CHAPTER-V

PEOPLE- TRIBE AND CASTE

(CUSTOM AND CULTURE)
Language
Tribal communities in Koraput speak different dialects, and few have
lost their mother tongue to local dominant languages. The percentage of
people speaking tribal language in Koraput district has been reduced from
37 in 1931 census to 22.86 percent in 1971 census. Thus, a large number of
tribals of the district have adopted non-tribal languages during the past four
decades. Of the native tribes of Koraput district, Sabara (Saura) tribe has its
own script and non-others. The Koraput tribal dialects have been studied by
various authors in the past and have been documented.
Ethno-linguistic Classification
Mohapatra (1997) has given a detailed account on ethno-linguistic
arena among tribals of Odisha. The tribes of Koraput are ethno-linguistically
classifiable into three groups namely Munda (Austro -Asiatic), Dravidian and
Indo-Aryan. A group-wise tentative inventory of the tribal languages and
dialects may be drawn up as given follows
Munda Group
Sora (Saora, Lanjia, Juray, Arsi),Gourum (Parenga),Remo (Bonda)
Dravidian Group
Parji (Dharua), Kui (Kondh-Kutia/Dongria), Konda/Kubi (Konda Dora),
Ollari (Gadaba), Gondi (Gond), Kuvi (Kondh, Jatapu),
Indo-Aryan Group
Dialects Language Affinity
Desia Southern Odia
Bhatri Southern Odia
Jharia Southern Odia
Matia Southern Odia
Halbi Odia-Marathi-Chhattisgarhi
Proto Mundai is classified as South Munda, Koraput Munda, and Saura
Munda, Gutob Remo

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Central Dravidian are Parja, Ollar, Kui, Konda Kui
The tribals either as mother tongue or second language use all these
non-literary Indo-Aryan dialects. Mohapatra (2004) was of the opinion that
these dialects are based on archaic forms of the modern literary languages
and have developed peculiarities in course of time due to convergence of
languages belonging to different families, diffusion of linguistic traits across
genetic boundaries and hybridization of language as a result of extensive
bilingualism or multilingualism. In multi familial and multi-dialectal situations
there have been lot of inter-mixture and mutual borrowing resulting in
development of certain common traits among the dialects of divergent
origins.
Linguistic Reports on Koraput Population
Bell who wrote for the first time the district gazetteer of Koraput district
after formation of Odisha state was of the opinion,‖ ‗Poroja‘ undoubtedly
covers a variety of entirely different dialects. The term derived from the Odia
word praja meaning a raiyat or subject is applied to all kinds of aboriginal
tribes having no relation with each other. There is in fact no such language
as Poroja, but quite distinct languages are spoken by the following tribes to
whom the title ‗Poroja‘ is usually given; Bondo Poroja, Jhodia Poroja, Dhruva
Poroja, Konda Poroja, (also known as Konda Dora), Parenga Poroja, Pengo
Poroja and Didayi [Link] these the languages of Bondo, Parenga and
Didayi Porojas belong to Munda branch and the remainder are Dravidian.
The Dhruva language is unrelated to Kondh but is of Dravidian in origin,
probably derived from Gondi. Ramamurti is of the opinion that the there is a
remarkable resemblance between Parenga and Savara. The languages of
the Bondo and the Didayis have obvious affinities with that of the Gadabas.‖
He was of the opinion that Ollar Gadaba speaks a Dravidian language, but in
their customs and appearance they resemble the Gadabas who in turn
speak Mundari. Now, it is quite apparent from the recent genetic studies that
the Ollar Gadaba are distinctly Dravidian in origin and genetically distant
from other Gadabas.
Savara and Gadaba language are the principal Mundari
[Link], his son [Link] and Miss. A.M.C. Murno
have studied the Savara language in detail and the later author have
produced English–Savara and Savara-English dictionary. The Savara
language is said to be very similar to Juangas of Keonjhar, PalLahara and
Dhenkanal as also to the Parenga Porajas of Pottangi Block in Koraput
district.

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 Bell opines that the Kondh language and the language spoken by
Jatapu are [Link] is the language used by Konda Dora although this
language shows some resemblance to Kui which is of Dravidian origin and
can safely be classified as language of Kondh. The Kui language was
spoken by 22 percent of the population of the Koraput district in 1945. Bell
was of the opinion that there is probably half a dozen of different dialects of
Kondhs spoken in the district , but the data available at present are quite
insufficient to identify the language as per locality..Bell has given a detail
note on the languages spoken in Koraput district from the 1931 census. He
wrote that for every 1000 people in the district 552 have Odia as their mother
tongue,186 Kui or Kondh,73 Telugu, 53 Savara,39 Poroja,26 Gadaba,22
Koyya, 17 Konda,16 Jatapu and 8 Gondi.
However it can be concluded that the Odia and its local form called
Desia Odia spoken by tribals is the most spoken language in the district
followed by Telugu and others as Kui of Kondhs, Gadaba and Sabara etc.
Many tribal people and their families after coming in contact with local Odia
adopt Odia as their mother tongue. Deshia Odia is the lingua franca of
different tribes of Koraput district. Meeting of different types of tribes in the
near by weekly hat ( temporary market) where they go to sell agricultural
and forest produce as well as to buy their necessities like salt, dry fish, cloth
and other fashionable things is a common phenomenon in all parts of the
district. In the Hat tribal of certain area come in contact with people of other
tribes ( with different dialects) and other non tribal mostly Odias. There they
speak among themselves in deshia Odia only which has a lot of
resemblance with Kosholi tongue of Western Odisha.
CUSTOM AND TRADITION
Cremation and Burial
In general the people of Koraput follow the disposal of dead bodies by
pyre and children, people dead by smallpox and infectious diseases or killed
by wild animals are disposed off by burial. The Christian and Muslim
community follow burial method as per their religious practices.. It is a very
elaborate procedure among the Gadabas and Sabars in the district and is
very expensive.
Among the Bhumias the dead are burnt and pollution period lasts for
nine days. On the tenth day a ceremonial bath is taken with friends and
relatives and a feast with copious supplies of liquor is held. The relatives and
ladies who attend the tenth day ceremony are dressed in white clothes .This
is also the custom of the Malis.

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 The Bhottadas burn their dead and observe pollution for ten days
during the period all agriculture activities come to halt. On the tenth day the
funeral rites are completed in the cremation ground.
Among Chitra-Ghasis the dead are burnt and death pollution is
observed for three days during which the caste occupation is not carried out.
On the third day the ashes are collected together and a fowl is sacrificed.
The ashes are then buried or thrown into running water.
Gadaba, as a rule burn the dead bodies but if a person dies in the
night or on a rainy day, the corpse is sometimes buried. Only relatives are
permitted to touch a corpse. Death pollution is observed for three days,
during which the caste occupations must not be engaged in. Stone slabs are
erected to the memory of the dead, and sacrifices are offered in elaborate
and most expensive ‗Gotar ceremony.
Elwin has elaborated the ceremony of death among Sabars in detail.
They perceive soul of the dead family members a threat to the family and
village. The disposal of the dead is a very long process with ceremonies. But
it is not a separation. After death the corpse is laid on its back across the
mortar in the central room of the house and is covered with a cloth. Women
carry the corpse out of the house and lay in on a plank of wood in the street
outside. They remove most of the ornaments, bathe the body and comb the
hair before the final rites start.
The Magadhia Goudos bury the dead in sitting posture like many of the
Telugu Goldsmiths in Jeypore
Normally the tribes express the cultural identity through their custom,
tradition, festivals, dress and ornaments. A certain name is coined especially
for the identity of a tribe e.g. the Paroja, the Kondh, the Sabara etc.. Every
tribe has a place of origin but it is not clear. They have their own oral
language for interaction. They are a highly disciplined society and abide by
social customs and village rules. They avoid marriage between tribes.
Matrimonial relation outside the tribe results in out casting. The tribes
maintain inter discipline and never criticize others. The neighboring tribes
attend the ‗Gotra ‘ceremony of the Gadaba families whenever it occurs.
Each tribe maintains its tradition, own social bondage and village
discipline. They abide by the dictates of traditional village council. All these
play a key role in maintaining customary law and institutions like youth
dormitory, worship, economic policy, and gathering of food from forest, slash
and burn cultivation, and handicraft etc. for their liveli hood. They live with
‗Nature ‗and Nature is their life and their god. Each tribe is a homogeneous

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tribe. It is said that each individual tribal lives for his tribe and the tribe lives
for the individual.
Salient Features of Tribal Socio-Cultural Life
They live in relative isolation usually in hills and forests in interior area.
Their social identity is defined and redefined from time to time. They
constitute simple societies which are socio-culturally [Link]
have their oral language or dialect for communication. A particular tribal
community is endogamous and is divided into a number of exogamous
divisions. They have low access to education and health care services. They
possess their own socio-cultural history which may not berich and un-written.
They have their rich cultural tradition and heritage although their social
organization is simple.
Other Cultural Milieu
Organization of Societies
Traditional Village Council
In the past they lived in isolation in forests, respected the rights of
neighbors, used limited technology and religion was mostly the animistic as it
looked but after deep study it can be concluded that most carry tinges of the
past association with Jainism, Buddhism and [Link] of some
major native tribes of the district are given below.
Sl. No. Name of the Tribe 2011 Census
1 Bhottada, Dhotada, Bhattra 78,649
2. Bhumia 52,576
3. Dharua 8,402
4. Gadaba 68,677
5. Holva 3,061
6. Jatapu 95
7. Kandha, Gauda 1,085
8. Khond,Kond, Kandha 1,95,154
9. Konda,Dora 4,141
10. Kotia 3,378
11. Matya 920
12. Omanatya 17,463
13. Parenga 8,296
14. Paroja 2,21,828
15. Pentia 9,632
16. Saora, Savar, Saura, Sahara 3,126
17. Shabar, Lodha 799

General structure of Tribes in Koraput

The Schedule tribe (ST) are 50.58 percent of the population in Koraput
distrit as per 2011 census. Total scheduled trbe population as per 2011
census is 6,97,583 which includes many other tribes with small population
who are notput but have migrated from other districts. native tribes of Kora

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Paroja and Kond are the major tribal group followed by Bhottada, Gadaba
and Bhumia tribes. The district has Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic races and Indo-
Aryan races.
Bhotada
The Bhattra tribe are also knownas Bhottada, Bottada, Dhotada and
Dholado, as denoted in several literature. Stuart (1891) wrote, ‗Bhattadas
are a class of Oriya cultivators and labourers speaking Muria or Lucia,
otherwise known as Basturia, dialect of Oriya‘. The language is classified as
Indo-Aryan. Bell (1945) said, ‗Bhottodas are the typical agricultural caste of
Nowrangpur and north Jeypore‘, but Nowrangpur and Kotapad is the region
of concentration for the tribes. To be more specific of Bhattra tribe
distribution, it starts from Nuagaon that is 6 to 7 Kms. from Borigumma
extending into Kotpad, Kodinga, Kosagumada, Papdahandi, Umerkote and
Jhorigaon of Undivided Koraput district in Odisha. They are 117, 297 in
Chhattisgarh and 247, 710 in Odisha as per 1981 census report. The
Bhattras though are living here for centuries as known from their folklore,
through possible linkage verification and literature it is taken that they have
come here from the south.
Elwin writes ―In Warangal lived the Bhattra caste; in these days there
were no Murias. After a time the Bhattras decided to leave Warangal and
only five Pengu Parojas were left there……‖
Bell [Link] said, ―They are accepted as being within the Hindu fold,
stand high in the social scale and wear the sacred thread; permission to use
that was bought by their ancestors from the Raja of Jeypore. Their origin is a
matter of some doubt. They all speak corrupt form ofOr iya and not even a
vestige of a tribal dialect survives. Bhattra tribe has traveled through ages,
and thus many dynasties and religion. However, it cannot be ruled out they
have retained Oriya culture which is very ancient.‖
The tribe is divided into endogamous divisions, styling themselves
Bodo and Sano, of whom the former claim to be a purer descent, and into
exogamous totemistic subdivisions. Thurston [Link] (1909) cited Hayavadana
Rao who said, ―The caste is divided into three endogamous divisions, viz.
1. Bodo, or genuine Bottadas; the same are also presently known as Pita
Bhattra.
Madhya, descendants of Bottada men and non-Bottada women;
(Sargimundi) Sanno, (Batamundi, Masnimara who are derogatively
called Muria Bhattra) who are descendants of Madhya men and non-

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 Madhi women. The Bodos do not inter -dine with the other two sections,
but males of these do eat with Bodo.
These divisions are important in respect to social status and marriage
endogamy besides these they have no other connotations in social-ritual
differentiation.
The Bodos have various exogamous septs or bonsha or clans, which
are as follows
Kochimo - Tortoise
Bhag - Tiger
Goyi - Lizard (Varanus)
Nag - Cobra
Kukuro - Dog
Makado - Monkey
Cheli - Goat
Onka - Wild Gourd
The Bhattras are very well built and of medium height, the complexion
varies from light skin to dark. The head is round, slightly broad nose, and on
the whole they are very attractive people. The women are attractive, equally
well built and strong. They are pleasant and friendly people [Link] villages
are very neatly maintained so also the houses. The houses have generally a
large area around with mud wall boundary. They are reputed cultivators
under low moisture conditions. Rice and ragi are staple food of the
[Link]-cousin marriages are common, adult marriages are practiced,
and spouses are generally acquired through negotiations. They pay bride
price and either spouse has right to divorce, widows and divorcees are
allowed to remarry. Bhattra women play an important role in agriculture,
religious rituals and socio-activities, in addition to their regular domestic
activities.
A traditional community council headed by a Bhat Naik settles the
community disputes. Adultery, rape, divorces out of traditional norms and
theft are the punishable offences and punishment is imposed in the form of
cash fine, social boycott and excommunication. They have family and village
deities and Pujari performs all rituals.
Bhattra claim to be superior in rank to Omnatya and Bhumia with whom
the men can dine except in social functions. Bhattra women are forbidden
from even drinking water from any other tribe including the higher caste
Brahmin and Karan houses.

