individuals are the physical manifestation of the country’s two
largest ethnic groups. This paper maintains that la Divina is a Dougla Madonna not just because of Her
physical appearance but also because of Her ability to draw both Afro- and Indo-Trinbagonians to Her and
in this space they can preserve their individual faith traditions.
Munasinghe’s work on national identity in Trinidad suggests that it is shaped by the dual narratives (as
mentioned above), “a cosmopolitan plural society and the other of creolization” (Hybrid Spaces 667). The
complexity of Trinidad and Tobago society forces the observer to consider how traditional theories of race,
ethnicity and national identity apply to complex, diverse, post-colonial societies.
La Divina, this paper proposes, is both a manifestation and product of Trinbagonian identity. The
fluidity with which non-Catholics accept the Catholic saint into their lives and the willingness of Catholics
to accommodate non-Catholics suggests that boundaries, especially of race, ethnicity and religion, are
not fixed. Giving the political landscape that endorses and even encourages racial and ethnic tension,
particularly at election time; this paper explores la Divina intending to learn whether any of these theories
of race and ethnic relations apply.

Living La Divina
This study was conducted in two phases in 2002. In the first phase, devotees and church laypersons were
observed over Holy Thursday and Good Friday of the Christian Easter week and they participated in Siparia
Mai festival. The second phase took place over a period of four weeks that same summer when pilgrims
were interviewed about their devotions. These were semi-structured interviews which asked about their

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individualised practice, national politics and family history. All the names of the interviewees have been
changed to protect their identity.
In Trinidad and Tobago’s racialised politics, it is important to explore what la Divina devotees think
about each other. Pilgrims explain their views on the national political atmosphere and compare it with
their own personal experiences as worshippers at Siparia and as citizens.

Ms Ali: “I have just always believed whenever, like no matter how you pray, whatever form, whatever you use, is just one
God.”

Many pilgrims made statements like Ms Ali’s. The oneness of God was a theme that was repeated often and
is an important part of the experience of la Divina. Boodoo claims that Hindus, Muslims, Roman Catholics
and other devotees share one understanding of la Divina. According to him, they all view her “as an aid
in times of need and one who grants favours and ensures proper guidance and protection” (Boodoo 385).
This common bond is what all devotees share. Ms Ali explained why she would encourage anyone to make
devotions to la Divina:

Ms Ali: They should come because is a place where dey could find prosperity. And a place where you could sit down
and…you could talk to Her. Like I talking to you. And is something that good for me. And as long as it good for
me it good for you.

Since pilgrims all share the same need and desire: answers to their prayers; they can empathise with each
other. There is no competition for Her attention since access is given to all. Gupta and Ferguson “that identity
neither ‘grows out’ of rooted communities nor is a thing that can be possessed or owned by individual or
collective social actors” (13). La Divina’s pilgrims have multiple alliances: religious, economic, social, and
political. During the Easter pilgrimage, all devotees stand in the same line; wealth, religion, educational
background or race does not help gain privilege or access to the statue. Jagassar asked me to guess which
political party she belonged to:

Ms Jagassar: I is a PNM. Eric Williams is de best, he was de greatest.

This statement illustrates that in instances where a political party is traditionally affiliated with one ethnic
group there are significant numbers of members for other ethnic groups who belong to it. It is also anecdotal
evidence of the complexity of the national community. A person’s social identity is not fixed by economic,
ethnic or religious affiliation. Rather it reflects these and other factors. The statue serves to link pilgrims;
before Her, they become a community, because of their belief in la Divina.
Enloe suggests that tension is likely when different religions are practised within a multi-ethnic
group, particularly when these religions are “theologically and organizationally elaborate and explicit,
and when those religions have generated taboos operative in the routine aspects of life” (198) and if there
is proselytising. Within both faith practices, there are traditions that encourage respect and tolerance for
differences but still there is can be intolerance or misunderstanding. In the case of Trinidad and Tobago,
there is little evidence of an evangelical movement within the Hindu community. Historically Catholics have
been known to compel conversions in some instances. Many people have related occasions when children
were baptised to gain entry to a government-assisted Catholic school. However, since the establishment
of the Inter-Religious Organization (IRO), there has been an attempt at tolerance and respect between the
various religious groups. The environment of co-existence is in direct contradiction to some of the early
efforts by the priests at Siparia, particularly in the 18th and 19th century, to stop Hindus from worshipping
la Divina. Many Hindus still maintain that their religion is demonised, their practices scorned, and their
devotees victimised.
These attacks are sometimes experienced by non-Catholics at Siparia. Ms Naipaul, a younger, Indo-
Hindu woman who was introduced to la Divina (but calls Her Mother when praying to Her) by her maternal
Indo-Catholic grandmother and is married to an Indo-Catholic, described to me her experience having
witnessed the hostility of two Afro-Catholics toward another Indo-Hindu pilgrim:

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Ms Naipaul: Last year, there were some Catholic people here. It did not happen to me, but there was this woman who,
normally every single day while I was doing de fasting, she would come in here. She was ageable [older],
her husband was really bad to her. She used to come every day and bring a bread or flowers and just sit
here for a couple hours and this particular day that I came, she was praying, and these two women keep
saying to her, “why are you coming to de Catholic church? Why don’t you all take your prayers into your
temple?” And all that. And the woman just did not say anything.
And I just look at them and say, “Well you know what, de church is built for anybody. No matter what race
or what colour you are, you are welcome in de church and there isn’t any sign. I’m a Hindu and if we are
not supposed to come in de Catholic church they should put up a sign. I have known for how many years
my grandmother and everybody who are Hindus, so why should you say that to de woman.”

Well she didn’t take them on. She just continue saying her prayers.
Alison: Did anybody else in de church try to shut them up?
Ms Naipaul: No it was just these two women. It was early in de morning and just these two women who were in the
church.
Alison: Were they Black women [Afro-Trinbagonians].
Ms Naipaul: Yes, Black women.
Alison: But that was your only experience like that?
Ms Naipaul: That was my only experience. Coming here, I never had any problems, ‘cause I don’t live far from here and
I’m accustomed around and people here know me.
Alison: So why do you think these two women chose to behave like that?
Ms Naipaul: I doh know, but you know you find that in every, in every, like de Hindus as well, we have people like that
too. I won’t say no. We have people like that too. I guess maybe they think that she [the pilgrim] always
come to ask for, and never some to give a contribution and stuff like that. That was my thinking.

This was the only incident reported to me by a pilgrim. When I asked Ms Dean, an older Catholic about her
opinion concerning Hindu access to la Divina, she told me the following:

Alison: So tell me, I know Hindu people come here too.

Ms Dean: Yes, very, very much.
Alison: How do you feel about that? Do you think they should come or they shouldn’t come?
Ms Dean: [emphasis] No, no, no it for everybody. For everybody.

Ms Ali, a Hindu pilgrim related what seemed to be the common experience among non-Catholics:

Alison: Have you ever come and anybody show you a bad way? As if to say you shouldn’t come.
Ms Ali: No, never. This is not a place for that and if somebody say they show you a bad face, is something I wouldn’t
believe them cause the atmosphere and everything is so cool and calm.

Siparia, it can be argued, serves as a parallel to, and is a microcosm of, the national community. One pilgrim
referred to herself “a Hindu-Catholic”; she indicated that she attended many religious services, including
Evangelical-Pentecostal. Another stated that although he was a practising Muslim, he had in the past
requested the priest to conduct a mass in his honour and continued to come to la Divina while knowing that
his Muslim religious leaders discourage participation in this ritual. Many Catholics indicated that they saw
no distinction between Hindu and Catholic prayers. According to one pilgrim, only “those with pure hearts
have their prayers answered” by la Divina. Another Catholic reasoned that people all see God differently
and should be allowed to worship as He/She manifests to the individual.
Another factor that could influence this fluidity of boundaries is the national ideology advocated by the
political leadership of “rainbow people.” On his visit to Trinidad in the late 1980s, South African Bishop
Desmond Tutu suggested that Trinidad was a rainbow country, made up of rainbow people. This statement
is one of many that have been used to describe the idea or ideal of “unity in diversity” and is an example
of official attempts to construct a national political hegemonic ideology. This is part of the dual national
narrative that Munasinghe writes about. According to her, these national narratives, “one of a cosmopolitan
plural society and the other of creolization” (Hybrid Spaces 667) create tension on the national psyche.
The question then should be asked: Is la Divina an example of this cosmopolitan plural society? If not,
what does la Divina represent? Smith defines pluralism as “a condition in which members of a common

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society are internally distinguished by fundamental differences in their institutional practice” (238).
Certainly, one can argue that la Divina appears to be an example of plurality. However, this paper maintains
that by their own definition, the pilgrims are not engaged in fundamentally different practices as illustrated
in their statements about the universality of God. Pilgrims acknowledge the differences between them in
terms of religious ideology but claim commonality before la Divina. She makes them similar.
How is this possible? Repeatedly, pilgrims acknowledged their shared experience rather than their
religious or racial differences. One collaborator thoughtfully related the following:

Mr Hussan: “all denominations gathering and worshipping together. We go to attend one another functions, funerals,
weddings, whatever it is. That is how we grow, that is how I was brought up, and that is how it is up to the present time.
We have no distinctions against anybody. We live as one. But because of, [pause] well what I should call it, because of
[pause] race, which now, well it was before but not as it is. But is only at election [emphasis] time we get this, after election
everybody as before.”

