People Power

Revolution

The People Power Revolution, also

known as the EDSA Revolution[a] or the
February Revolution,[4][5][6][7] was a
series of popular demonstrations in the
Philippines, mostly in Metro Manila, from
February 22 to 25, 1986. There was a
sustained campaign of civil resistance
against regime violence and electoral
fraud. The nonviolent revolution led to
the departure of Ferdinand Marcos, the
end of his 20-year dictatorship and the
restoration of democracy in the
Philippines.
 People Power Revolution

Hundreds of thousands of people filling up

Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA),
facing northbound towards the Boni
Serrano Avenue–EDSA intersection
(February 1986)

Date February 22–25,

1986 (3 days)
Location Philippines, primarily
Epifanio de los
Santos Avenue,
Metro Manila
Caused by Assassination of
Benigno Aquino
Jr. in 1983
Fraud during the
1986 snap
presidential
election
Decades of
oppressive and
autocratic rule
Goals Removal of
Ferdinand Marcos
from power
Installation of
Corazon Aquino
as President
Restoration of
democracy in the
Philippines
Resulted in Opposition victory
 Ferdinand Marcos
removed from
office
End of the Marcos
regime
Marcos clan flees
to Hawaii
Start of the Fifth
Republic
Corazon Aquino
becomes
president
Parties
 Opposition Government
Political parties: Military loyalists:

UNIDO Armed Forces

PDP–Laban of the Philippines
Liberal Party Presidential
Military defectors: Security Group[3]
Integrated
Reform the National Police
Armed Forces
Government parties:
Movement
Philippine Kilusang Bagong
Constabulary Lipunan
Other defectors of Others:
the Armed Forces
Pro-Marcos
Others:
civilian supporters
Anti-Marcos
civilian protesters
Religious groups:

f
 Archdiocese of
Manila
CBCP[1]
Protestant
churches of the
Philippines
Militant groups:

Bagong
Alyansang
Makabayan[1][2]
Kilusang
Mayo Uno
League of
Filipino
Students
Christians for
National
Liberation

Lead figures
 Corazon Aquino Ferdinand Marcos
(Leader of the (President of the
Opposition) Philippines)

Others: Others:
Salvador Laurel Imelda Marcos
Juan Ponce Enrile Fabian Ver
Fidel Ramos Arturo Tolentino
Gringo Honasan Imee Marcos
Jaime Sin Bongbong Marcos

Number

2,000,000+ No figures available

protestors

It is also referred to as the Yellow

Revolution[8] due to the presence of
yellow ribbons during demonstrations (in
reference to the Tony Orlando and Dawn
song "Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Ole
Oak Tree") as a symbol of protest
following the assassination of Filipino
senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr.[9] in
August 1983 upon his return to the
Philippines from exile. It was widely seen
as a victory of the people against two
decades of presidential rule by President
Marcos, and made news headlines as
"the revolution that surprised the
world".[10]

The majority of the demonstrations took

place on a long stretch of Epifanio de los
Santos Avenue, more commonly known
by its acronym EDSA, in Metro Manila
from February 22 to 25, 1986. They
involved over two million Filipino
civilians, as well as several political and
military groups, and religious groups led
by Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of
Manila, along with Catholic Bishops'
Conference of the Philippines President
Cardinal Ricardo Vidal, the Archbishop of
Cebu.

The protests, fueled by the resistance

and opposition after years of
governance by President Marcos and his
cronies, ended with the ruler, his family,
and some of their supporters fleeing to
exile in Hawaii; and Ninoy Aquino's
widow, Corazon Aquino, inaugurated as
the eleventh President of the
Philippines.[11]

Background and history

Senate President Ferdinand Marcos was
elected president in 1965, defeating
incumbent President Diosdado
Macapagal by a margin of 52 to 43
percent. During this time, Marcos was
very active in the initiation of public
works projects and the intensification of
tax collections. Marcos and his
government claimed that they "built
more roads than all his predecessors
combined and more schools than any
previous administration".[12] Amidst
charges from the opposition party of
vote-buying and a fraudulent election,
President Marcos was reelected in the
1969 Philippine presidential election, this
time defeating Sergio Osmeña, Jr. by 61
to 39 percent.

President Marcos's second term for the

presidency was marred by allegations by
the opposition Liberal Party of
widespread graft and corruption.
According to leftists who rioted during
the First Quarter Storm, the increasing
disparity of wealth between the very
wealthy and the very poor that made up
the majority of the Philippines'
population led to a rise in crime and civil
unrest around the country. In March
1969, the New People's Army (NPA) was
formed as the military wing of the
Communist Party of the Philippines,
initiating the still-ongoing CPP–NPA–
NDF rebellion. Marcos quickly
denounced the movement, hoping to
gain monetary and political support from
anti-Communist administrators in the
United States.[13]

In 1972 the Moro National Liberation

Front, a militant Muslim separatist group,
formed in the southern island of
Mindanao.[14]

Marcos soon used the rise of militant

and civil unrest as justification for
declaring martial law.

Martial law

Martial law protest

Barred from running for a third term as

president in 1973, Marcos announced
Proclamation No. 1081 on September
23, 1972, declaring martial law,[15] using
the civil unrest that arose after the 1969
Philippine balance of payments crisis as
a justification for the proclamation.[16]

Through this decree and through a

controversial referendum in which citizen
assemblies voted through a show of
hands, Marcos seized emergency
powers giving him full control of the
Philippines' military and the authority to
suppress and abolish the freedom of
speech, the freedom of the press, and
many other civil liberties.