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Sabara
Sabara is an ancient known tribe of India. Sabara tribe has a long
history that traveled with time from Ramayana to modern time. The tribe has
been spelt in various literature, epic and authors as Saora, Soara, Sabar,
Shabar, Soura, Sar, Sayar, Suir, Sahar, Soria, Swiri, Siwir, Surris and Saura
etc. Sabara are also referred as Boyas in some literature. They are Austro-
Asiatic in origin. Sabar tribe inhibit in Koraput-Ganjam (Gunupur and
Paralakhemundi region) and Western Odishaa. Thurston and Rangachari
(1909) have given a vivid account of the tribe. Roy (1927), Ramamurti (1931)
and Sitapati (1938) have given separately the grammar of the tribes‘
language and culture in detail followed by Dasgupta (1938) and others.
Elwin (1955) (6) studied and reported the religious belief of the tribe in great
detail
Elwin (1955) gave a detail account of Saura or Sabara tribe of Koraput
in his study. We have taken the following classification of Sabaras in
Koraput from his studies. They are: Lombo Lanjhia or the Hill Sabaras. Jati
Sabaras are a branch of Hill Sabaras who do not eat beef, Arsi Sabaras
wear loin cloth and are hill Sauara, Jadu Sabaras live on the tops of hills of
Jerango of Gajapati district. They claim equal to Jati Sabaras, but later group
do not agree. Kindal or Takala Sabaras are basket makers. Kumbit Sabaras
are potters.
Hill Sauras of Koraput district
Further Elwin continues, Lombo Lanjhia is the only single term, which
covers all the Hill Sabaras as distinct from the plains Sabaras of the Kampu
or Sudda type. Another group is called Arsi Sabaras. Arsi means monkey,
but the name has no totemic reference and the only reason for it seems to
be the curious affinity which many Sabaras have for monkeys, and perhaps
the long-tailed [Link] (1993) studied Sabara of Koraput and said,
―Above all, their (Sora) linguistic connections lie ultimately with the south
east Asia. Linguists classify the Sora language as belonging to the Munda
group, which includes some other Indian ‗tribal‘ languages such as Mundari,
Ho, Santal and Bondo; while they consider this group itself to be a branch of
the Austro-Asiatic family which includes Mon-Khmer languages such as
Cambodian, as well as many of the languages of the interior of the Malay
peninsula and of the Montgnard peoples of Vietnam.
The Sabara villages are mostly homogenous. The Sauras are mostly of
short stature and of below medium height. They belong to Austro-Asiatic
branch. They are non-vegetarian in food habit and consume gruel made
from rice, ragi or millets. They are fond of alcoholic drinks. Milk and milk

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products are consumed very rarely. The Sabara are very efficient cultivators
and practice multi plant mixed farming on hills including slash and burn
cultivation. They harvest their crops for seven months serially. They plant
more than 35 plant varieties in different time and type of land sequence in a
small 2 to 3 hectares cultivable land. It includes crops, vegetables, fruits and
tubers etc. They thus harvest the total crop in a sequence and it is very
efficient system. The Sabara are very knowledgeable on crop physiology
and inter cropping [Link] have traditional village council headed by
Gomango, and supported by religious head Buya. Though they have
innumerable deities, Uangum (Sun) is their principal god. Saura women
draw artistic line figures on the red mud painted walls of their houses with
different designs. Saura paintings acquire a reputation in the field of art and
quite even outside Odisha. Other non tribal artists have started imitating
Saura art. In Koraput district, they live mostly in Narayanapatna Block in
small number. Saura painting has acquired reputation among the non tribal
both in and out side Odisha.
Gadaba
The Gadaba tribe‘s main concentration is in Lamataput, Nandapur and
Semiliguda blocks of Koraput district. They still adhere to their old cultural
values like celebration of Gotar ceremony. They eat beef; where as the
Gutob Gadaba tribe in Jeypore, Kundra and Koraput block like to
differentiate themselves as Bodo Gadaba or Bhoie or Gadba. Gadaba or
Gadba tribe is a primitive Austro-Asiatic tribe. They live in Koraput and
Kalahandi districts of Odisha, also in Srikakulam and Visakhapatnam
districts of Andhra Pradesh. Ramdas (1931), Furer-Haimendrof (1943) and
Bell (1945) have classified the tribe in various ways. Thurston and
Rangachari (1909) first classified Gadaba tribe under the following sections.
They are
1. Bodo or Gutob
2. Parenga
3. Otaro
4. Kaththiri or Kaththara
5. Kapu
The Bodo Gadaba are known as Gutob Gadaba on the hills and are
called ‗Bohie Gadaba‘ in plains of Jeypore because of their former position
as palanquin bearers to Jeypore Raja.
Gadaba villages are beautiful, houses are scattered with small
compound wall. The villages have Sodors, that has numerous stoned slabs
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and some slabs are also kept in erect [Link] Gadabas are cheerful
and friendly people, mostly of fair complexion, medium height, well built,
muscular men attract the by-passers, so also the Gadaba women who are
equally well built and strong. In elderly people numerous facial wrinkles do
appear. It is not so with the new [Link], no more are large ear
rings adorn women or Kerang cloth around the head and their original
homemade Kerang clothes out of a tree fiber to be seen. They dress like any
other people around. Gadaba tribe has a peculiarity in making Keranga
clothes out of the bark of Keranga tree which is a wild tree grown in forest
.Gadaba men collect the bark of the tree and also make a special type of
loom to weave the cloth. Gadaba women extract fiber out of the bark and
after washing and drying, both men and women engage themselves in
weaving cothes with embroidery in the specially designed loom. In course of
time this art is dying as youth male and female lack in interest in this intricate
art. One such kerannga cloth last for nine decades. In the Tribal Museum at
Koraput, one such specimen of a loom and a cloth are kept.
The buffaloes are used as religious beast of burden in ceremonies like
Jenkar and Gotar. They eat beef and flesh of other livestock and poultry,
whereas the Bohie Gadabas of Jeypore have come in contact with the
officials, various other people serving the Raja of Jeypore for a century thus
their culture and life has been influenced by the non tribal considerably.
They do not eat beef anymore; feel offended if this question is asked. The
Gutob Gadaba tribe is well known for its Gotar celebration. It is an elaborate
ceremony where the family members of dead prepare passage of the soul of
the dead to the other world on buffaloes as vehicle. The similar concept is
also seen among tribes of Indonesia. They have striking similarity in the
process of celebration, where a large number of buffaloes are offered as
gotar buffaloes to the dead as well as for the grand feast of relatives and
friends. It is wild feast with drinks and dance. The proud family opens a
healthy buffalo for the crowd assembled in the gotar ground and the young
men run mad with axes and knives to capture the running buffalo amidst
crowd for its life. The buffalo can be captured alive or dead by any group in
the crowd and then it belongs to them. This act looks like a battle field and
people receive serious injuries and even death occurs some time. It appears
as if the savage act of cattle theft long known among pastoral communities
of the past reappears alive.
Apart from carrying out domestic chores, the women participate in
economic activities, particularly in agriculture. They do take decision in all
spheres of family life. The Gadaba are good agriculturists of the district and
famous for millet and rice cultivation and are the custodians of large bio-
diversity of plants.
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Origin as of Folk stories of Gadaba
Elwin had reported in detail the folk lore of Gadaba tribe and they are
cited here. There were twelve Gadaba brothers living on the Surawali
Mountain. They had no proper food to eat, but a she-goat fed them with its
milk. The other story goes ―twelve Gadaba brothers were born in the
Godavari region, when they grew up they came to Jeypore in search of
wives. Then the eleven brothers said to the eldest brother, ‗Now you have a
wife and children, you stay here‘. The children of the Asurin were real
Gadabas. The eldest brother later took another wife and her children were
known as Parenga tribe‖. Another reference speaks, ‗the twelve Gadaba
brothers were born on the banks of Godavari river,‘ and another folk story
depict, ‗a merchant had a very lovely daughter. One day he took his
daughter and bullocks to Nandapur and camped there. Form there two were
born the Gadabas and Parenga, the Gadaba is the elder and the Parenga is
the young brother.‘ The above folk story prevalent among Gadaba has a
commonality that they came over from area of theGodavari.
Phratry in Odia and English Clan names
Durka Bagh or Tiger Muriatil,Manji, Saratil, Segakor, Konya, Leya
and Lenja
Ontal Nung or Cobra snake Guga, Pombul,

Meen Matsya or Fish Khota, Mundagadia, Khodria, Korrekor

Kisavale Gish or Valture Khosratil, Supaktil, Supia, Durla, Servatia,
Jani
Ilij Bhalu or Bear Supratil
Kora Sun Tharub, Nandi, Chimetka, Sakia

The village committee has Naiko who is village head, Palas is the
hereditary religious head and Disari performs evil and disease treatments.
The other members are Bejunis and chief Raitas. They celebrate Pus
Parab, Kalin-vate Kegintam in the harvesting floor, Nandi Vate, Chait Parab.
However, Bat Viba and Sani puja is performed to treat diseases. Thusu and
Jha (1969) wrote, the Ollar Gadaba believe that all persons possess the
soul, locally called jive. It cannot be seen by eyes but finally departs from the
body when the person dies.
Ollar Gadaba
Durka Bagh or Tiger Muriatil,Manji, Saratil, Segakor, Konya, Leya and
Lenja
Ontal Nung or Cobra snake Guga, Pombul,

Meen Matsya or Fish Khota, Mundagadia, Khodria, Korrekor

Kisavale Gish or Valture Khosratil, Supaktil, Supia, Durla, Servatia, Jani
Ilij Bhalu or Bear Supratil
Kora Sun Tharub, Nandi, Chimetka, Sakia

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 Gadaba tribe has played significant role in the services of Jeypore Raja
and considered most faithful. Thurston and Rangachari (1909) divide the
(Gadba) tribe into five sections, namely, (i) Bodo or Gutob, (ii) Parenga, (iii)
Otaro, (iv) Kathathiri or Kaththara, and (v) Kapu. According to them, the last
two sections were found by them to be settled in the plains, originally
belonged to the Bodo (Gutob) and Ollar Gadba, having migrated from the
hills. The Ollar Gadaba are also called Hallari and Ollari.
Furer-Haimendorf (1943) wrote, ―The Bodo Gadaba living in the vicinity
of the Dudma Falls of the Machkund River are distinct from the Olla(r)
Gadba of the Lamtaput and Nandapur areas.‖
Bell (1945) has revised the old editions of the District Gazetteer.
However, he has noted three sub-divisions of the Gadba in the district of
Koraput, namely, the Bodo, San and Ollaro. He has further mentioned that
other types (of the Gadba) are found in small numbers inhabiting the fringe
of the ghats in Vizagapatnam district from Salur southward to Naraspatam.
The Ollaro Gadbas are described by him to be a small community, who
speak a Dravidian language, but to all outward appearances they are similar
to other Mundari-speaking Gadbas, whose own name for themselves is
Gotub.
Thusu and Jha have shown that the two linguistically related groups of
people, namely, the Dharua and the Ollar Gadaba, overlap and inter-mingle
territorially. Thus, the whole stretch of territory appears to form continuous
tract which starts from Ralliguda, encompasses Pottangi,
Nandapur,Semiliguda,Lamtaput,extends beyond Salmi, Mohappadar etc.,
into the districts of Bastar. The houses are built on the lower slopes of the hill
range. A separate house called Sodar is available for meeting place to all
villages. Ollar have the following phratry
The village committee has Naiko who is village head, Palas is the
hereditary religious head and Disari performs evil and disease treatments.
The other members are Bejunis and chief Raitas. They celebrate Pus
Parab, Kalin-vate Kegintam in the harvesting floor, Nandi Vate, Chait Parab.
However, Bat Viba and Sani puja are performed to treat diseases. Thusu
and Jha (1969) wrote, the Ollar Gadaba believe that all persons possess the
soul, locally called jive. It cannot be seen by eyes but finally departs from the
body when the person dies. They perform ‗Nandi Vate’. It has Nandi Bhoji
or feast and Nandi Nanch (danu). In Gugaguda the Nandi Vate was
performed by Mundagaria Sanyasi. The Sanyasi word has tinge of Jain
culture