He and others indicated that they understood the ways in which politicians used race to divide the
population. He also recognised that citizens participated in this process at election time; Yelvington calls
this “ethnicity is politicised” (12). The practice of politicians and other leaders actively engage in the process
of appealing to the differences between ethnic groups. However, in Hussan’s estimation, short periods of
division were a minor inconvenience, and that, overall the idea of a unified community was prevalent.
Based on the account given above by Hussan it would be easy to conclude that Munasinghe is correct
in her analysis of Trinidad society. Members of the society are able and willing to create a national identity
that suspends differences of race and religion outside of the political arena. So, why are politicians able
to manipulate the population? Yelvington claims that given the colonial heritage of the island and the
competition on the labour market, ethnicity has become tied to the scarcity of resources. He refers to this as
the “commodification of ethnicity” (11). I was able to have Ms Kamal explained some of her feelings about
the political situation.

Alison: Do you think that Manning and Panday7 understand [la Divina and what She represents]?
Ms Kamal: Yes, Panday does come here. Yes, is the same religion. I doh know for Manning.
Alison: Tell me how you feel about the flag?8
Ms Kamal: That wrong. When you put a flag, it nothing bad is no evil.
Alison: But when I listen to de news and I hear Manning and Panday and everybody in de bacchanal, I think that
maybe dey doh understand how people does live.
Ms Kamal: No, dey know. Everybody know how we does live. But between I and you, to talk de truth, Panday want
everybody together, and Manning want it too, but a little more to his side [Christian, Afro-Trinidadians].
So that is where he making de people feel that Panday doh want them. But Panday making everybody feel
welcome.

Ms Naipaul also offered an opinion:

Alison: So, tell me, you had that one negative experience. What I see here is people come here, and they pray. And
I saw you praying just now, and I could not tell if you Catholic or not. Cause you cyah look at somebody
and tell, okay. Even when you see older Indian people, women with orhnis, you cannot tell. And then when
I hear Panday and Manning fight, I wonder to myself, ‘do these people, the political leaders, know how
people really live?’ How do you rationalise that in your mind?
Ms Naipaul: I doh know but sometimes I say to my self it not race. Is just a personal thing between the both of them, so I
just let it be. Anybody could look at this country, Trinidad and Tobago, and will see that in a lot of instances
there are unity between both Black and…Catholic and Indian, whatever. So I really can’t say anything
about that.
Alison: So do you think is a power thing or a personal thing?

7 At the time of this interview, Patrick Manning was the political leader of the PNM and Basdeo Panday, the political leader of
the UNC.
8 Manning, the Prime Minister at the time, had removed puja (Hindu prayer) flags placed on the grounds of the official re-
sidence, claiming that it made him feel uncomfortable and was contrary to his religious beliefs. This offended many people,
especially within the Hindu community.

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Ms Naipaul: I think is a personal thing together with power.

Alison: So do you thing race is really a big issue? I’m not saying there aren’t racial people, but is it as big an issue
as Manning and Panday make it out to be?
Ms Naipaul: No, I don’t think so. I don’t think so at all. My personal view, the way I grow up and all the people around
me, I don’t think so at all.

Ms Dean’s thoughts, like Ms Kamal’s, were clearly vested in a political party (Ms Dean with the PNM and Ms
Kamal with the UNC), shared some similarity to the other opinions.

Alison: So, tell me something; when I was here for Easter, this guy came. I guess it was the first time he was there.
And when he see all de Hindu people and all de Catholic people all in de room together praying, he say,
“dat’s what Manning and Panday should come down and learn.”
You think those politicians understand how to get along with people?
Ms Dean: No. If Patrick Manning understand, Panday don’t.
Alison: I am really interested because there are parts of the world where people kill each other in the name of
religion or in the name of race but it doesn’t seem to be happening in Trinidad. Why is that?
Ms Dean: I doh really know. Except Trinidad is a place where people pray a lot.