President Marcos also dissolved the

Philippine Congress and shut down
media establishments critical of the
Marcos Administration.[16] He also
ordered the immediate arrest of his
political opponents and critics. Among
those arrested were Senate President
Jovito Salonga, and the leaders Senator
Jose W. Diokno and Senator Benigno
Aquino Jr. — whom Marcos sent to Laur,
Nueva Ecija[17] — and the man who was
groomed by the opposition to succeed
President Marcos after the 1973
elections.[16]

A constitutional convention, which had

been called for in 1970 to replace the
Commonwealth-era 1935 Constitution,
continued the work of framing a new
constitution after the declaration of
martial law. The new constitution went
into effect in early 1973, changing the
form of government from presidential to
parliamentary and allowing President
Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973.
The constitution was approved by 95%
of the voters in the Philippine
constitutional plebiscite. The constitution
was part of the landmark Javellana v.
Executive Secretary case (G.R. No.
36142) that led to the resignation of
Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion. Part
of the plot of the regime involved
legitimizing the military rule through the
new constitution providing legislative
and executive powers to the president.
Simultaneously Marcos conducted the
1973 plebiscite through the simple
counting of hands raised by children and
adults that involved questions such as
the option for more rice in lieu of
constitutional affirmation.[18]

With practically all of his political

opponents arrested, out of office, and in
exile, President Marcos's pre-emptive
declaration of martial law in 1972 and the
ratification of his new constitution by
more than 95% of voters enabled
Marcos to effectively legitimize his
government and hold on to power for
another 14 years beyond his first two
terms as president. In a Cold War
context, Marcos retained the support of
the United States through Marcos's
promise to stamp out communism in the
Philippines and by assuring the United
States of its continued use of military and
naval bases in the Philippines.[16]

On November 27, 1977, a military

tribunal sentenced Aquino and two co-
accused, NPA leaders Bernabe
Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt.
Victor Corpuz, to death by firing
squad.[19][20] In 1978, while still the last
opposition leader yet to be released
from prison at Fort Bonifacio, Aquino
founded his political party, Lakas ng
Bayan (abbreviated "LABAN"; English:
People's Power) to run for office in the
Interim Batasang Pambansa
(Parliament). All LABAN candidates lost,
including Aquino himself.[19] He
appeared in a television interview with
Ronnie Nathanielsz to freely criticize the
regime during the campaign. In 1980,
Ninoy Aquino suffered a heart attack,
and was compassionately released from
prison to undergo a heart bypass surgery
in the United States.[21][19] Aquino stayed
with his wife Corazon, and children in
Boston College as a fellow for numerous
American universities such as Harvard
and the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology.

1980s Economic collapse

Because the Marcos administration's

spending had relied so heavily on debt
since the Marcos family's first term in the
1960s,[22] the Philippines was left
vulnerable when the US economy went
into recession in the third quarter of
1981, forcing the Reagan administration
to increase interest rates.[23] The
Philippine government plunged further
into debt and the economy began going
into decline in 1981, continuing to do so
by the time of the Benigno Aquino Jr.
assassination in 1983. By the end of that
year, the economy contracted by
6.8%.[24]

The economic and political instability

combined to produce the worst
recession in Philippine history in 1984
and 1985,[25][26] with the economy
contracting by 7.3% for two successive
years.[23][22][27]
Aquino Assassination

Carmen and the Diokno family protest

through KAAKBAY, the leading
organization of the first coalition JAJA

Despite threats from First Lady Imelda

Marcos, Ninoy Aquino was determined
to return home, saying that "the Filipino
is worth dying for".[19] After failing to
apply for a passport in Washington and
New York, Ninoy got two passports with
the help of Rashid Lucman – one
bearing his real name, and the other with
the alias Marcial Bonifacio.[b][28]
On August 21, 1983, after three years,
Aquino was murdered by the military,[29]
as he disembarked from a China Airlines
plane at Manila International Airport
(later renamed in Aquino's honor).[19][30]
His assassination shocked and outraged
most Filipinos,[19] who had lost
confidence in the Marcoses. The event
led to more suspicions about the
government, triggering non-cooperation
among Filipinos that eventually led to
outright civil disobedience.[31] It also
shook the Marcos Administration, which
was by then deteriorating due in part to
Marcos's blatant illness (turned out to be
the fatal lupus erythematosus).
In 1984, Marcos appointed a
commission, first led by Chief Justice
Enrique Fernando and later Corazon
Agrava, to launch an investigation into
Aquino's assassination.[32] Despite the
commission's conclusions, Cardinal
Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila,
declined an offer to join the commission
and rejected the government's views on
the assassination.
Formation of coalesced opposition

Justice for Aquino, Justice for All or JAJA, founded by Sen.

Diokno's group KAAKBAY unveiled this mural on August 31,
1983, the day of Ninoy Aquino's funeral.

This began a period of coalitions, first led

by the nationalist liberal democrats
under Jose W. Diokno called Kilusan sa
Kapangyarihan at Karapatan ng Bayan or
KAAKBAY, an umbrella organization
founded in 1983, which headed the first
grand liberal coalition called JAJA, or the
Justice for Aquino, Justice for All
movement. JAJA consisted of
organizations such as the social
democrat-based August Twenty One
Movement (ATOM) led by Butz Aquino,
KAAKBAY, MABINI, the Makati-based
Alliance of Makati Associations or AMA,
and others.

This was before the division of the

center-left and national
democratic/Marxist left, when the
coalitions tended to pursue Diokno's
philosophy of pressure politics or mass
actions to influence and sway the
Marcos dictatorship.[33]
Parliamentarians of the streets, as they
were called, applied pressure politics,
and soon other coalitions were formed,
culminating in the first call for elections
for the opposition in the Kongreso ng
Mamamayang Pilipino or KOMPIL.[34]
KOMPIL was organized by Aquino's
ATOM from the JAJA coalition, as a
means to unite the businessmen,
communists, and other groups. Most of
the KOMPIL members were led by the
AMA leaders.