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Paroja
They are pronounced as Poroaja (Thurston and Rangachari, (1909)
some write Paraja (Carmichael, 1861), Parajas (Ramdas, 1936), Poraja
(Mohanty, 1990), (Bell, 1945) and Parja (Elwin 1947).
The Paroja is a pointing to multiethnic groups living in Koraput district,
and some in Kalahandi district of Odisha. The term Parja is, as Carmichael
(1861) has pointed out, merely a corruption of a Sanskrit term Praja
signifying a subject. It is understood as such by the people themselves, who
use it in contradiction to a free hill-man. ‗Formerly‘ ‗says a traditional folk lore
of the tribe, ‗Rajas and Parjas were brothers, but the Rajas took the riding
horses (for, as the Baranga Parjas put it, sitting still) and we became carriers
of burdens and Parjas‘As per views of Carmichael as suggested above that
the name when prefixed to Poraja name is the name of ruler with whom the
tribe was associated, in other words the said Paroja community were
subjects to that particular dynasty. For example, Pengo paroja were subject
of Eastern Chalukya of Vengi.
Grierson (1906) stated about Parja language as ―hither to been
considered as identical with Bhatri. Bhatri has now become a form of Odia.
Parja, on the other hand, is still a dialect of Gondi.
The Porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made
up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies
according to locality remarked Thurston and Rangachari [Link].
Later Ramdas (1936) classified Porajas as following,
1. Bodo Porajas or Sodia, who do not eat beef
2. Sano Porajas, who eat beef
3. Jodia Porajas, who eat beef.
4. Perang Porajas, who eat beef.
This classification appeared at the time when every other Poroja
classified by Hayavadana Rao were reclassified as independent tribes on
the basis of linguistic and racial features. The classification of Ramdas is
based on a compact community of Poroja who had somehow interconnected
by rulers, dynasties, religion and topography. The Bodo and Sano Paroja
physically closely resemble to each other. They are distinct from Austro-
Asiatic people like Gadaba and Sabara. Strikingly they differ from
neighboring [Link] some populations of Parojas they have somewhat
light skin complexion but generally they are of all dark skin complexion
people. The population shows homogenous physical features. They are of

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medium height. The head is long. The nose is broad but sharp at the tip. The
men‘s chest is hairless. The beards and mustaches are like mongoloid
pattern. The hair on the head is straight but curly types. The elderly people
show wrinkles in face, near eyes and sometimes at forehead. The women
are slim and sleek. The thigh and calf are well developed. The women are
attractive with bright large eyes and smiling. The innocent smiling woman is
captivating and elderly women are full of love. They are warm people to
friends and relatives.
Mohanty (1990) have recorded exogamous totemic septs (clans) such
as Bagh (Tiger), Kachhim (Tortoise), Bokada (Goat), Netam (Dog), Gohi
(Lizard), Pandki (Dove), Bedia, Moria, Sodria, Haikaria, Chemia and so on.
They highly respect their respective totemic species. Poroja have following
divisions in their society based on duties, which were allocated since ancient
period when the tribe group started [Link] are Ajani,Mudli,
Bhalodi or Bhoie, Kirsani, Narangi, Karanjia, Bodonayak, Nayak and
[Link] live in Koraput hills that includes the northern end of Koraput
block, which is contiguous to Kakrigumma of Laxmipur block .Villages do
exist in plains of Jeypore and several of them are married in community on
the uphill of Kolab Dam and vice versa.
The Paroja of Girli area, Damanthpur call themselves Barang Paroja
and don‘t like to be referred as Jhodia Parojas. There is some settlement of
Barang Poroja north of Nandapur region and contiguous to Padua. Thurston
and Rangachari [Link]. referred them as Barang Jhodia Porojas and have
described few interesting notes on them.
The Paroja construct village on an elevated place and close to water
point. The settlement pattern in the village is as a rule independent of any
kind of status or position. The regular streets are narrow, based on
availability of space and land; mostly paved with stones to facilitate the
regular flow of rain water. The houses are constructed as wall to wall close
to each other in a row and the space in front forms the street. Generally it
can be two rows of houses having a common street but one-line houses
forming a street in front is also not uncommon. Behind the house there is
little space which serves the cattle byres and sheep-goat sheds. However,
pig stall is built under the veranda with wooden planks or even at a corner if
a small space is available. This is to make sure that pigs are protected from
predators. The houses are made of mud wall, but now a day they use bricks
and roof is thatched with rice straw or forest grass lay over bamboo frame.
The roof slants in gradient equally on both the sides that is efficient to drain
rainwater. Now days roof of asbestos, tile or tin sheets. The housing pattern

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indicates that Parojas are very individualistic in family life but live in single
community structure.
Village Institutions
Ulaka (1976) wrote, ―there are mainly two important places in each
Poraja village. One is known as Berana Munda and the other Nisani Munda.
A constellation of some circular stone slabs lying at the center of the village
is called Berana Munda. The Poraja denote this place as Mandu Dand,
which lies in front of the house of village Headman. The people of the village
gather at Berana Munda or village assembly and discuss matters relating to
the village and the festival observed in the village. The village sanctuary in
which the deity called Hundi debatais installed is called Nisani Munda. It is
made of stone slabs and encircled by Menhers, which are fixed erect on the
ground round the shrine. Hundidevta consists of an earthen pot and a
chopping tool made up iron and an iron pole, which is fixed, into the ground
ever since the village was established. The iron pole is kept fixed and
undisturbed in its original position. But the earthen pot and iron chopper are
replaced with new ones thrice in a year, once in the month of Srabana(
August- Septeber), and once during any ‗Nuakhia‘ (new harvest eating)
ceremony or just before Chaita Paraba( February- March), and finally at the
end of the year in accompaniment with proper rituals and ceremonies. The
main element of the ritual consists of offering to the deity of animals such as
fowls, goat and pig which are sacrificed with the help of the new iron chopper
The other village institution that is special to the tribe is dormitory for
unmarried youths, the boy‘s dormitory is called Dhangda –Basaghar and for
young ladies is Dhangadi-Basaghar. All adolescent unmarried boys‘ and
young women sleep in their respective dormitory, but girls sleep under the
supervision of an elderly widow. Divorced and young widows also join the
dormitory. On the onset of evening the young people come together and
play drums and dance in front of the dormitory (Berana Munda) and then
retire to sleep. This event is very common in all seasons except rains. The
Porajas love to sing songs and skilled to make poetry. A question and
answer type of song competition (Laga Gita) with one another in a group of
young men and women is common to the tribe.
In moon lit night all communities of tribal youth, both male and female
congregate together in the village and enjoy in merriment of song and dance
in the village when the elderly folk watch with amusement. Women hold
waist and hand of each other in a line led by a senior woman at the
beginning of the line who holds a pluck of pea cock feather. They dance in a
curve accompanying to the tune of the beat of drum like Dhemsa, Madal and

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blowing of horn pipe and Mahuri. Swinging of body by the women resemble
the PAHANDI of Lord Jagannath, Puri during car festival.
Social Structure
The administrative structure of Paroja village consists of Jani, Muduli,
Disari, Gunia, Gurumai and Bhatanayaka
Jani is the hereditary village priest. The eldest son of the Janis takes
over the position when it is vacant. He is also the custodian of the village
welfare and responsible for village based religious ceremonies. They are
very responsible people and act patiently in a team.
Muduli is another village chief. He is in charge of all affairs concerning
village and community. He is the leader and the center to all villages‘
activities. The Muduli is also hereditary position.
Chalan is a responsible person who acts as per the guidance of Jani
and Muduli and peruses the community, to follow or implement as the case
may be.
Disari is the chief diagnostic personnel who prevents the evil spirits
and harm thereof to village subjects. He can work for other villages on
request. They work for such issues at family level also. Disari predicts
auspicious dates and times for village community celebrations and social
functions to families.
Gunia is a sorcerer and also medicine person. They utter mantras to
relive evil spirit, pain on subjects, even work on the advice of Disari. He tries
to cure the illness by herbal medicine. They charge some amount of fees,
rice, chicken and wine etc. to the patients for their services.
Gurumai is an elderly women priest, most have jolted hair and people
pay respects with fear. They perform ‗Bat Viva’ an elaborate ceremony. The
patient and his family reach out skirt of the village and wait at the junction of
roads. She does the marriage of the evil spirit of the patient or village with
another, a good spirit, and thus orders them to leave the patient and make
promise that they shall not disturb the village subject and allow peace to
prevail. The Gurumai also take up small puja assignment in homes of the
families. The Gurumai can be more than one in a village. They play
important role in Nandi Puja performance of Parojas. People respect her out
of some kind of fear. Many men do not like that their wives to be Gurumai.
Bhatanayak - Acluster of village may have one Bhata Nayak. The
office of Bhatanayak is only to induct those members of the community who
were debarred by the respective community and declared out caste. When a
person is out caste it implies to all members of his or her [Link] casting
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is due to marriage in another caste or tribe, beaten by Domb caste person,
bitten by dogs, or injury by tiger, maggot wound on the body [Link]
Bhatanayak readmits the person into the community by performing
purification rites. In addition to the cost of rites the outcaste person has to
contribute one pig, a goat, fowls, rice and some cash, which is spent for a
village feast. All village people join and work together for the feast. Some
rupee is placed underneath the leaf plate on which food in served to
Bhatanayak. This money is a gift to Bhatanayak
Moda dhangada In poraja villages there are hereditary position to
families who are allowed to perform certain last rites to community members
and they are four such members. They join together and remove the dead
person from the house and later they do all that skills required to burn or
otherwise bury the dead.
The Paroja community is famous for their Nandi Puja that is performed
in every three years in the munda or village of origin in cluster basis.
Bhumia
The Bhumia tribe is mainly concentrated in Jeypore subdivision, mostly
in Jeypore, Kundra, Boipariguda, blocks. The population of Bhumia tribe is
about half a lakh in number. Thurston and Rangachari (1909) said, ―The
Bhumias are an Oriya caste of hill cultivators, found in Jeypore Zamindari.
According to a tradition, they were the first to cultivate the land on the hills. In
the Central Province they are said to be known as Baigas, concerning whom
Captain Ward (1870) writes that the decision of the Baiga in a boundary
dispute is almost always accepted as final, and, from this right as children of
the soil and arbiters of the land belong to each village, they are said to have
derived their title of Bhumia, the Sanskrit bhumi meaning the earth‖.Thurston
and Rangachari continue to say. ―For the following note I am indebted to Mr.
C. Hayavadana Rao. The Bhumias have septs, e.g., bagh (tiger) and naga
(cobra). A man can claim his paternal aunt‘s daughter in marriage. The
marriage ceremonial is much the same among the Bottadas. The jhotta tonk
(presents) consist of liquor, rice, a sheep or fowl, and cloths for the parents
of the bride. A pandal (booth), made of poles of the sorgi (Sal) tree, is
erected in front of the bridegroom‘s house and a Disari officiates. The
remarriage of widows is permitted and a younger brother usually marries his
elder brother‘s widow. If a man divorces his wife, it is customary for him to
give her a rupee and a new cloth in compensation. The dead are burned,
and pollution lasts for nine days. On the tenth day a ceremonial bath is
taken, and a feast, with copious supplies ofliquor, isheld. In parts of the
Central Provinces the dead are buried, and two or three flat stones are set
up over the grave‖
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 At present the main concentration of Bhumias; are the plane lands of
Ramgiri, Baipariguda, Jeypore, Kotpad and Mathili part of Malkangiri district .
During British administration the Bhumias had revolted against the
oppression of Doms at Ramgiri and Baipariguda area.
Bell (1945) said, ‗they do not possess traditions regarding the country
from which they migrated to Jeypore, nor the time when their migration took
place, but maintain that they are sons of the soil‘.
They are peace loving people produced the great son like Laxmana
Naik who sacrificed his life in gallows in fight to end the British rule of India.
They wear thread like Brahmins and worship Birkhomba god, two km from
Baipariguda. The Bhumia divide them as Bodo (Senior) and Sano (junior)
groups, the Sano Bhumia are also known as Buri Bhumia or Matia who
mostly live in Ramgiri and north of Malkangiri including Kudumulgumma.
Now-a-days, couple of marriage between both Sano and Bodo Bhumias
does take place, which some years back was forbidden.
The Bhumia are tall and of dark complexion, thinly built people,
considered handsome men and beautiful women by neighboring tribes.
They are hardworking settled agriculturists. On the whole, they are quite
intelligent and wise people, who show cool behaviour. They show a very
highly collective and disciplined behaviour in their society and pursuance
towards living.
The Bodo Bhumias have the following bonsho or clan and are
Nag - Cobra snake
Bagh - Tiger and
Surya - Sun
Among the Nag bonsho there are numerous sub-clans. Generally in a
village, families of one Bonsho only reside and marriage in inter-bonsho or
clan is allowed but not in [Link] Bhumia ladies have a good say in
family decisions and take active part in meetings and express boldly their
opinion. They control the expenditure of the home, and take care of the
poultry, home vegetable garden and livestock.
The Bhumia are hardworking agriculturists. They do well in rain fed
cultivation. The ragi and rice are the staple food. They are good in rice
[Link] grow arhar (pigeon pea) and sorghum in their fields. The
backyard farming is well maintained by women. Fruit trees form a larger part
of living, particularly the jackfruit. They prefer sheep, poultry and duck;
however, cattle and buffaloes are there in the [Link] quickly follow