Ms Ali offered not just an opinion about the political fighting between the two parties but also a solution
to it:

Alison: So, tell me, like I said to you, I see people here and I cannot tell if they Catholic or Hindu or anything else.
People stand next to each other, they pray together, they pray quietly, they pray loudly, nobody’s bothering
them but yet still Manning and Panday out there fighting. How do you think about that?
Ms Ali: I doh know. I feel if these people really concentrate on God they will find peace. This fighting, it not called
for; a place like this too small for dat.
Alison: So do you think what they saying about race, do you think that’s true?
Ms Ali: No, for me I doh believe that. I doh know for anybody else. I doh believe in that at all. I just believe in one
God and one Peace.

Trinbagonians have managed to forge common communication of purpose through what Yelvington would
call “syncretisms and acts of cultural borrowing” (11). La Divina is one such example of not only cultural
borrowing but also cultural leading. This is an active process of negotiating a multi-religious experience,
which could serve as a model for the islands’ political leaders.

Conclusion
This article argues that devotees of la Divina are able and willing to share Her with their fellow pilgrims with
little conflict. The evidence collected does seem to suggest that, for pilgrims at least, politicians’ attempts
to divide them by using race, ethnicity and religion have not been successful. While they all concede that
there is racial tension, they also recognised that politicians use it as a tool, especially during elections.
Additionally, most devotees claim that they do not racialise others since they acknowledge the dignity of
their fellow citizens. This appears to be an indication of the acceptance of the state national hegemonic
ideal summed up by the phrase used to describe Trinidadian society as comprising of “rainbow people.”
This ideal is in direct contradiction to the exploitative tactics used by politicians as they attempt to gain
power during election campaigns but is embraced and touted by whichever party emerges as the victor
upon the campaign’s conclusion.
La Divina is Hindu to the Hindus; Catholic to the Catholics; Muslim for the Muslims; and so on. She
allows for the exchange (not imposition) of ideas and practices. Because access is freely given, non-Catholics
are not threatened by a conversion motive. This also means that Catholic parishioners have an opportunity
to support (spiritually and physically) the non-Catholic pilgrims. The larger theological doctrine governing
each of these religious traditions does allow for localisation of ritual. Rather than syncretism, this paper
argues that the Siparia experience is one of creolization.

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It is important to understand that in my experience, creolization is multi-dimensional. There is a subtle

understanding of the word Creole in the local (Trinbagonian) vernacular the meaning of which depends on
the context, user and to who it is directed. It is because of this complexity that I purposefully call la Divina,
a Douglarized Madonna. This title encompasses Her Trinidad and Tobago heritage and Her ability to unify
Indo- and Afro-Trinbagonian and which, as Khan (1993) points out [in the case of “Spanish”] threaten the
existence of these ‘distinct’ majorities.
This is not to exclude or invalidate concerns over the use of the word Dougla Reddock writes that
douglarization has been “denounced as another arm of the process of creolization” (324). Since I view
neither creolization nor its localised version, douglarization, negatively, I have no problems using both
these terms when referring to la Divina.
The question then becomes: Is the worship of la Divina an example of creolization? The simple answer
is yes. The creolization referred to here is similar to the way the word is conceived within the Trinbagonian
worldview, as a local/national phenomenon or occurrence. In this sense, la Divina and the worship of Her is
both Creole and an example of creolization. Because the statue itself and the doctrine governing veneration
of Her was originally introduced as part of Spanish-Catholicism, it is Creole. La Divina is Creole because it
is a localised tradition that is the product of the merging of European and Trinidadian practices. The form
that the worship takes, with the inclusion of all its pilgrims, is the process of creolization.
According to Khan (2001), the community engages in subliminal activities that transform previously
deliberately held boundaries. Additionally, Khan writes that the categories of ‘mixed’ ethnicities “separates
‘who are’ from ‘who are not’” (“What is ‘a Spanish’?” 182). Creolization, therefore, is a powerful construction
that can manufacture new forms of expression and identity. The national political ideology that embraces
the concept of a “rainbow people” is an example of the manufacturing of identity. Brathwaitie supports
this idea in his essay “Creolization.” According to him:

“Normative, value-references were made outside the [Jamaican] society. Creolization (despite its attendant imitations
and conformities) provided the conditions for the possibility of local residence. It certainly mediated the development of
authentically local institutions” (115).