Meanwhile, Diokno, Lorenzo M. Tañada

of MABINI, Butz and Corazon Aquino,
and a few others were elected the
overall presiding leaders in a search to
find the opposition candidate. The main
issue was whether to accept the CAMEL
or Call for Meaningful Elections or, as
Diokno and the more liberal JAJA
members preferred, to boycott the event
which might be another fixed
election.[35]

JAJA was later replaced by the Coalition

of Organizations for the Restoration of
Democracy (CORD) in the middle of
1984, which retained most of JAJA's
features and membership. A year later
CORD was replaced by Bagong
Alyansang Makabayan or BAYAN, which
was to be a platform for Diokno should
he run for president, and was led by
Tañada and student leader Lean
Alejandro of the University of the
Philippines. However the
socialists/national democrats took
control of the coalition so Diokno,
Ambrosio Padilla, and the liberal
democrats as well as Butz Aquino,
ATOM, and the social democrats left
BAYAN to the present national
democratic coalition that it has become
in the 21st century.[36]
Call for Meaningful Elections

Jovito Salonga of the Liberal Party's

Salonga wing, first part of the
boycott movement before
campaigning for the presidential
nomination

Eventually the top leaders decided to

convene to select a candidate in case of
contingencies or any sudden
announcements of changes. It was then
on November 3, 1985, after pressure
from the US government,[37] that Marcos
suddenly announced a snap presidential
election would take place the following
year, one year ahead of the regular
presidential election schedule, to
legitimize his control over the country.[38]
The snap election was legalized with the
passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883
(National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-
controlled unicameral congress called
the Regular Batasang Pambansa.[39]

To select a leader, the convenor's group

of opposition leaders formed underlying
principles. These principles, mainly
proposed and edited by Diokno,
discussed matters that involved anti-
foreign domination in the economy,
especially American intervention and
military bases.[40] After the principles
were agreed upon by the opposition
leaders, as Lorenzo M. Tañada quipped,
it became almost automatic and
completely expeditious in agreeing
unanimously on one candidate to face
Marcos. For the initial step in nominating
a candidate, the selection process
started out with a pooled list among the
opposition leaders themselves. The list
of candidates for president were mostly
including former senators: Jose W.
Diokno, Butz Aquino, Jovito Salonga,
Eva Estrada-Kalaw, Salvador "Doy"
Laurel, Ambrosio Padilla, Aquilino
Pimentel, Raul Manglapus, and Ramon
Mitra, as well as a future senator in
Teofisto Guingona Jr., and a technocrat
who once served as Marcos's executive
secretary named Rafael Salas.[41]

After the vetting of nominees, as men

such as Sen. Diokno vehemently
opposed to run for president,[42] the
remaining potential candidates who
openly wished to earn the opposition's
nomination were Salonga, Laurel, and
Estrada-Kalaw. United Nationalist
Democratic Organization (UNIDO)
members Estrada-Kalaw and Laurel
were the only two not to sign the
declaration of unity or the underlying
principles. Eventually Estrada-Kalaw
withdrew after being overwhelmed by
the multiple candidates in the selection
process and campaigned to become the
vice-presidential candidate.[43] Between
64 year old Salonga, who with 64 year
old Estrada-Kalaw represented the two
largest Liberal Party factions, and Laurel,
who was son of former president Jose P.
Laurel, it was decided by men such as
Chino Roces that both candidates might
lack the popularity needed to win.[44]
This was because Salonga had spent
much time in exile in the United States
while Laurel, the founder and main head
of UNIDO, was deemed "too
lightweight".[42]

UNIDO and the other coalitions agreed

to choose Aquino's wife Cory Aquino
instead of Doy Laurel or Estrada-Kalaw
and began the Cory Aquino for President
Movement or CAPM, led by Roces, et al.
Only Laurel, a friend of Ninoy Aquino, did
not agree with this choice and wanted to
run against Aquino and Marcos. UNIDO
overwhelmed Laurel's vote and
encouraged him to become Cory
Aquino's vice-president instead. Once
Cory Aquino became the main
candidate, Laurel eventually ran as Cory
Aquino's running mate for vice-president
under the United Opposition (UNIDO)
party. Marcos ran for re-election, with
Arturo Tolentino as his running mate
under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan
(KBL) party.[39] Thus within a matter of
only a few weeks the candidates were
fixed and the campaign period was set
for the 1986 snap election.

1986 election

Corazon Aquino campaigning with son Noynoy

The election was held on February 7,
1986.[38] The official election canvasser,
the Commission on Elections
(COMELEC), declared that Marcos was
the winner. The final tally of the
COMELEC had Marcos winning with
10,807,197 votes against Aquino's
9,291,761 votes. On the other hand,
based on returns of 70% of the
precincts[45] of the National Movement
for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an
accredited poll watcher, had Aquino
winning with 7,835,070 votes against
Marcos's 7,053,068 votes.[46] [47]
This electoral exercise was marred by
widespread reports of violence and
tampering of election results,
culminating in the walkout of 30
COMELEC computer technicians to
protest the deliberate manipulation of
the official election results to favor
Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was
considered one of the early "sparks" of
the People Power Revolution. The
walkout also served as an affirmation to
allegations of vote-buying, fraud, and
tampering of election results by the
KBL.[48][49]
Because of reports of alleged fraud, the
Catholic Bishops' Conference of the
Philippines (CBCP) through Cardinal
Ricardo Vidal issued a statement
condemning the elections.[50] The
United States Senate also passed a
resolution stating the same
condemnation.[38] US president Ronald
Reagan issued a statement calling the
fraud reports as "disturbing" but he said
that there was fraud "on both sides" of
the Philippine election.[51][52] In response
to the protests, COMELEC claimed that
Marcos with 53 percent won over
Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered
that the latter won over Marcos with 52
percent of votes.[53]

On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed

by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa
as the winner amid the controversy. All
50 opposition members of the
Parliament walked out in protest. The
Filipino people repudiated the results,
asserting that Aquino was the real victor.
Both "winners" took their oath of office in
two different places, with Aquino gaining
greater mass support. Aquino also called
for coordinated strikes and mass boycott
of the media and businesses owned by
Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony
banks, corporations, and media were hit
hard, and their shares in the stock
market plummeted to record levels.[54]

Vidal's declaration

Cardinal Ricardo Vidal

On February 13, Cebu Archbishop

Cardinal Ricardo Vidal issued a
declaration on behalf of the Philippine
Church hierarchy stating that when "a
government does not of itself freely
correct the evil it has inflicted on the
people then it is our serious moral
obligation as a people to make it do so."
The declaration also asked "every loyal
member of the Church, every
community of the faithful, to form their
judgment about the February 7 polls"
and told all the Filipinos, "Now is the time
to speak up. Now is the time to repair the
wrong. The wrong was systematically
organized. So must its correction be. But
as in the election itself, that depends fully
on the people; on what they are willing
and ready to do."[50]
Events

A visitor at Bantayog ng mga Bayani

browses through a timeline of the
last moments of the protests that
culminated in People Power.