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and adjust to new development in agriculture sector. The personal hygiene
is well maintained, even the village hygiene.
Konda Dora
A brief account of Konda Dora has been given by Thurston and
Rangachari (1909) who cited the observations of Surgeon Major
[Link] (1871), H.A. Stuart (1891), W. Francis (1901) and also
unpublished observations of C. Hayavadana Rao (1909) .Bell (1945)
reviewed the above-published reports and gave a brief account of Konda
Dora.
The Konda Doras, a Scheduled Tribe of about four thousand population
in Koraput district.. They are tribes in the eastern part of Koraput district on
3,000-foot plateau, which has obvious affinities with the Kondhs. The Konda-
Doras (literally in Telugu ‗lords of the hills‘) are a tribe of hill cultivators.
Surgeon-Major Cornish (1871) writes, ―contrasting strangely with the
energetic, patriarchal and land-reverencing Parja (Poroja), are the
neighboring indigenous tribes found along the slopes of the Eastern Ghats.
They are known as Konda Doras, Konda Kapus and Ojas‖. Bell says, ‗In
spite of their high sounding title they are generally underdogs and the
lordship of the hills in the area which they inhabit belongs to Muka Dora and
(in Vizagapatam) the Bagats. The Konda Doras have a language of their
own, which has been described in Madras Census Reports as the ‗Konda‘
language and which is clearly allied to Kui, the language of the Kondhs.
Members of this tribe all speak Telugu, sometimes exclusively, sometimes in
addition to their own language.
Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao says, ―There are among the Konda Doras, two
well defined divisions, called Pedda (big) and Chinna (little) Kondalu. Of
them, the former have remained in their old semi-independent position, while
the latter have come under Telugu domination. The Chinna Kondalu, who
have been living in contact with the Bhaktha caste, have adopted the Telugu
system of intiperulu, as exogamous septs, whereas the Pedda Kondalu have
retained the totem divisions, which occur among other hill castes, e.g. Naga
(cobra), Bhag (tiger) and Kochchimo (tortoise).‘
It is interesting to note that the Chinna Konda Doras of plains are out
casted by Hindus due to beef eating whereas the Konda Dora of hills has not
the free and confident bearing of the Kondh, but he is an honest cultivator
with no leaning to crime.
Omanatya
The Omanatya, a tribal primarily living in Jeypore-Borigumma-
Nowrangpur belt of Odisha are also known as Omaitos, Omanaitos,

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Amanaitas or Omanatya or but they pronounce as ‗Omnyat‘. They are
spread into South Bastar. They are Saiva pujaris. Omanatyas are Saivites,
who brought the cult to Koraput plains. According to Bell (1945)‖ interlining
with the Bhottodas is sometimes permitted and the customs generally
resemble those of the caste, except that it is said that an item in the
marriage ceremony is a free fight with mud for missiles. Like Bhottodas the
Amanaitas are divided into two endogamous divisions named Bodo (senior)
and Sano (junior).‖ Thurston and Rangachari (1909) said, ―The Omanatya or
Omaitos are an Oriya cultivating caste. According to a tradition the ancestor
of this caste was one Amatya, a minister of Sri Rama at Ayodhya. The caste
is title is usually Nayak, but the more prosperous take the title Patro‖.
The tribe is divided into two endogamous sections called Bodo and
Sano. The former claim on higher social scale than the later ones. The Sano
are said to have born out of Bhattra, Gond and other tribal women and Bodo
men [Link] Omanatyas have the following clans
1. Surja ... Sun
2. Naga ... Cobra
3. Bagha ... Tiger
4. Cheli ... Goat
5. Turinja Macha ... Fish (Turinuja variety)
6. Kaiencha ... Tortoise
7. Kumuda ... Cucurbita maxima or Pumpkin
8. Lau ... Bottle-gourd
9. Kukur ... Dog
10. Silabonso ... Stone
11. Khirbonso or ... Milk
Dudha bonso
12. Sua ... Parrot
The family is patrilineal. Nuclear families are the chief social units. The
number of joint and extended families are few. They also live in a
heterogeneous village society and maintain homogenous socio-economic
ties with the other communities living there. The other communities living
around are Paroja, Gadaba, Bhattra, Pentia, Kumar, Dom (SC), and Tantis
(SC) etc. They have both row and cluster arrangements of houses in
villages. The Omanatyas speak Odia. They do not eat beef, rabbit, pork and
dead animals. They do not eat from higher caste Brahmins.

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 Comparatively the Omanatyas have more number festivals and
ceremonies in their life than other neighboring tribes. Omanatyas came with
Savite tradition that too the Bhairaba cult into Koraput district as evidenced
from the duty and responsibility distribution at the Borigumma Deulguda
temple. The Jangam priests are worshipping the Siva-linga and the
Omanatya priest of Old Borigumma is in charge of Bahairaba puja in the
same temple; possibly they had replaced the Jain faith in the area. The
Jangams are Saivites who probably came with the Western Chalukyas from
Karnataka and are seen in Koraput, Bastar and Andhra Pradesh. At the
same time you can find the Mali, Bhumia, Bhattra and Omanyats etc as
priests to SivaTemple in the district of Koraput.
Dharua
Dharua are also known as [Link] report on the Dependency of
Bustar by Capt. Glasfurd, the then Deputy Commissioner of Sironcha (1862)
was the first person on record, who has mentioned about Tugara and Parja.
Brett (1909) said, ―the two sub-tribes of the Parja or Dharuas, namely Peng
and Mundra, removed to Jeypore ‗now in Koraput district.‘ Russell and
Hiralal (1916) mentioned that out of three divisions of Parja tribes, only
Tagara or Thakara is found in Bastar. Thusu (1965) has extensively studied
the Dharua tribe of Bastar and opined that Tugara (Tagara) or Takra
(Thakara) albeit Parja, none of them would prefer to be known at present by
any other term than that of the [Link] word Tagra means ‗basket‘.The
Dharua group consciousness is reinforced by their speaking a common
language which has been called Parji (Burrow and Bhattachary, 1958). This
language is independent member of the Dravidian linguistic family, closely
related to the two languages spoken by the Ollar and Koya tribes of Koraput.
Dhurwa are found in Bastar and spresds into Koraput district of Odisha.
Thusu (loc. cit.) said, ‗The Dhurwa occupy, at present, the central -eastern
portion of the Bastar district, but they are also found to overflow in some
directions beyond the Kolab-Saberi river in the contiguous district of Koraput
(Orissa). Quite a few of them live in Ramgiri hill area. On the whole Dharua
are well built handsome, medium to tall, muscular body people. The
complexion is mixed.‖ The Koraput Dhruwa tribe of Gupteswar region, since
2004 are recognized as Scheduled Tribe members in Odisha state.
The following cleans are found among Dhurwas (Thusu loc. cit.)
Nags - Cobras -
Da (Bhag) - Tiger
Kovva (Kacheem) - Tortoise
Bokara - Goat
Konda(Gaunr) - Bison
Rami - A bird
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 The Dharua men almost except for loin-cloth-cum-waist cloth (Kangru)
remain bare-bodied. The Kangrai is a white cloth with brown border and is
even called as ‗dhoti‘. The decorated Kangrai is used for dance and special
occasions. Dharua men while going out of village wear a turban called peta.
Now-a-days shirts are common. The Dharua women wear cotton saris called
ganda or dhoti. The mother is secluded after delivery, on the seventh day
she smears the house with cow dung paste and takes bath and thereafter by
a brief ceremony is followed to allow her to resume daily work at [Link]
believe in rebirth of deceased elderly people, which is confirmed by the
ritualistic practice of peeking of a chicken in the name of the deceased from
the hands of the new born . The name giving ceremony is preformed after
fortnight or so of the birth of the child. In some cases, the hair cutting
ceremony of the newborn is performed on that day.
Kondh
The Kondhs are one of the largest tribal groups in Odisha. There are
about 1,95,000 kui speaking Kondhs distributed on the hills of northern
Koraput district; but it is interesting to note that Kondhs are found all through
out the district. They have been spelled as Kond, Khond, Khand or Kondh,
and Kandha. The word Kondh has come from the word Konda, means hills
in Telugu.
The Kondh tribe in Koraput district as a whole can be classified under
the following manner.
Kuvi speaking Kondhs villages spread over the hills and valleys of north
Koraput district.
Desia Kondhs are said to be migrant groups of Maliah Kondhs. Local
population of non-tribes influences them. They are found mainly below the
Eastern Ghats and the costal plains.
The Kondhs believe their spiritual traditions as the foundation to their
survival and development. McPherson in 18th Century gave a detail account
of Khonds religious activities with reference to Meriah (human sacrifice)
investigation and prevention. The first contact to Kondhs by British was in
1835, whilst engaged in military operations for the reduction of the
Zamindary of Goomsur, in Ganjam [Link] (1954) remarked ―Deep in
every Kond heart‘ is the belief in the sacred and fertilizing power of human
blood, and it is of course, for their practice of human sacrifices that they have
become known throughout the anthropological world. There is extensive
literature, ranging over a century, on the subject. Today, the usual substitute
for a human being is a buffalo, which is called by the old name Meriah and in

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some of the remote villages old human skulls are still used when the animal
is offered to the Earth Goddess.‖
Boal (1982) wrote, ―Kondh relationship to their land is far more than
economic. This will be seen more clearly regarding the central rite of the
Meriah/Kedu (human/buffalo) sacrifice offered to the Earth Godess.
This attitude has a direct result upon land tenure procedures. For
instance, when new ground is broken, even a small hill-plot, eggs as a
fertility symbol are offered to the hill Gods and as year succeeds years, an
ear of grain set aside from the previous crop is offered. This is distinct from
offerings made to ancestor spirits who constantly accompany one on such
work-occasions.‖
Kondh society
In general it can be said that Kondhs are simple, straightforward,
believe in community sharing traditions, courageous and hardworking
[Link] group is further divided into a number of exogamous lineages
like Jakasika, Hauka, Prska and Kadraka etc. Lineage names are prefixed to
their own name. The Kondhs have been living in most unyielding hilly
terrains for centuries. After the most arduous clearing of forest during ‗podu‘
by all family members exposed to sun, rain, light and air, away from
shadowing trees, these slope lands yield food through crops.
The Kondh people are very well built, and their body attracts visitors.
They take time to be friendly with outside people. The women equally work
hard like men in gathering food and additional house care etc. The women
do not take active part with men in group discussions, but stay as listeners
and little away from the place of discussion.
Parenga
The tribe is referred in literature as Parenga, Peranga and Parenga
poraja by [Link] Rao first reported on Parenga poraja of
Koraput (Thurston and Rangachari,1909).They are Austro-Asiatic. The
women are beautiful with fair yellow skin. The face is long, prominent lip,
long small black eyes; well built body of women, muscular men are
attractive. When grow old wrinkles in the face gradually appear. They are of
medium height, gentle and well behaved ard intelligent. The women now
days prefer to wear long saris which is longer than parojas and is well below
the knee; but in the past like Gadaba women they were also using Kerang
woven clothes from home. They believe they have come down to the present
habitat through Jolaput area. They are distributed in the following Gram
panchayats of Nandapur; --Badel, Belaput, Otunda, Thuba, Paroja

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bodopodor, Hikmiput, Bheja and [Link] are also found in Araku
valley of Andhra [Link] are mostly located on highlands and
preferably on foothills, which imparts good drainage of rainwater. Most
village streets and house front yards have pavement of stone slabs. Parenga
houses are small cozy, like any other neighboring tribe. Walls are clay paste
layered, and most houses have two rooms with a single entry door with no
windows. The spacious raised veranda serves multipurpose need of the
households and guests. Men spend time idle and gossip in leisure on the
veranda where as women does the core work of preparing grains, grinding
ragi and sauna etc. Underneath it lays pig sty with strong door to save them
from predation. Poultry in most cases is stored here. Some households also
make small bamboo fence around for their privacy. Families dry harvested
grains in the open space before the veranda and it then serve the space for
evening dance. Almost all houses have spacious boundary wall made up of
small stone layers that stands about three to four feet in height. Cattle byre is
located before the house but is little to the corner.
The Parengas have the following phratry
Khilo - Bagho or Tiger
Nag - Cobra snake
Khora - Sun
Golari - Hanumankad or Indian Langur
The Parenga tribe has the following clans
Mudli, Sisa, Kirsani, and Gamel – they come under Bagh or Khilo
Daten, Pujari – they come under Nag
Majhi and Rungda – they come under Golari
Hanjole or Ongole – they come under Sun or Surya or Khora
The village has the following people with specific function. Nayak is the
chief of the village and is hereditary. Pujari (priest) may or may not be
hereditary. Some can be elected to perform village regular pujas and
offerings. Disari does the ceremony to propitiate the evil spirits to check the
diseases likely to come out of the evil spirit. Gurumaie plays vital role in bali
celebration and does the Bat Viva of evil spirits for families on request. Bodo
roito are those with large land holdings. Dang gamel dhangda is the village
appointed on annual payment in kind to graze the livestock herd of the
village. Chalan is the person who acts as a messenger. Sisa or Jani does
the puja also.