This movement described by Brathwaite above has transformed into a political ideal among many Caribbean
political elite and intelligentsia. In the case of Trinidad and Tobago the political elite, has embraced the idea
of creolization as an indigenous response to colonialization. This is because they recognised the problems
associated with “blackness” on a global level and, acknowledging that Trinbagonians would never be
considered “white,” endorsed the concept of Creole as a viable alternative. Perhaps they hoped that by
creating this new race (Creole), in this new nation (Trinidad and Tobago), they would be able to unify
nation’s the various ethnic. Many critics of this policy however particularly those located within the East
Indian community view this type of Creolization as eroding or invaliding their cultural heritage.
Ryan wrote:

As far as the Indian cultural fragment is concerned, a desire for social integration as a part of an oppressed class is not
the dominating impulse. Status elevation and legitimacy as a group seems a considerably more relevant goal than the
obscuring of all racial differences and peculiarities. Caribbean radicals have committed themselves to a programme
based on the premise of the “innate goodness of the people.” The ultimate aim of this strategy is total assimilation of all
ethnic elements into a culturally neutral creole culture, a goal that is an expression of the universalistic liberal ideology
which rejects race as a relevant variable in the behaviour of people and which has until recently been optimistic about the
prospects of creating integrated societies. (9-10)

Here Ryan acknowledges not just the division that exists within Trinidadian society but also the reason for
Creole as a political and cultural ideology. According to him, the longing by politicians and others to create
a Creole society is a direct response to avoid the pitfalls of the American doctrine of separate-but-equal. He
recognises that Creolization has shortfalls, pointing to the fact that many ethnic groups worldwide, rather
than work towards cultural integration, “are concerned with asserting the validity of their own cultural and
group experience and are seeking to give it political expression” (11). Many Indo-Trinbagonian leaders have

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  La Divina Pastora, the Dougla Madonna 73

rejected the ideology of the Creole, in favour of cultural distinctiveness. Ryan writes, “Multiculturalism in
Trinidad is still an essentially passive co-existence relationship with contacts between Indians and others
being largely secondary rather than primary” (382). La Divina is an example of primary contact.
Munasinghe argues that Trinidad and Tobago political society is informed by “two nationalist narratives,
one of a cosmopolitan plural society and the other of creolization …In contemporary Trinidad, these two
narratives are in tension” (Hybrid Spaces 667). According to her, Indo-Trinidadians are often discounted or
perceive themselves to be discounted from the state or official political machinery and thus economic and
social power (see Table 4), because of their resistance to creolization. Munasinghe’s contention does raise
additional questions. First among these is: Do Indo-Trinbagonian really resist creolization? Both Reddock9
and Vertovec10 offer evidence that creolization [douglarization] began with the arrival of the first indentured
labourers from India and continues to the present day. Singh claims that the development of the bi-racial
party system in Trinidad and Tobago during the 1950s “would make for more effective political bargaining
between rural and urban interests and would result in an unprecedented extension of basic services to the
rural areas” (226). Khan, Reddock and Vertovec support Munasinghe’s argument that it is the competition
for, and perceived access to, power that creates conflict within Trinidad and Tobago society.

Table 4: Comparison Summary Characteristics of Households in Samples by Ethnic Group of Head of Households. Source: The
Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago Ministry of Planning and Development Central Statistical Office (2000).

La Divina devotees do not experience this competition. Pilgrims can share Her giving support to each other
and worshipping within their faith tradition without the pressure of proselytising. Her devotees experience
the creolization that is embodied by la Divina, and they are part of the process through their devotion to
Her. Contrary to Munasinghe’s argument, however, East Indians are not excluded from this process. In fact,
by their participation, they contribute to it; they may even be considered its catalyst. Without the presence
of Hindus, Muslims and other non-Catholics, la Divina would not be a Creole saint. The diversity of the
pilgrims and their ability to worship freely creates a new canon that is exclusively Trinbagonian especially
in the context of the national political ideology. Civic ideology is transformed and transferred into religious
practice. Religious doctrine is disregarded in favour of personal and community harmony. Therefore, while
Munasinghe’s proposal may be valid in wider political, economic or social arenas, la Divina does not
fit her model. In fact, if we examine the statements of the pilgrims, we might conclude that they are not
only sensitive to the political ploys meant to exclude groups of individuals, but that they are aware of the
tendency to use them at election time or in other instances where access to power (particularly political and
economic) is at stake. This awareness and their personal worldviews (a reflection of the national hegemonic
ideal), pilgrims claim; prevent them from acting like the politicians who govern them.

9 Reddock, Rhoda. “Douglarization and the Politics of Gender in Trinidad and Tobago: A Preliminary Exploration.” Caribbean
Sociology: Introductory Readings, edited by Christine Barrow and Rhoda Reddock. Ian Randle Publishers, 2001, 320-333.
10 Vertovec, Steven. “Hinduism in the Diaspora: The Transformation of Tradition in Trinidad.” Caribbean Sociology: Introduc-
tory Readings, edited by Christine Barrow and Rhoda Reddock. Ian Randle Publishers, 2001, 622-642.

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74 A. Mc Letchie

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