Civil disobedience and boycott

campaign launch (February 16)

On February 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino

held the "Tagumpay ng Bayan" (People's
Victory) rally at Luneta Park, announcing
a civil disobedience campaign and
calling for her supporters to boycott
publications and companies which were
associated with Marcos or any of his
cronies.[55] The event was attended by a
crowd of about two million people.[56]
Aquino's camp began making
preparations for more rallies, and Aquino
herself went to Cebu to rally more
people to their cause.[57]

Aborted military coup (February 22)

Camp Aguinaldo

In the aftermath of the election and the

revelations of irregularities, the Reform
the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) - a
cabal of officers of the Armed Forces of
the Philippines (AFP) disgruntled by the
patronage politics and corruption in the
AFP, formed in 1982[58] - set into motion
a coup attempt against the Ferdinand
and Imelda Marcos.[59]

RAM's initial plan was for a team to

assault Malacañang Palace and arrest
Ferdinand Marcos. RAM founder Col.
Gringo Honasan formulated a plan to
attack the palace and "neutralize" the
Marcos couple.[60] Other military units
would take over key strategic facilities,
such as the airport, military bases, the
GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo, and major
highway junctions to restrict
counteroffensive by Marcos-loyal
troops.

On February 20, members of the RAM

also approached Cory Aquino, informed
her of the coup plans and informed her
that they would form a junta headed by a
Council of Elders composed of Enrile,
Ramos, Cardinal Sin, Jaime Ongpin,
Alejandro Melchor, and Doy Laurel. Mrs.
Aquino rejected the offer, as there was a
sense that the Council will just be a front
for a military junta headed by Enrile.[61]
On the morning of February 21, Gen. Ver
conducted a conference with
Commandant of the Philippine Marines,
BGen. Artemio Tadiar at the Naval
Intelligence Compound in Fort Bonifacio.
Gen. Ver informed BGen. Tadiar that
there is a brewing coup plot by Enrile
and assassination attempt on the latter
as well as the Philippine Navy Flag-
Officer-in-Command (FOIC), RAdm.
Brilliante Ochoco. BGen. Tadiar, placed
Fort Bonifacio Naval Station on alert.
Capt. Ariel Querubin was put to task by
Tadiar to look into the plot. Capt.
Querubin confirmed the information with
the Marines Military Police headed by
Capt. Benjamin Dolorfino, and Naval
Operations Officer, Capt. Pablo Ong, that
there were augmented personnel inside
Fort Bonifacio the next two nights from
the Ministry of Defense. As night came,
Capt. Querubin along with Lt. Alexander
Balutan encountered the 19 personnel
who were conducting "night training
exercises" and were commander by
LtJG. Michael Angelo Asperin. The men
were part of the security detail of
Minister Roberto Ongpin. Capt. Querubin
was then ordered by Col. Guillermo Ruiz,
that Malacanang wanted the night
runners shipped off to El Fraile Island at
the mouth of Manila Bay. Capt. Querubin
instead took the men to the PMC Firing
Range, and upon interrogation found out
that their mission was to secure BGen.
Tadiar and RAdm. Ochoco to neutralize
their command during the coup.[61][62]

The following morning, Minister Ongpin

phoned Enrile who was at The Atrium in
Makati, asking on the whereabouts of his
security staff. Since three of the men
arrested were on loan from the Ministry
of Defense, Enrile was worried that the
fingers will be pointed towards him.
Meanwhile, Col. Honasan and his staff
who were at the MND Building in Camp
Aguinaldo was monitoring troop
movements overnight found out that the
5th Marine Battalion Landing Team from
Fort Bonifacio was moved to Pandacan,
and the 1th Infantry Battalion from Nueva
Ecija was moved to the North Harbor
early morning. This would translate to an
unusual amount of troops within Metro
Manila, and it seemed that Gen. Ver was
already taking actions to protect
Malacanang.[61]

However, after Marcos learned about

the plot, he ordered their leaders'
arrest,[63] and presented to the
international and local press some of the
captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin
and Maj. Edgardo Doromal.[64]

Threatened with their impending

imprisonment, Defense Minister Juan
Ponce Enrile and his fellow coup plotters
decided to ask for help from then-AFP
Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel Ramos,
who was also the chief of the Philippine
Constabulary (now the Philippine
National Police). Ramos agreed to resign
from his position and support the
plotters. Ramos also contacted the
highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of
Manila Jaime Sin for his support.[65]
Despite Ramos' defection, however, the
coup plotters were essentially trapped in
Camp Crame, and in the words of
historian Vicente L. Rafael, "became
sitting ducks for Ferdinand Marcos'
loyalist forces."[66]

At about 6:30 p.m. on February 22, Enrile

and Ramos held a press conference at
the Ministry of National Defense building
in Camp Aguinaldo, the AFP
headquarters, where they announced
that they had resigned from their
positions in Marcos' cabinet and were
withdrawing support from his
government. Marcos himself later
conducted a news conference calling on
Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging
them to "stop this stupidity".[67] Marcos
tried to call Enrile, but Enrile refused to
play Marcos's game. Eventually out of
desperation Marcos televised his sickly
appearance, and announced that he
promised to crush every Filipino who
stood in his way in order to capture Enrile
and Ramos.[65]
Cardinal Sin's appeal (February 22)