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 They go for major promise offers to get a child, relief from diseases etc.
to Kendupada .They go to Simanchal, near Visakhapatnam on pilgrimage
also.
It is worth mentioning here that besides the tribes described above who
are native tribes of Koraput district, there are some other tribes who are not
original natives of Koraput district are aso found in 2011 census report for
Koraput. They are Banjara, Bathudi, Bhunjia, Binjhal, Ho and Juang. Their
number as per cenus of 2011 are given below:
Names of Tribes
Banjara 77
Baththudi 141
Bhunjia 49
Binjhal 23
HO 44
Juang 02
Kisan 383
Kolha 186
Apparently these tribes from other districts have come to Koraput in
connection with jobs and have settled in this district. They are not to be
confused with the original tribes who are native inhabitants of this district.
General Structure of Caste
About the castes of Koraput district the following general observation
may be made. More and more castes are demanding lower caste status to
be classified in Schedule tribe and castes or Other Backward classes to
obtain benefit from Government programmes. Brahmins have remained at
the top of the caste structure and their role in rituals is recognized throughout
the [Link] castes and tribes have assimilated to different groups as
usual in all census to look more [Link] most villages, particularly in
hills the caste people live in as one or two families and do their traditional
jobs. The social structure is changing due to education of younger
generation and the traditional dress and ornaments are being replaced by
modern age dresses and ornaments. The following are some of the major
and minor castes, tribes in the Koraput district.
Badhei
They are also called as Maharana and mostly do carpentry work in rural
and urban area. The Odia Mahranas had come to the district from
Parlakmundi in the time of the Zamindar.

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Bagata
A small number of Bagata tribe, live in Padua region of Koraput district
a spread into Andhra Pradesh. Culturally and through heritage they identify
themselves with inland fishermen community.
Thurston and Rangachari (1909) cited Hayavadana Rao who writes
that the Bagata is divided into different exogamous septs (intiperulu in
Telugu), some of which also occur among the Kapus, Telugus and Vantains.
Thurston and Rangachari (loc. cit) said, ‗on the Dasora day they
worship, the fishing baskets and also a kind of trident‘. The said trident might
be the instrument to hook down the fishes. Bagatas in Kotpad area of
Koraput practice shifting cultivation.
Bariki
The village watchman cum messenger are called Bariki and they
belong to Schdule caste.
Bhandari
They are the local barbers. The Rajas used to employ them to guard
their treasures (Bhandara Ghara) thus the name Bhandari. The Odia
Bhandari occupies higher position than Telugu barbers.
Dhoba
Dhoba are the Washerman caste of Odisha. There are Odia Dhoba and
Telugu Dhabas in the district.
Dhuliya
It is a small caste of Odia Cultivators live in southern part of Koraput
district extending into Malkangiri district. They use sacred thread and are
Vaisnavas. Their name has been derived from ‗Dhuli‘or the dust., the dust
relates to those who work with soil.
Gudiya
They are professional sweetmeat sellers and are found in small
numbers. They are ranked higher in the social scale. Their caste is divided
into two sections, one those sale sweatmeat the other engaged in
agriculture. The former are called Gudiya and the later Kolata, Haldia or
Balasi Gudiya in different localities.
Kansari
They derive their name from ‗Kansa‘, a bell metal dish. They make
household utensils in their domestic workshop. Their status is little higher
than the cultivator caste.

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Karan
The Karan are considered to be next to Brahmin in caste social scale.
According to some authors they have come from Gangetic plains of north
India and one branch may be from Karnataka.
Kshatriya
The family chronicles ascribe a very ancient origin to the line of the
Jeypore estate. The Rajas and their descendants claim to belong to solar
race. According to Thurston and Rangachari, Jeypore was a place of
Kshatriyas. The Kshatriyas social status is equivalent to Karanas though
between themselves they contest the relative position.
Kumbhara
The potters are called Kumbhars in Odia and Kumara in Telugu. These
names have been derived from Sanskrit word ‗Kumbhakra‘, the earthen pot
maker. In social position they are considered to be a superior class of Sudra.
The Jeypore Rajas used to organize ‗Kundi Amabasya‘in Jeypore where
Kumbhars an important role.
Lohara
The Lohara, Luhuras or Luhara are an Odia caste of iron smith. The
name has been derived from Loha or iron. It is mentioned that the Lohara
have no connection with Kamaras (Blacksmith) and Badhei (Carpenters).
Sundi
They are reported in the Madras Census Report 1901 that they are
Oriya toddy selling caste. They are also money lenders and well known as
‗saukars‘to local people. The ladies in the caste are vegetarians. The Kira
sundi are numerous in Borigumma region They distill liquor out of Mahula
flower and sell to others. They do trade and business.
Teli
The Telli are engaged in oil extraction by pressing oil seeds by an
indigenous instrument called ghani pulled by bullocks and sell to others.
They are divided into there sections namely, Haladia, Baladia and Khadi.
The Haladia were originally the dealers in Turmeric. The Baladia name is
derived from the fact that they carry goods on pack-bullocks. The Khadia are
mainly engaged in extracting oil in oil ghani locally.
Tantis
The hereditary profession of the Tantis is weaving clothes and still
many are engaged in the district in that profession. They use local looms for
weaving.

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Brahmin
The Odia Brahmin of Koraput belong to Utkala section of the Pancha
Gaudas, as per Thurston and Rangachari (1909). Koraput had Brahmin
population since the ancient period of Vakataka dynasty who ruled Koraput
and they were themselves Brahmin. The Inscriptions discovered so far
relating to Nala dynasty in Umerkote are written in Sanskrit so it can safely
be concluded that Brahmins‘ presence was since then. The Koraput
Brahmins are classified into the following sects
1. Santo (Samanta, a chief)
2. Danua (gift receiver)
3. Padhiya (one who learns Veda)
4. Sarua (dealeares in Saru tuber Coocasis antiquotrum)
5. Halua (those who use bullocks to plough)
6. Bhodri (Bhadriya, an agraharam on the Ganges)
7. Barua ( after a small sea-port-town)
8. Deulia (one who serves the temple)
9. Katakia( Kataka, Palace, those who serve in the Palace of Zamindar)
10. Sahu (engaged in money lending)
11. Jahdua (Jhad or Jungle)
12. Sodeibalya(those who follow an ungodly life)
In 1901 report of Madras Presidency, it is mentioned that the Santos
regard themselves superior to others and only perform Purohit work of the
Raja. The Danuas take gifts from wealthy especially at funerals. The
Padhiyas have knowledge of the Vedas and are priests to the Raja and
wealthy Sudras. The Saruas cultivate saru or Árum‘and the Haluas are
plough lans for agricultural operation. Some Saruas take up Purohit work but
not the Haluas.
Many Brahmin families have migrated from Ganjam and Gajapati
districts and have settled long since in Koraput districts. There are many
Brahmin dominated villages in the district like Kumuli, Kamta, Gumuda in
Bhirab Singpur police station.
Chandala
A schedule caste, named Chandalas are found in Jeypore sub-division
i.e. Borigumma, Kotpad area extending into Bastar district of Chhattisgarh.
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These people are professional weavers, and famous for their special skills.
Chandalas and another schedule caste called Chamars of Kotpad are
distinct in their racial features. They are fair in complexion, with coloured
retina (eyes) and sharp features.
Chitra-ghasi
They are a class of artisans, and are employed in manufacture of
brass-metal jewellery which is largely worn by the tribes of Koraput. They are
different than the Ghasis and are not classified in SC category.
Scheduled Castes in Koraput
Domb
Schedule caste population of the district is 13.04 percent of the total
population, of which Domb alone constitute 73.09 percent and are the major
caste group. Others as generic caste like Ghasi etc are 8.44 percent and
Dhoba or Washer man 3.27 percent. Ghasis are considered inferior to
Domb. The name Domb or Dombo is said to be derived from the word
―Dumba‖ meaning devil, (Thurston & Rangachari, 1909). Mr. H.A. Stuart
(1891) writes, ―Dombas are a Dravidian caste of weavers and menials, found
in the hill tracts of Vizagapatam (Koraput district of Odisha). This caste
appears to be an offshoot of the Dom caste of Bengal, Bihar and North-
Western provinces.
There are folk stories among tribes of Koraput that the Dombs came
later to their country along with Brahmin, Paiko and others.
As per Madras Census Reports, 1891 ―, the following sections of the
Dombs are recorded Onomia, Odia, Mirgam, and Kohara.
The sub-divisions seem to be are Mirigani, Kobbiriya, Odiya,
Sodabisiya, Mandiri and Andiniya
According to Bell ([Link]) there appears to be two main sub-divisions
among the Dombs namely the Oriya Dombs and Miriganis. The former who
are more numerous are further subdivided into Kuppias, Maggulis and
Mandiris. Among the Miriganis there are also three sub-sects, namely
Kobbiria, Vodillia and Andiniya. All these groups are further subdivided, as is
usual in the Agency, into exogamous totemistic steps. The Miriganis
generally regard themselves as superior to the Oriya Dombs and in fact are
they are better both in economic status and social customs. In general they
earn a livelihood by cultivation and weaving and are not to any great extent
addicted to crime.‖

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 According to Mr. Hayavadana Rao, the Dombs are the weavers,
traders, musicians, beggars, and money-lenders of the hills, some own cattle
and cultivate. Bell ([Link]) (12) said, By profession they are drummers,
weavers or village watchmen in Koraput district.
Bell further continued, ―Though occupying a position so low in the social
scale as to justify their inclusion among the ―depressed‖ classes, their lot is
far from being the unenviable one of outcaste in villages of the plains. In
intelligence the Domb is easily superior to the aboriginals in whose midst he
lives, and is usually able to earn a comfortable livelihood by his wits. In some
of the wilder and remoter parts of the district the position of the village
watchman or bariki is one of the great influence. Where the tribal do not
know language other than their own tribal tongue they rely upon the Dombo
not only for interpretation but advice, whenever circumstances require a visit
to the Sahucar, the police station or the Magistrate‘s court. Manual labour is
not much to the taste of the Domb and he finds it more profitable to huckster
in the weekly market and pick up commissions on the transactions, which he
puts through on other behalf. Most of the cattle trade in the district is
conducted by the Dombs. This holds still today good.
Gaudos
Classification of Gaudo sect is on a region based identity. They still
carry their past root and identy. Mogotho or Magadhia Gaudo are major in
Kalahandi District but spread across Muran-Indrabati river and into hills of
Koraput sub-division. They are also called Magadhi Gaudo locally. It is
beloved that Magadhi Gaudo possibly came from Magadha (Pataliputra);
however their strong presence around Muran river in Koraput suggests their
past link and came with Gupta invading armies. In Kashipur they have the
following surnames such as Karkaria, Hansa, Ada, Jal and Nag where as in
Dasmanthpur area of Koraput sub-division they are Bagha, Naga, Kodo,
Sorai, Kosali, Niali, Ada, Kota, Peji, Gua, Kadam, Ghee, Vemal and Gumal
etc.
The other Gaudos are:
1. Khandia Gaudo (Kakrigumma Bidakhandia). They are also known
as Kathargaudo.
2. Dongiyad Gaudo They are found in Nandigaon, Bisali, Madubisali,
Potipar, Jhilikebri etc. villages in Koraput district.
3. Dud Kosalia or Kosalia Gaudos As the name suggests they were
from Kosala region.