Cardinal Jaime Sin

After Cardinal Vidal's February 13

condemnation of the snap election's
fraudulent result, Cardinal Sin went on
Radio Veritas at around 9 p.m. on
February 22 and exhorted Filipinos in the
capital to aid rebel leaders by going to
the section of EDSA between Camp
Crame and Aguinaldo and giving
emotional support, food and other
supplies. For many, this seemed an
unwise decision since civilians would not
stand a chance against a dispersal by
government troops. Many people,
especially priests and nuns, still trooped
to EDSA.[67]

My Dear People, I wish you to

pray, because it's only through
prayer that we may solve this
problem. This is Cardinal Sin
speaking to the people,
especially in Metro Manila. I am
indeed concerned about the
situation of Minister Enrile and
General Ramos, I am calling our
people to support our two good
friends at the camp. If any of
you could be around at Camp
Aguinaldo to show your
solidarity and your support in
this very crucial period, when
our two good friends have
shown their idealism, I would be
very happy if you support them
now. I would only wish that
violence and bloodshed be
avoided. Let us pray to our
blessed lady to help us in order
 that we can solve this problem
peacefully

— Cardinal Jaime Sin

Radio Veritas played a critical role during

the mass uprising. Former University of
the Philippines president Francisco
Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio
Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not
impossible, to mobilize millions of people
in a matter of hours." Similarly, a certain
account in the event said that: "Radio
Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to
whatever else was going on."[68]
Rising mass support (February 23)

Radio Veritas

At dawn, Sunday, government troops

arrived to knock down the main 50-
kilowatt transmitter of Radio Veritas,
cutting off broadcasts to people in the
nearby provinces. The station switched
to a 10-kilowatt standby transmitter with
a limited range of broadcast.[68] The
station was targeted because it had
proven to be a valuable communications
tool for the people supporting the rebels,
keeping them informed of government
troop movements and relaying requests
for food, medicine, and supplies.[67]

Fidel Ramos

Still, people came to EDSA until it

swelled to hundreds of thousands of
unarmed civilians. The mood in the street
was very festive, with many bringing
whole families. Performers entertained
the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer
vigils, and people set up barricades and
makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles
in several places along EDSA and
intersecting streets such as Santolan and
Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people
listened to Radio Veritas on their radios.
A photo taken by Pete Reyes of Srs.
Porferia Ocariza and Teresita Burias
leading the rosary in front of soldiers has
since become an iconic picture of the
revolution.[69] Several groups sang
Bayan Ko (My Homeland),[70] which,
since 1980, had become a patriotic
anthem of the opposition. People
frequently flashed the 'LABAN' sign,[71]
which is an "L" formed with their thumb
and index finger. 'laban' is the Filipino
word for 'fight', but also the abbreviation
of Lakas ng Bayan, Ninoy Aquino's party.
After lunch on February 23, Enrile and
Ramos decided to consolidate their
positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from
Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst
cheers from the crowd.[67]

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas

relayed reports of Marines massing near
the camps in the east and LVT-5 tanks
approaching from the north and south. A
contingent of Marines with tanks and
armored vans, led by Brigadier General
Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along
Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers
from the camps, by tens of thousands of
people.[72] Nuns holding rosaries knelt in
front of the tanks and men and women
linked arms together to block the
troops.[73] Tadiar asked the crowds to
make a clearing for them, but they did
not budge. In the end, the troops
retreated with no shots fired.[67]

By evening, the standby transmitter of

Radio Veritas failed, although the
stations of the Far East Broadcasting
Company also took up the task of
broadcasting information to the crowds,
calling them in particular to protect Gate
2 of Camp Aguinaldo.[74] Shortly after
midnight, the Radio Veritas staff led by
Father James Reuter were able to move
to the transmitter of DZRJ-AM so they
could begin broadcasting again. To help
keep their location a secret, they took up
the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Outlaw
Radio ) as a callsign. June Keithley, with
her husband Angelo Castro, Jr., was the
radio broadcaster who continued Radio
Veritas' program throughout the night
and in the ensuing days.[67]
The Sotelo landing (February 24)

In the early morning hours of February

24,[75][76] helicopters manned by the
15th Strike Wing of the Philippine Air
Force, led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo,
were ordered from Sangley Point in
Cavite, south of Manila, to head to Camp
Crame.[77] Secretly, the squadron had
already defected and instead of
attacking Camp Crame, landed in it with
the crowds cheering and hugging the
pilots and crew members[67] in response
to what has been referred to as the
"Sotelo landing,"[78] considered a key
turning point where the military
circumstances turned against
Marcos.[54]

A Bell 214 helicopter piloted by Major

Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing
and Sikorsky S-76 gunships piloted by
Colonel Charles Hotchkiss of the 20th Air
Commando Squadron joined the rebel
squadron earlier in the air. The presence
of the helicopters boosted the morale of
Enrile and Ramos who had been
continually encouraging their fellow
soldiers to join the opposition
movement.[67] In the afternoon, Aquino
arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos,
Reform the Armed Forces Movement
(RAM) officers, and a throng were
waiting.[77]

Marcos departure rumor (February

24)

A damaged newspaper from The

Manila Times covering the
revolution

At around that 6:30, June Keithley

received reports that Marcos had left
Malacañang Palace and broadcast this
to the people at EDSA. The crowd
celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile
came out from Crame to appear to the
crowds.[79] This would be disproven
when Marcos went on MBS 4 a few
hours later,[79] so it was later speculated
that the false report was a calculated
move against Marcos to encourage
more defections.[67]

Fourth Marine brigade refusal of "Kill

Order" (February 24)

At dawn on Monday, February 24,

Marines marching from Libis towards the
east of Camp Aguinaldo lobbed tear gas
at the demonstrators, who quickly
dispersed. By 8:30 a.m., some 3,000
Marines entered and held the east side
of Camp Aguinaldo,[67] and the Fourth
Marine brigade under the command of
Colonel Braulio Balbas positioned
howitzers and mortars to strike against
Camp Crame.[80]: 251

Despite the fact that civilians would be

killed in such an attack, General
Josephus Ramas gave the "kill order"
against Camp Crame at around 9 AM.
Although the artillery was ready to fire,
Balbas stalled, telling Ramas that they
were "still looking for maps." Ramas then
told Balbas that "The President is on the
other line waiting for compliance!"[81]
Ramas repeated his orders to Balbas at
9:20, to which Balbas replied they were
"still positioning the cannons."[80]: 251
Balbas would eventually refuse to follow
Ramas' orders each of the four times he
was ordered to fire on Camp Crame,
leading historians to point to this
moment as the point at which Marcos
lost control of the Philippine Marine
Corps.[54]

Marcos TV Appearance on MBS 4

(February 24)

The jubilation resulting from the rumor

that Marcos had fled was short-lived, as
Marcos appeared on television on the
government-controlled MBS-4 at around
9:00, (using the foreclosed ABS-CBN
facilities, transmitter and compound in
Broadcast Plaza, now ABS-CBN
Broadcasting Center) declaring that he
would not step down.[79]

Lifting of Maximum Tolerance policy

During the broadcast, Marcos

announced that he had lifted the policy
of "Maximum Tolerance" which that
government had previously put in place.
This gave armed forces permission to
use force to defend government
installations, as well as communications
facilities, from Enrile and Ramos' forces.
In addition, he told radio and TV stations
not to broadcast news about military
movements without permission - which
was exactly what Radyo Bandido had
been doing.[82]

Marcos orders not to attack via airstrike

"My order is not to attack"

0:31
President Ferdinand Marcos and
Gen. Ver during a press conference
in Malacañang Palace.

Problems playing this file? See media help.

At one point during the broadcast,

General Ver approached Marcos and
informed him that the AFP was ready to
mount an airstrike on Camp Crame, but
Marcos ordered them to halt.[83][84] The
actual dialogue on TV between Marcos
and then AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Ver
went as follows:

Fabian Ver: The Ambush there is

aiming to mount there in the
top. Very quickly, you must
immediately leave to conquer
them, immediately, Mr.
President.
Ferdinand Marcos: Just wait,
come here.
Ver: Please, Your Honor, so we
can immediately strike them.
We have to immobilize the
helicopters that they've got. We
have two fighter planes flying
now to strike at any time, sir.
Marcos: My order is not to
attack. No, no, no! Hold on. My
order is not to attack.
Ver: They are massing civilians
near our troops and we cannot
keep on withdrawing. You asked
 me to withdraw yesterday–
Marcos (interrupting): Uh yes,
but ah... My order is to disperse
without shooting them.
Ver: We cannot withdraw all the
time...

Marcos: No! No! No! Hold on!

You disperse the crowd without
shooting them.

Capture of MBS-4 (February 24)

At about 9:50 a.m. MBS-4 suddenly

went off the air during Marcos'
broadcast. A contingent of rebels, under
Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured
the station. MBS-4 was put back on the
air shortly after noon, with Orly Punzalan
announcing on live television, "Channel 4
is on the air again to serve the people."
By this time, the crowds at EDSA had
grown to over a million, but some
estimates place the crowd number up to
2 million people.[67]

On September 14, 1986, this broadcast

was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN
on air because this was the time when
former employees of the network were
inside the complex on after 14 years of
closure since Marcos took it over during
the Martial Law of 1972. "Radyo
Bandido" ended broadcasting that
afternoon, while Radio Veritas resumed
transmissions, this time from the
Broadcast Plaza's radio studios.

Attack on Villamor Airbase, and

further defections (February 24)

In the late afternoon of February 24,

helicopters of the 15th Strike Wing,
commanded by Sotelo, attacked
Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential
air assets. Sotelo had radioed ahead to
the pilots and crews of the air assets,
telling them to stay away from the
aircraft. As a result, the assets were
disabled without any human casualties.
Sotelo had sent another helicopter to
Malacañang, where it fired a rocket on
the palace grounds and caused minor
damage.[75][76]

Later, most of the officers who had

graduated from the Philippine Military
Academy (PMA) defected. The majority
of the Armed Forces had already
changed sides.[67]
Two inaugurations (February 25)

Inauguration of Corazon Aquino

Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as the

11th president of the Philippines on
February 25, 1986, at Sampaguita Hall
(Now Kalayaan Hall).

Date February 25, 1986

Location Sampaguita Hall,

Club Filipino,
Greenhills, San Juan,
Metro Manila
Participants President of the
Philippines, Corazon
Aquino
Assuming office
Associate Justice of
the Supreme Court
of the Philippines,
Claudio Teehankee
Administering oath
Vice President of the
Philippines
Salvador Laurel
Assuming office
Associate Justice of
the Supreme Court
of the Philippines,
Vicente Abad Santos
 Administering oath

On the morning of Tuesday, February 25,

at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred
between loyal government troops and
the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the
crony-owned RPN-9 transmitter in
Panay Avenue, near MBS-4, began
shooting at the reformists. Many rebel
soldiers surged to the station,[67] and a
rebel S-76 helicopter later shot the
snipers at the broadcast tower. The
troops later left after a V-150 was
blocked by the crowd assembled.
Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino
was inaugurated as President of the
Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club
Filipino[85] in Greenhills, about a
kilometer from Camp Crame. She was
sworn in as president by Senior
Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee,
and Laurel as vice-president by Justice
Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which
Aquino swore her oath was held by her
mother-in-law Aurora Aquino, the
mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the
ceremonies were Ramos, who was then
promoted to General, Enrile, and many
politicians.[67]
Outside Club Filipino, all the way to
EDSA, hundreds of people cheered and
celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Country, a
popular folk song and the unofficial
National Anthem of protest) was sung
after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people
wore yellow, the color of Aquino's
presidential campaign.