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 4. Magda, Maghdia Gaudos possibly were originally from Magadha of
present day Bihar. They say that have come from Gopa or Gopapuri,
however they do not know where the place is located. They are
distributed in Muran, Dasmanthpur of Koraput district and Kashipur
of Raygada district as well to Kalahandi district.
5. Lodia Gaudo
6. Bernia Gaudos are a group born from tribal wives.
Magada Gaudo
The Magada Gaudo live on hills of Koraput around river Muran. They
are distributed in Dasmantapur area apart from Muran, and extend into
Kalahandi districts.
The clans of Magada Gaudo areBagha, Naga, Kodo, Sorai, Kodali
Niali, Ada, Kota, Peji, Gua, Kadam, Ghee, Vemal, Gumal [Link] clean
shave the scalp of children, at least once after birth, and a tuft of hair is left
behind the occiput for girls. Women still tattoo body as in the past; men
tattoo the ventral portion of left arm. The Magada Gaudo women are
forbidden to eat poultry and alcoholic drinks.
They have Bhat Nayaks unlike many other neighboring tribes; who
decide issues related to outcasting and community issues. Magadia Gaudo
claims that the communities Dhrama guru are Kurumputia, who come from
Godavari country. They are strictly vegetarian and only eat before sunrise at
five A.M. They use cloths, which are dipped, in [Link] someone is dead,
they dispose the dead body by burial in sitting posture. They give white
cloths over the dead body.
The Magadia Gaudo celebrate festivals of Chaitra,Bhadrava, new
eating ceremony ,Dipabali festival,Baliparda in Bhadrava month, where they
used to go earlier days to Jeypore king‘s palace and witness the germination
festival or Bali jatra. In most ceremonies and pujas Magadias place a small
umbrella made up of bamboo, where cotton threads are woven in parallel in
circular manner giving the appearance of an umbrella. This is called ‗Cha
Mali
The Mali people live in Koraput district. The Malis‘, in the Madras
census Report 1871 as indicated by Mr. H.A. Stuart runs, ―are now mostly
cultivators, but their traditional occupation (from which the caste name is
derived) is making garlands, and providing flowers for the services of Hindu
temples. They are especially clever in growing vegetables. Their vernacular
is Uriya.‖ It is further recorded, in the Census Report, 1871 that ―the Malis
are, as their name denotes, gardeners. They choose for their settlements
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sites where they were able to turn a stream to irrigate a bit of land near their
dwellings. Here they raise fine crops of vegetables, which they carry to the
numerous markets throughout the country.‖
Thurston and Rangachari (1909) wrote, ―For the following note I am
indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The Malis say that their ancestors lived
originally at Kasi (Benares), where they emigrated to serve under the Raja of
Jeypore.‖ He further noted that they are divided into the following division,
Bodo – live in Pottangi and Koraput.
Pondra—live in Nowrangpur and Kotpad
Kousalia/Kusilya- live in Kalahandi and Parlakhumundi
Panara- live in Jeypore
Sonkuva- live in Gunupur and
Dongrudiya- live in Nandapur areas.
The name Pondra is said to have been derived from ‗podoro‘, a dry
field. Main concentration of Bada Mali is around villages of Nandapur region
in Koraput, there form they migrated to Jeypore plains, Koraput, Nowrangpur
plains,Semiliguda, Narayanapatna and Ramagiri [Link] Mali who
live on the hills of Koraput are considered to be lower in rank to Bodo Mali.
The Kusilya Mali said to have come from Kalahandi region into Koraput hills
through Kashipur and now live in Koraput and Semiliguda. The Kusilya Mali
in Nowrangpur region are also known as Rauto. They claim to have lived
Nandapur region, which they left later; however the reason of migration is
not [Link] Panara Mali, another class are seen in Nowrangpur region.
The Kusilya Mali call themselves to Penera Mali. The Phul Mali are also
known as Sano [Link] Mali are out of marriages between Mali
and local tribal women. They form the last stratum of Malis.
The Kusilya Mali have the following clans, Kirsan, Agni, Pujari, Kakdia
(may be Kakatia), Pulapuria (may be Palava related)
The Malis do not eat poultry and goat which is a taboo to the
[Link] Malis dispose off dead both by pyre and deep burial. Over the
pyre wood first banana leaf is laid and then the dead body is laid. A white
cloth sheet covers the body; a log is then loaded above the body before
th
lighting the pyre. The pollution period lasts for 10 days. On the 9 day, the
son digs a hole inside the house and beside it takes a meal. When it is
finished, he buries the plates along with a lamp in the said hole. They
celebrate Pus parab where the village offers sheep and household then
celebrate the festival at home. Chait parab (February- March) has the same

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components like other tribes and hunting expedition forms one important part
in it. Osha parab is celebrated to eat new rice of the season. Dialiparab
festival of light is a very important festival of the [Link] munda is the
main parab celebration and they call it ‗Mulla parab‘, where in the dark moon
period of Asadha month, they place kendu twig and other plant branches in
the center of the paddy fields to ward off pests and diseases to gain good
harvest.
In general, one can say that the festivals or parabs are mostly related to
agriculture. The Malis celebrate Bali puja for three months and it is an
elaborate affair.
Among the Bodo Mali, a man can claim his paternal aunt‘s daughter in
marriage. The marriage takes place before the girl reaches puberty
(Thurston and Rangachari,1909). Now marriages are preferred as per
country‘s law. A marriage pendal is constructed before the bridegrooms‘
house. It is covered with mango and jamun leaves. The pendal has four
supporting pillars. Every pillar has pots which placed one on each other. In
the middle of the pendal a mattress is spread, and to the pendal a cloth, with
tamarind fruit, rice and coins tied up is attached. The couple sit down on the
platform of the pendal, and the priest gives the groom a sacred thread. The
bride is presented with a necklaces, ornaments etc. by the bridegrooms‘
party. On the fifth day the couple are ceremonially bathed with turmeric
water followed by a regular bath in the nearby stream.
Widow remarriage is permitted and younger brother usually marries the
widow of his elder brother.
The Malis now-a-days eat poultry and [Link] Mali women are most
beautiful of all in the district; most of them are fair complexion. The nose is
straight and sharp, lips are thin and the hair style of women is unique. They
tie long saris that are given a knot at right shoulder and hangs two to four
inches down the knee. The women have ‗sacred thread‘ like Bramhin male
which has ceremonial significance to the Malis. The Mali men are thin and
tall, grow long hairs, both men and women work in vegetable fields. Malis
live in villages where there is perennial water flow and use it for irrigating the
field where they grow crop and vegetables. They are disciplined people and
go well with neighbour.
Pentia or Halba
Comparatively small group of tribe are known as Holuva, Halaba or
Halba was reported by Thurston and Rangachari, [Link] are found in
south of Chhattisgarh state and have spread into Koraput in Odisha.

137
 Grierson wrote, ‗Linguistic survey also point out to the fact that the
Halba are an aboriginal tribe, who have adapted Hinduism and Aryan
language. Their dialect is a mixture of Uriya, Chhattisgarhi and Marathi.
There is another saying prevalent where it is said that the Halbas came
along with one Raja of Jaganath in Orissa to Bastar and then to Kanker
Sihawa jungles. The king was suffering from leprosy. He was cured of the
disease and became the first king of Kanker, thus the Halbas continued to
be the household servants to the family till today.‖ Grigson is of the opinion
that that the Halba seem to be the descendants of the old garrisons of Paik
militia.
As per Administrative records Pentia and Halba are classified as
separate tribes. The Halbas of Jeypore region call themselves Pentia
whereas the Halbas in Mathli region, border to Bastar call themselves as
Halba. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao (1909) cited by Thurston et
[Link] the Pentias had migrated from Bastar and settled at Pentikonna near
Potangi of Koraput district, thence are known as Pentia or Pentiya or
Pentikonaya. They lost a war and were in Malkangiri of Dasmanthpur. This
fact is still acknowledged by the tribe. The Pottangi hill Mohaprabhu is the
main place of worship of for Pentias as claimed. There are villages of Pentia
near Bastar border close to Mathili and it is surprising that Pentias of
Jeypore belt have no relationship with the Pentia of Bastar .
The Halba are of Aryan stock, fair looking people and well-built and
comparatively tall. At present their main occupation is cultivation in Koraput
district.
Halbas have territorial and titular names and many totemestic names
.They are Ghsorpatia (a horse), Kawalia (lotus), Auria (tamarind), Lendia (a
tree), Gohi (lizard), Makjur (a peacock), and Bhringraj (a black bird). The
Bastar totemistic groupa are known as Barags and Thok.
The Halba in Koraput (in Jeypore) has the following clans Bareng,
Mudli, Nago, Dalaie,Sunakaria, Kaktia,Uparia, Soam, Khamaria, Dhangundia
and Makad,
The Mudli and Dalaie are ‗bhaiea loak‘( blood relation), thus no
marriage takes place between them. So also Dhangundia and Makad; and
Khamaria and Dhangundia are ‗bhaiea loak‘.
They can ‗Pani Chibae‘ which means can drink water from Bhumia,
Bhattra, Omnyat and Goudos and Brahmins.

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RONA
Subdivision
Other castes close to Rona are (a) Barhatika Paika, (b) Putia or Dhulia
Paika, (c) Katia or Kutia Paika. Among these sections, the Barhatika Paikas
occupy the highest position in the social hierarchy. The Ronas and Kutias
have the same status next to Barhatika Paika. But the Ronas do not relate
themselves to either with the Barhatiks Paikas or Putia Paikas
Folk Stories and origin
The Ronas as their folk stories claim have come from Raipur area, in
search of land to Nandapur-Jeypore. These are the same Rauts of the
Chhattisgarh, a cultivator caste later claiming to be ‗Kshatriya‘ or fighter
castes. Thinly build, flexible body, light to fair complexion, intelligent people
love to live in clusters. They feel superior to all except the ‘Paikos‘ . The
Ronas are distributed along Nandapur. Semiliguda-Jeypore belt.
Rona society has got nine exogamous clans. Each clan is again sub-
divided into several sub-clans (3). The names of the clans and sub-clans are
given below
Clan. Meaning Sub-clans

1. Khila Tiger Duru, Masti, Matam, Majhi, Malik, Mukhi

Paradhni and Podal.
2. Khara Sun Badam, Dalapati, Domsuni, Dumka, Darli,
Eringal, Khada, Kichae, Kanteri, Khurdi, Majhi,
Patar, Pujari, Paradhani, Sagri.
3. Hantal Snake Pali and Diari
4. Khinbudi or Bear Machria and Majhi Kinbudi.
5. Bardi Goat Dalpati, Pujari, Tamli, Tangul.
6. Gunta Fish Machh, Majhi, Pardhani
7. Sukri Cow Naenda (Nauria)
8. Pangi Kite Sengarbi
9. Golari Monkey
Families use the names of clans and sometimes that of sub-clans as
surnames . Similar Clans names are also found among the Putia Paika,
Kutia Paika, Barhatika Paika and Dom.
The Ronas are primarily cultivators, but landless families work as daily
wage earners.
Paiko
It was noted by Yule and Burnell under the heading Paik or Pyke that
―Wilson gives only one original of the terms so expressed in Anglo-Indian

139
speech. He writes, ‗Paik or Payik, corruptly Pyke, Hindi., etc. (from
[Link]) , Paik or Payak, Mar., a footman, an armed attendant, an inferior
police and revenue officer, a messenger, a courier, a village watchman‖.
Thurston and Rangachari (1909) wrote, ―In the Madras Census Report,
1891, Paiko is defined as ―rather an occupational than a caste name. It
means a foot-solider, and is used to denote the retainers of the Uriya Chiefs
of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. These men were granted lands on feudal
tenure, and belonged to various castes. They are now ordinary agriculturists.
Some are employed in the police, and as peons in the various public
departments.‖
In the Vizagapatam Manual, 1869, various castes are referred to as
being‖ all paiks or fighting men.
Paikos have been recorded in the past census as a synonym or sub-
division of Rona and Paikarayi occurs as a title of Badhoyis.
Bell (1945) writes,‖ The Paikos are found in every taluk of the district,
but the Oriya Paikos of Gunupur taluk are more advanced economically and
educationally than their relatives elsewhere, probably because they have
been not so isolated from the Oriya culture of the plains. The men of this
caste are descendants of the military caste who maintained the prestige in
battle of the Gajapati kings of Orissa in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Their social customs are similar to those of the Ronas; and like the later
many of them are in the Maharaja‘s services.‖
Kottia Paiko
The Kottia, are also known as Katia, Kottiya, Khatia or Kutia. They are
a little known and numerically small tribe found mostly in Koraput of
[Link] are mainly distributed in Koraput, Jeypore, Boipariguda,
Ramagiri, Mathili, Machkund, Nandapur, Pottangi till Salur. Now most of
them have been displaced by the Kolab dam project and have gone to the
plains of Jeypore and to other places. Madras Census (1901-1902) reported
the community as a section of the Oriya cultivators found in Vizagapatnam
Agency. Kottiya Paik are the descendants of Rona Paikos and women of the
hill tribes. On the other hand Pattiya paiko are the descendants of Kottiya
Paikos and women of the hill tribes.
The Kottia Paika are classified as a caste close to Rona. Other castes
classified near close to are (a) Barhatika Paika, (b) Putia or Dhulia Paika, (c)
Katia, Kottia or Kutia Paika. Among these sections, the Barhatika Paikas
occupy the highest position in the social hierarchy.