President Ferdinand E. Marcos is sworn by Chief

Justice Ramon Aquino in the Ceremonial Hall of
Malacañan Palace on February 25, 1986.

An hour later, Marcos held the

inauguration at Malacañang Palace.
Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony,
shouting "Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa
rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On
the Palace balcony, Marcos took the
Oath of Office, aired on IBC-13 and
RPN-9 (RPN-9 was going off-the-air
during the broadcast of the inauguration,
as its transmitter was captured by
reformist soldiers)[67] None of the invited
foreign dignitaries attended the
ceremony, for security reasons. The
couple finally emerged on the balcony of
the Palace before 3,000 KBL loyalists
who were shouting, "Capture the
snakes!"[86] Rather tearfully,[86] First
Lady Imelda Marcos gave a farewell
rendition of the couple's theme song –
the 1938 kundiman "Dahil Sa Iyo"
(Because of You) – chanting the song's
entreaties in Tagalog:

Because of you, I became happy

Loving I shall offer you
If it is true I shall be enslaved by
you
All of this because of you.[86]

The broadcast of the event was

interrupted as rebel troops successfully
captured the other stations. It was the
last time Marcos was seen in the
Philippines.[67]
By this time, hundreds of people had
amassed at the barricades along
Mendiola, only a hundred meters away
from Malacañang. They were prevented
from storming the Palace by loyal
government troops securing the area.
The angry demonstrators were pacified
by priests who warned them not to be
violent.[67]

Marcos' departure (February 26)

Marcos in exile in Hawaii

Despite holding an inauguration, Marcos
and his family were already preparing to
flee the country. At 5:00 a.m. on
Tuesday morning, Marcos phoned
United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking
for advice from the White House.[86]
Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut
clean", to which Marcos expressed his
disappointment after a short pause. In
the afternoon, Marcos talked to Minister
Enrile, asking for safe passage for him,
his family, and close allies such as
General Ver.[87] He also asked Enrile if
United States Ambassador Stephen
Bosworth could assign a security escort
for the Marcos family's departure.[88]
Around midnight, the Marcos family
boarded a United States Air Force HH-
3E Rescue helicopter[89] and flew to
Clark Air Base in Angeles City 83
kilometers north of Manila. At Clark Air
Base, Marcos asked to spend a couple
of days with his family in Ilocos Norte, his
native province. Aquino vetoed the
request. President Reagan privately
derided Aquino for denying Marcos a
last look at his home province.[90]

The deposed First Family and their

servants then rode US Air Force C-9A
Nightingale and C-141B Starlifter planes
to Andersen Air Force Base in the north
of the United States territory of Guam,
then flying to Hickam Air Force Base in
Hawaii where Marcos finally arrived on
February 26. The United States
Government documented that they
entered the United States with millions of
dollars in jewelry, gold, stocks, and
cash.[10][67]

When news of the Marcos family's

departure reached civilians, many
rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over
at Mendiola, the demonstrators stormed
the Palace, which was closed to ordinary
people for around a decade. Despite
looting by some angry protesters, the
majority wandered about inside through
rooms where national history was
shaped, looking at objects extravagant
and mundane that the Marcos clan and
its court had abandoned in their flight.
Shortly after midnight on February 26,
five army trucks of troops under the
command of Fidel Ramos arrived in
Malacañang Palace to secure it after
Ferdinand Marcos had left - marking the
end of the Marcos dictatorship, and
placing the palace under the control of
the Provisional Government of the
Philippines until a new constitution could
be enacted a year later, in 1987.[91]
As the provisionary government took
control of Malacanang Palace, and in the
rush of the Marcos' family's departure,
documents pertaining to overseas land
holdings and bank accounts were
recovered. These documents were the
foundation of successive attempts to
recover the Marcos ill-gotten wealth
starting with Operation Big Bird, as well
as court cases against the Marcos family
and cronies.[92]

In other countries, people also rejoiced

and congratulated Filipinos they knew.
CBS anchorman Bob Simon reported:
"We Americans like to think we taught
the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight
they are teaching the world."[67]

Events outside the capital

While much of the historical focus

regarding the People Power Revolution
has been on events arount the two
camps and the presidential palace,
Filipinos from all over the archipelago
also participated in the revolution, with
large protests happening in Baguio,
Cebu City, Cagayan de Oro, and Davao
City,[93] as well as prominent
municipalities such as Los Baños,
Laguna.[94] Cebu played a particularly
important part because Corazon Aquino
was there at the time the EDSA protests
began, speaking at a rally at Fuente
Osmeña Circle which was a protest
against cheating during the Presidential
elections earlier that month.[95]

Aftermath
Wikisource has original text related to
this article:
Proclamation № 3: Provisional
Constitution of the Philippines (1986)

Immediately after her accession, Aquino

issued Proclamation No. 3, a provisional
constitution which established a
revolutionary government. The edict
promulgated the 1986 Freedom
Constitution, which retained or
superseded various provisions of the
1973 Constitution that were in force up to
that point. This allowed Aquino to wield
both executive and legislative powers;
among her first acts was to unilaterally
abolish the Batasang Pambansa (the
unicameral legislature duly elected in
1984), pending a plebiscite for a more
permanent Constitution and the
establishment of a new Congress by
1987.[96]

Despite the success of the People Power

Revolution, there were elements which
were dissatisfied by Aquino's rise to
power, including the leaders Reform the
Armed Forces Movement which had
launched the failed coup against Marcos
and had been saved by the arrival of the
Civilians at EDSA.[97] As a result, these
groups launched a number of coup
d'état attempts throughout Aquino's
term.[97]

The revolution had an effect on

democratization movements in such
countries as Taiwan and South Korea;
other effects include the restoration of
the freedom of the press, abolition of
repressive laws enforced by the previous
regime, the adoption of the 1987
Constitution, and the subordination of
the military to civilian rule, despite
several coup attempts during Aquino's
rule.[98]

The revolution provided for the

restoration of democratic institutions
after 13 years of authoritarian rule and
these institutions has been used by
various groups to challenge the
entrenched political families and to
strengthen Philippine democracy.[99]
Legacy

People Power Monument

The People Power Revolution has

inspired a call for a change of
government through peaceful protests
rather than bloodshed. Many similar
revolutions have followed since then,
taking the Philippine example of
nonviolent regime change, such as that
in East Germany and many other former
Soviet Bloc countries, most of which had
direct relation to the end of the Cold War
in 1989.[100]

Rampant corruption during the term of

President Joseph Estrada led to the
similar 2001 EDSA Revolution leading to
his resignation from the presidency.

In spite of the revolution's repudiation of

Marcos' dictatorial regime, the Marcos
family slowly regained a political
presence in the Philippines mostly
through what researchers attribute to a
systematic spread of lies and
disinformation,[101][102] with Imelda and
her children Bongbong and Imee
reacquiring positions in government by
the 1990s. Bongbong himself was
defeated as runner-up to Leni Robredo
as a candidate for the Philippine vice
presidency during the 2016 presidential
elections. He protested in the Supreme
Court and was denied multiple times,
with the official gap getting even
significantly larger from the original
results.[103] In 2021, Bongbong
announced his bid for the Philippine
presidency in the 2022 Philippine
presidential election.[104] He was elected
president, marking the Marcos family's
return to Malacañang after 36
years.[105][106]

Commemoration

The Wall of Remembrance at the

Bantayog ng mga Bayani.

The EDSA Revolution Anniversary is a

special public holiday in the Philippines.
Since 2002, the holiday has been
declared a special non-working
holiday.[107][108]
Three commemorative sites along EDSA
memorialize the People Power
Revolution, put up by different
organizations to commemorate different
aspects of the People Power
Revolution.[109]

The Shrine of Mary, Queen of Peace,

Our Lady of EDSA, better known as the
EDSA Shrine is a small church put up
in 1989 by the Roman Catholic
Archdiocese of Manila in the Ortigas
Center at the corner of EDSA with
Ortigas Avenue. Priminently featuring
the 35-foot Our Lady of EDSA
sculpture by Virginia Ty-Navarro and
containing numerous other artworks
throughout the church, it
commemorates the "miraculously"
peaceful nature of the People Power
protests, as well as the role of the
Catholic Church in the revolution.[109]
The Bantayog ng mga Bayani was put
up by civil society groups and
inaugurated in 1992 to commemorate
the struggle against the Marcos
dictatorship, and the People Power
Revolution as a key turning point in the
struggle. The site's Wall of
Remembrance has an extensively
researched list of the martyrs and
heroes who fought the authoritarian
regime. The site, designed by National
Artist for landscape architecture I.P.
Santos, also features the "Inang
Bayan" sculpture by Eduardo Castrillo,
as well as a specialty library and a
museum commemorating the martyrs
and heroes honored on the Wall of
Remembrance.[109]
The People's Park put up in 1993 by
the Philippine Government on the
southwest corner of Camp Aguinaldo
at the intersection of EDSA and White
Plains Avenue contains the 30-figure
People Power Monument sculpture by
 Eduardo Castrillo as well as a 1983
statue of Ninoy Aquino sculpted by
artist Tomas Concepcion.[109]

In Culture and the Arts

10-peso coin commemorating the

People Power Revolution

In 1986 a few months after February a

music video starring various artists was
released called, "Handog ng Pilipino Sa
Mundo". It was written by Apo Hiking
Society singer Jim Paredes and
performed by numerous artists, and
showed martial law heroes Jose W.
Diokno, Lorenzo M. Tañada, Rene
Saguisag, Butz Aquino, Joe Burgos, and
Pres. Aquino with Vice-president Doy
Laurel during their campaign.[110]

In 2003, the Radio Broadcast of the

Philippine People Power Revolution was
inscribed in the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) Memory of the
World Register, which is the official
documentary heritage list of the United
Nations (UN)'s educational and scientific
body.[111]
See also
Proclamation No. 1081
1972 Philippines Martial law under
Ferdinand Marcos
1986 Philippine presidential election
Epifanio de los Santos Avenue
"Bayan Ko"
"Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo"
"Magkaisa"
EDSA Shrine
People Power Monument
Bantayog ng mga Bayani

General:
 Timeline of the presidency of
Ferdinand Marcos

Similar events:

EDSA II
EDSA III
Revolutions of 1989
Colour revolution

Footnotes
a. Other alternative names include the
Philippine Revolution of 1986, EDSA
1986, EDSA I (pronounced EDSA One or
EDSA Uno), People Power Revolution I,
and EDSA People Power.
 b. The first name Marcial refers to martial
law, and the last name Bonifacio alludes
to Fort Bonifacio, where Ninoy was
imprisoned.

References

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External links
Wikimedia Commons has media
related to EDSA Revolution.

John Nery (writer) (2006). Edsa 20

'Isang Larawan'—An Inquirer
documentary ([Link]
m/watch?v=UdcuiX0ytPo) [EDSA 20
An Illustration] (documentary) (in
Filipino). Philippines: Philippine Daily
Inquirer. Retrieved March 2, 2021.
R.A. Rivera (director) (2015). People
Power @ 30 - History ([Link]
[Link]/watch?v=ude3JYp-k8w)
(documentary, episode of History with
 Lourd) (in Filipino). Philippines: TV5
Network. Retrieved March 2, 2021.
People Power Revolution Day by Day
([Link]
AO6RDfVxxU&list=PLBPGAOebX_X4s
PsnQ4ULjJKe2QLSxS-Cq&index=1)
(in English and Filipino). 2021.
Retrieved March 2, 2021.

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