140
 They say they had a war with Doras and the Kottia Paikos were
defeated and their enmity maintained with Kondhs and Doras and they do
not pull on well with each other. They equate themselves with the Upper
class like Rona, Paiko, Dulia with whom men can take food, but the women
do not. They will not eat with Kumbhar, Mali, Gadaba, Parenga, Poraja,
Kondhs, Bhumia, Matia, Dom, and Jangia. The phratries of Kottia Paiko
are,
1. Khilo – Bhago or Tiger
2. Khora – Sun
3. Gutta – Sit
4. Hontal – Cobra snake

According to 1991 Censuses the total population of Kottias in the state

is 28,607. The Kottia speak corrupt form of Odia.
Bara wrote, ―The traditional ornaments of the Kottias constitute Khadu
and Pahnri made of brass and aluminum which are now placed by gold and
glass bangles. Nanguli, their nose ornaments is no more in use. It is
replaced by Khanja and Phuli. Nothu and Dandi are mostly made of gold.
Kala sorisamali and Nanpattiare used as neck ornaments. Pahnri is worn at
the ankle. The practice of tattooing is not common among them. ‖
Kotia male use sacred thread at the time of marriage, but it is not
compulsory to use it later on. The same tradition is followed by Bhumias
also.
They believe in re-birth and follow elaborate ceremony to ward off evil
spirits.
Widow and divorce marriage is allowed by them. A divorcee also can
remarry. Marriage with the maternal uncle‘s daughter and maternal aunt‘s
daughter is allowed in Kottia society.
Customary Practices of People in Villages of Koraput District
Nayak the hereditary village headman is consulted in matter of social
disputes and conflicts. He is assisted by the Chalan. The priest is known as
Pujari. The Disari acts as the man to predict auspicious day and time also
diagnose diseases from evil spirits etc.
The Traditional village council is the cultural center of tribal society and
village. It assigns various positions and specific duties to perform. Some
positions are hereditary and some are elective. The head of the village
council is the head of the village. These societies are organized in clans and

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the social hierarchy received little attention and there was no differentiation
between chief village functionaries and common person in the village
The villages of Koraput region has an organizational structure led by
head of the village called Nayako or may be Jani in some tribes; followed by
Sirhas, Disaries or the medicine practioners, some have a lady as Gurumai.
Jani also officiates as priest and Dissari as astrologer. Head man of Kandho
tribe is called Saonta .A nuke or elderly women as the case may be to assist
in some special ceremonies to ward off evil spirits from village or subjects.
Families with large land holdings do represent as member in these
committees. A couple of Dom caste living in the village are given position like
watchman, village messenger or interpreter to outside world. They also
render the services of barber and weaver. In some village councils Challans
assist the [Link] primary responsibility of the traditional Village council
in the past was to collect revenue for the Raja and maintain order in the
village. Additionally, the village head with the committee was responsible to
maintain village discipline, welfare of the people including organizing the
religious festivals and ceremonies that was being followed traditionally. They
were presiding on disputes in the village. Some societies have a person
called Bhat Nayak or Village Guru to take care of serious disciplinary issues
that demand out-casting a person along with the family which include inter-
caste marriages, beaten by a caste person, bitten by dog, maggot wound
etc. These societies in later centuries maintained strict intra- village
discipline and discouraged marriages between tribes and social interference
of any kind including personal behaviour. The villages with in a cluster were
brought together under a regulatory control called ‘mutha‘. Literally ‗mutha‘
means ‗closed hand‘. So mutha villages had their allegiance to the village of
origin called munda or mula village of the mutha. So most festivals were held
in munda village and all villagers the mutha participated actively. Mutha
concept continued in the British administration structure of Koraput agency.
The villages of Jhodia Poraja, Bodo Poraja, Pengo, and the Kondh sub-
groups has traditional chief of the village called ‘Jani‘, it is hereditary position
for each of the village. The Janis carry out the function of Nayako as well in
religious matters; however in some societies Janis have a limited function of
priests only. Similar position of ‗Sisa‘ is known in Bondo and Parenga tribes
and Jani who heads the village and is assisted by ‗Bis Majhi‘in village
council.
Now a days the democratically elected persons to the Panchayat
bodies hold the village council and the Panchayats. But the traditional
village councils are still functional. The new village elected members look
after the village development and welfare schemes.

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Clan Identity
The tribes are characterized to possess an elementary social structure
and each tribe has adaptive strategy within the scope. Each is known to
have its diacritical features that differs from the other tribe. However, the
Kondh Groups and Sabara- Gadaba, Paroja, organize themselves into
different decent groups well known as clan groups which guide their socio-
culture and politico-economic life. The clan identity is fundamental to their
tribal specific identity. The Jhodia and Bodo or Sodia Porajas have a
rudimentary form of clanship. So other tribes have clans or clan like structure
and the variations can be attributed to their fundamental attributes.
The totems
The tribals in most case are divided into exogamous septs; each of it is
named after a totem. The common totem are tiger, bear, cobra, dog, goat,
monkey, tortoise, lizard, cow, bull, vulture etc. There are totems named after
trees, sun. Children inherit totem name from father and marriage between
totems is forbidden. Animals‘ totem in account are not killed or eaten. The
concept is that the members of the totem is one family and strong bond
exists between the members and on death of a member observe three day
pollution and eat from the house of the wives‘ family.
Youth Dormitories
The youth dormitories (Dhangda and Dhangdi Basa) are most
significant tribal culture and social institutions. In the past, each tribal village
housed Dhangda basa (Boys dormitory) and Dhangdi basa (Girls dormitory).
In the evening all unmarried youth including widows assemble in a house,
specially constructed in the center of the village and spend the night there.
Men are not allowed to visit the ladies dormitory and the vice versa. An
elderly person of the village remains in charge of the dormitory and
maintains its discipline as prescribed by the village. It is exclusively for the
unmarried youth. In the evening the dormitory members start playing drums
and music that attracts dance and amusement. Sometimes they share food
in the dormitory. These institutions are declining fast and it may be due to
modern influence of education, radio, TV etc.
Types of Marriages
The marriages in tribal society in general have its own identity and do
not fall into the category of Manu‘s classification. There is marriage where
the groom‘s family pays a token of bride price; it is called by some as
reverse dowry of Hindus and others call it marriage by purchase. But in
practice it is a gift to the bride‘s family, which is used as a token of respect

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and well spent on members and guests in a grand feast. If the groom serves
in the house of the in-laws for three years it is called marriage by service;
where the groom can live with the in-laws, then he is called Ghar juaine or
can even live separately with his wife after the lapse of the service period.
Other forms of marriages are clandestine elopement, by forcible compulsion
by the groom with his friends over the selected bride. Tthe other one is
selection at the dormitory called dhangdi basa in Poraja community. It is a
primitive institution for eligible bachelors and permitted to the members of
the tribe only, where marriages are materialized. Alternately, the youth meet
in festivals like Dasara in Nandapur, Jeypore, and Kasipur or in Weekly
markets and marriages are settled. In many tribaes the general rule is to
marry the maternal uncle‘s daughter or maternal aunt‘s daughter.
The usual procedure is to pay visit to the girl‘s parent and gift some
liquor saying,‘ you have a beautiful flower, can we have the privilege to put
on our head?‘ They will pay one or more visits with liquor as present and if
accepted the marriage date is fixed. As said earlier the groom‘s family pays
in terms of cash, rice and livestock in the marriage that is spent in a grand
feast.
Women and Society
On the whole it can confidently be said that the tribal culture of Koraput
had given equal rights to women that can still be visualized. The Gond tribes
have given the right to the women to hold plough in the field and can sow
seeds, a right of fertility that is seldom given to women. The woman does not
hold the social office of village administration but have the right to attend the
discussion in most cases. The women priests are vital to the welfare of the
village community and they are respected. The women are pivot to livelihood
pursuit and contribute immensly in raising family and thus are important in
tribal ethos. They have maintained the heritage of the tribes, even the folk
lore, the agriculture biodiversity and the calendar of the year. Dance and
singing form an integral part of the social culture and life. They have the
privilege to go to market for purchase and marketing and economic freedom,
right to divorce; selection of life partners is bestowed to them by the society.
Common Names of Persons
Communities observe special name giving ceremony that has been
well documented in anthropological studies. In general the names of children
by people of Koraput selected refers to the days in a week such as person is
named, e.g., Aitu, Jyetu or Jyeta and Jyeti (Sunday), Sombaru and Sombari
(Monday), Mungala or Mangli (Tuesday), Budra, Budha, Budhu and Budri,
Budhbari or Budhi (Wednesday), Lekhma and Lakhmi or Guru and Gurubari

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(Thursday), Shukra and Shukri (Friday), Shainu, Sonia, Sonu and Sonai
(Saturday). Many names are also from mythological characters like Bhima,
Arjun, Parbati, Madhav, Ganga, Jamuna, Rama, Ramo, Lachaman, Sadava,
Hari, Shiva, Mohadev. Some names on physical defiantly like Konda for deaf
and dumb, Bhaira for deaf, Chotta (lame), Baiyya (mad), Kaba (foolish) is
also seen.
Megalithic Culture
From down-south mostly the Dravidians came into Koraput. This is
evident from the anthropological studies, recent blood genetic markers as
well as the linguistic bases of the societies. Remarkably still today they carry
with them the Megalithic culture of peninsula. Large flat stones with a few
erect flat stones in village centers or crowded places are called Sodor
among Bodo Gadaba, Sano Poraja, Parenga tribe [Link] Sodor
varies in size and in general is the sitting place where villagers assemble
and rest or gossip. Children play around under the shade of trees of Sodor.
Similar culture of Sodor is also seen with the Ronas of Koraput. These
megalithic structures of Bondos are not limited to the cult of dead unlike the
Ronas. The Bondos do construct miniature dolmens consisting of table stone
supported by two or three smaller stones, and these are memorials
constructed in honour of wealthy dead, outskirt of villages in Grand
ceremony called Gota Mela.
Similar to Sodors most Jhodia Porajas construct the ‗Nisanmundi‘ in a
corner in the village. And generally Ficus infectra tree is planted close to it.
The village deity is worshiped at these sites.
The Sabaras a tribe of Koraput are also classified in Megalithic culture
by various authors in the past.
In the villages of Jeypore region , people offer terracotta horses, bulls
etc as witnessed in South Peninsula villages particularly in the Tamil country.
The practice was prevalent among Bhattra and Porajas of the said region.

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 Menhirs in a Koya tribe village

Nisanmundi with Ficus infectria in a Jhodiavillage

The peninsular societies with their megalithic settlements, cultivating

rice, using iron artifacts and with elaborate burial are quite interesting and
such evidence does exist in Koraput villages.
Livelihood and Bio-Diversity in Primitive Societies
Most of the societies in Koraput are tribal followed by caste people and
others. The tribal particularly of Dravidian origin also the Austro-Asiatic
groups can be classified as hunter-gathers and many are in transition to
settled agriculture or sedentary farming community. Most of them still follow
Jhum or Slash and burn cultivation, grow small millets of different species
and earn the livelihood from the gathering of forest products including fruits
and flowers also roots for food. The Sabaras are the tribes of hills and of
ancient origin grow efficiently more than 35 species of plants in small plots
on hills with perfect knowledge of physiology, root system and family food,
root and other medicinal value to the family

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 These societies in isolation have contributed to the development of bio-
diversity and its conservation. There were more than 1700 rice genotypes
including 70 known wild rice verities in Koraput district region as studied
during 1930s. The Austro-Asiatic tribes are said have the major contribution
in the direction. They have enriched the rice cultivation techniques; the
Gadaba, Sabara and even the primitive Bondo have contributed the major.
The Sabara tribe of Koraput is the only tribe who are known to have named
the months as per the agricultural activities. They are most skillful farmers on
hilltops to tame water for irrigation and use of more than 35 species of plants
for family food production.
In general, settlements occur in rice valleys and societies grow
agriculture base and get supplements from livestock production. The primary
crop in rain fed agriculture that is limited to short three to four months of
monsoon rains was the small millets and beans as the legumes. The
importance of crops is amply reflected in the ritual and ceremonies of
primitive tribal societies. Ragi and Rice forms the most favourable crop along
with bovines that was primarily for draft followed by buffaloes for milk
production in the region. Many tribes milk cows and quite a few are beef
eaters. Many tribes occupy the least productive semi-arid land and derive
their livelihood from rearing and breeding livestock of cattle, goat, sheep,
pigs; [Link] animal husbandry became the most vital element in their
life. Rearing of different life stock provides an in built security because at any
point of time epidemic does not strike to all types of live stock at a time. So
when certain epidemic falls on a particular type of live stock, tribal people in
a village are still left with other categories of domestic live stock. The staple
food of the families in the district is ragi and other small millets followed by
rice. They brew beer from rice and ragi called pendum. In some tribes like
Parenga brewing from ragi is forbidden probably due to food security issue.
The Bondo tribe prepares wine from several fruits and the Mahua forms the
major source. They are very fond of Salapha drinks that are collected from
Salapha (a type of palm plant) tree in summer. It is a popular drink among
the tribes and non tribes in Koraput. They usually consume brew in
preference to distilled liquor which is more expensive. On festive occasions
they buy distilled liquor from local distillers known as Sundhi; tribal prepare
their own brew for which they are legally permitted up to a certain limit. The
tribes do not cut any fruit tree or saplings.
Festivals
Festivals are integral part of the cultural life of the people of any region.
It is tied with religious sentiments along with agriculture events and fertility
cult in most cases. Some festivals like Rath yatra, Dasara, Bali jatra and

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Kundi amabasya were celebrated in the Palace of the former Maha raja
where the people from distant places of Koraput came to celebrate the event
and offered gifts to the rulers. Shivratri was also celebrated by the people in
their respective temples like Nandapur, Narayanpatna, Borigumma etc.
Chaita Parab, Pus Parab, Nuakhia, Diali Parab, Dasara, Amus Parab, Magh
Parab etc are mainly tribal festivals but the other neighboring non-tribal
communities i.e. Rana, Paika, Domba, Ghasi etc also observe these
festivals like their own festivals.
Bali Jatra
Bali jatra was observed in former capital of Jeypore rulers in Nandapur.
It was an important event where the first rice seeds were shown by the Sisa
family priests at Kutni parbad. Looking at the germination the future
prospectus of crop was predicted for the people.
Bali is an agricultural festival of Bhumia, Pentia, Omnyat and other
tribes of Koraput region. In Jeypore and Borigumma there are cluster of
villages with munda or mulla village where the Bali is celebrated by the
communities. Bali celebration is a village celebration and there is no caste
discrimination. It is observed once in every three years. But when crops fail
for lack of rains for some years, people of Koraput conduct Bali Jatra to
satisfy ‗Bhīma Devata‘ (The God of Rain) .Disari and Gurumai, the
traditional sacerdotal functionaries, fix the auspicious day and time for
holding Bali. Generally the festival begins from the month of Bhadrab (
August – September) and continues for one month. Some also observe Bali
for a period of three months. It begins from month of Magha (Jan-February)
Magha (January) and ends in Chaitra / Baisakha (April-May).
On the first day of the festival men and women bring bali (sand) from
nearby river and place it in the ‗Balighar‘(a small room).The construction of
the structure of bamboo and straws is done amidst beating of drums and
other musical instruments. An auspicious pillar (Subha deli) is also fixed on
the ground. Various grains like paddy, alsi (niger), black gram, wheat, ragi,
oil seed etc are collected in bamboo baskets from every household and
sown on the sand bed at the place of worship. Regularly water is sprinkled
over it. Gurumaies (the female priests) recite mantras and pray and enchant
names of temples and gods of the region for a better germination of the
seeds. It is accompanied by music from Dhunkel (a string instrument) and
Bali Ghuruma (a small drum) and other musical instruments in Balighar.
Gradually the seeds germinate and plants emerge. If the seeds sprout well
then the Disari predicts good harvest for the [Link] the closing day of the
festival, all the young and old men and women take the sand baskets from
Balighar to Balipadia (a large open ground) in a grand procession. Disari
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keeps the baskets on heads of Dhangdis (young ladies) and other persons
who carry it to Balipadia. A symbolic agriculture work is demonstrated there.
Wooden effigies of Bhīma God and Bhimani are worshipped and their
marriage ceremony is also held there. In the night, people from different
villages assemble and enjoy local tribal dances. A fair is held there in which
varieties of goods are bought and sold. In the next day morning, symbols of
Bhīma and Bhimani are planted on the ground. Fowls, Pigeons, eggs, sheep
and goats are scarified. The sand baskets are taken to the river in
procession and with the sound of music to bid farewell. This is a festival of
fertility.
Dasara
Dasara is celebrated in the month of Aswina (September-October).The
tribal headman of the village collects money from each house and purchases
fowl, coconut,. liquor etc. for worship of village deity ‗Hundi‘ Devi. On the
Dasara day the village folk assemble in Hundi. Disari / Pujari worships the
Mutha lathis (Symbol of Goddess) with offer of fowls and goats to the Hundi
Thakurani. Paroja men cook rice and meat and feed their women and
children. At night, Dasara Jatra is celebrated in Dasara Padia of the main
villages. The lathis from different villages are gathered in the ground .The
Disari and Pujari worship the lathis with offering of fowls and animals. The
tribal folks assemble in Dasara Jatra and enjoy dancing to Dhemsa. In the
night, Desia Nata is performed and fair organized. The Dasara festival of
Jeypore Zamindars was very famous and was said to be next to Dasara of
Mysore. It is still observed. The festival is observed in honour of Maa Kanka
Durga, the family Goddess of Jeypore king. Lathis from different muthas
come with the Mutha head to Jeypore and stay at Bankamatha. The Mutha
heads used to pay their respect to the Maharaja by offering gifts but now it
is discontinued long since after vesting of the Zamindari. People from far and
near used tocome down to the main street of Jeypore in large number and
move with their village dancing groups and music parties. The crowd used
to extend from Jeypore palace to the festivaj ground known as Dasrapodia.
Each village group used to carry the sacred lathi (a piece of long wooden
mace) symbolizing the village mother deity. This event has also long since
been discontinued.
Dasara is also observed in different places of Koraput region in Sakti
peethas. The whole night is spent amidst rituals, archery competition and
dances.

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Daili Parab
Diali Parab is celebrated in the month of Kartika (October-November)
for worshipping cattle. On the day of the festival the tribal decorated their
cattle with vermillion, turmeric and flowers. They tie thread to each animals
and feed them charu / Khatudi (rice cooked with vegetables). The cattle
herds perform ‗Kikiri dance‘ with beating of musical instruments like Dhol,
Mahuri, Tidibidi etc at the door of all cattle owners. They collect money,
paddy, rice and clothes from the cattle owners. . They offer rice and salt to
the cattle and worship cattle and Kasini Devi (the goddess of cattle).
Pus Parab
Pus Parab is another important festival of Koraput district. The festival
is celebrated in the month of Pousa (December-January) by Bhumia,
Bhattra, Pentia, Parenga, Gadaba , Durua and Paroja tribes and also other
non-tribals of the region. The festival starts fifteen days before the full moon
night of Pousa. The young and old tribal folks roam from village to village
dancing and singing Chera-Chera song and collect Paddy, rice and money
from the villagers. On the closing day of Pus Parab i.e. Pus Punei, they
gather in a feast at Hundi cottage. The Dhangdas (young men) start visiting
other villages forming danda hulia dance groups. During their night halt in
other villages they make friendship with the villagers as Sangata, Meeta,
Mafsad ( Maha Prasad) etc. They return to their villages after one month and
assemble in a feast at Hundi Thakurani‘s place.
Individual family members worship their household deities and
ancestors by offering fowl sacrifice and charu. Pus parab is the festival of
dancing, singing and merry making. Paroja tribe observes Pus Parab as Pus
pandu by firing Bhogi. They collect logs from different houses and fire the
wood and dance and sing around the fire throughout the night. The Koya‘s
observe this festival as Pus Pundum and the Bondas, as Sumegelierak.
Chaita Parab
The grand festival of Koraput region is Chait parab. It is observed by
the all tribal communities in the month at Chaitra (March-April) with joy and
great enthusiasm. The people of Koraput remain in festive mood for the
whole month. Chait Parab begins with dancing, singing and merry making. In
the past festival was being observed for one month. But now it is celebrated
for 10 to 15 days . The houses are cleaned and painted and the tribal folks
wear new clothes. The auspicious day for starting the Chait Parab is decided
by ‗Disari‘. The village head, Nayako collects money from each house
engaging his assistant, Challan, and purchases fowls, sheep, goat, coconut
etc. from the market for the rituals. On the first day the village folk gather at
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village deity Hundi. Disari and Pujari start their ritual. They worship Hundi
Devi, Mother Earth and other deities by offering Puja (sacrifice of fowls,
sheep and goat).The lathis (long bamboo poles)-the symbol of goddesses
are cleaned and worshipped. The paddy seeds already collected from
farmers of the village are kept before the goddesses ‗Hundi‘. After worship of
seeds by Disari these are distributed among the farmers of the village. They
offer mangoes to the village deity thence all are permitted to eat new
mangoes of the year. The elder daughter in law of the family cooks Charu
and offers it to the household deity and ‗Dumma‘ (Spirit of ancestors) and the
whole family eat it together .On this day Kandula (red gram) and Mahula
flower are also newly eaten.
The second phase of Chait Parab is ‗Benta Parab‘ (hunting
festival).The Disari declares the auspicious moment for the villagers to go for
hunting. All the male members getting them fully equipped with hunting
implements like arrow, bow, axe, spears etc proceed to jungle. They search
for a suitable hunt. If they are successful in hunting and return to the village
with good hunt, the village women warmly welcome them. Otherwise the
village women make joke of them by sprinkling cow dung mixed water on
them singing Chait Parab songs. The meat of hunt animal is divided among
the villagers. Next day Benta Jatra is observed in the main village and
people enjoy with dance and drinks. It is the tradition during the Chait Parab
that women in groups come out of the village and block roads by logs, ropes
and stones (Pejar cheka) and collect money as a gift from people who
happen to pass on the road .The amount so collected is spent on a grand
feast. With dwindling wild life in the forest, this annual custom of group
hunting of wild animal poses a challenge to the environmentalists.
Gotar of Gadaba
The very important and expensive festival of Gadaba is ‗Gotar‘.Gotar is
observed for worship of ancestors for prosperity and security of their life.
The buffaloes are the vehicles that is given to the dead ancestor to pass on
to the other world. Generally the festival is observed in the month Magha.
The Gadaba observe two types of Gotar i.e. at individual and communal
levels. Individual Gotar is observed by the agnatic kin of the deceased and
communal Gotar, by the whole village collectively to appease their
ancestors. The festival is observed for the duration of a month. For the
departed souls whose death rituals are not performed within 3 to 4 years of
their death, their kinsmen observe Gotar individually. But communal Gotar is
observed for obtaining blessings from ancestors of the village at every 10 to
15 year intervals. On the day of Gotar a long stone slab is erected for each
dead person on the roadside of the village. Buffaloes are sacrificed on

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Semilimunda during the ritual .The buffaloes are decorated with new red
clothes and anointed with turmeric and vermilion. They perform dance and
sing Gotar songs by beating and blowing musical instruments like Dhol,
Dhap, Mahuri, Khinide etc. during the sacrifice of buffaloes. In that time the
Gadaba women cry for their deads. They distribute the flesh of buffaloes
among them. A grand feast is also arranged and they take pendum (rice
beer).Dancing and singing continues throughout the day and night.
Agni Gangamma Jatra at Nilabadi
The Goddess Agni Gangamma of Nilabadi village of Narayanpatna
Block is every famous among tribals and non-tribals of Koraput and
neighbouring district of Andhra Pradesh. In the month of Chaitra a weeklong
jatra is celebrated at Nilabadi village and thousands of people congregate
there. Those whose desires are fulfilled offer magura fish to the Goddess.
Similar jatras are also held in the places where Agni Gangamma Goddess is
worshipped in Koraput district.
In course of time due to proselytisation, many tribal have converted
into Christianity; after embracing Christianity, tribal Christians have given up
many such customs mostly associated with nature worship.

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