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405 views150 pagesW. Allyn RickettGuanzi II1
Named for the famous Chinese minister of state, Guan Zhong (d. 645 B.C.), the Guanzi is one of the largest collections of ancient Chinese writings still in existence. With this volume, W. Allyn Rickett completes the first full translation of the Guanzi into English.
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
405 views150 pagesW. Allyn RickettGuanzi II1
Named for the famous Chinese minister of state, Guan Zhong (d. 645 B.C.), the Guanzi is one of the largest collections of ancient Chinese writings still in existence. With this volume, W. Allyn Rickett completes the first full translation of the Guanzi into English.
Uploaded by
taichivaerkstedetCopyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF or read online on Scribd
pty GUANZI
FT
Political, Economic, and Philosophical
Essays from Early China Q/ a sruvy
AND TRANSLATION By W. Allyn Rickett
Volume Two
(CHAPTERS XI, 35XX1V, 86
KE nn trey Pras: Pine New lene ij
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1985
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CONTENTS
Preface
Intodtion
(General Content of Volar Two, 3: Changes ia Forms, Special
‘Toms, 5; Rhymes, Recent Developments i Guanst Ste,
‘Translation Precodures and Methade of Nein, 9
GuANz
1X, 35. Ch Mi 6M (follows XIX, 59)
XVI, 49. Nei Ye ler Workings, and Introduction
to the Four "Xin sh Chapters
Ith, 36. Ate Sh Shang 8: (fllows XI, 37)
XII, 37. Xin Shu Xa fF, Art ofthe Mind, Part I
ith, 36. Ain Shu Shang We, At of the Mind, Part
XII, 38. Bat Xin, Paifyng the Mind
XIV, 39, Shu! DI 3, Water and Earth
XIV, 40, Si Shi 1 BF, The Four Seasons
XIV, 41. Wie Xing Z ff, Five Phases
XV, 42, Shi 9, On Paying Atenton o Circumstances
XV, 43. Zing I, Rectification
XV, 44. Ju Bian 9, The Nine Altratives
XV, 45, Ren Fa 2, Reliance on Law
XY, 46. Ming Fa 83, On Making the Law Clear, and
XXI,67, Ming Fa Je Ws , Explanation ofthe "Ming Fo"
XV, 47. Zhong Shi £ #2, Restifying the Age
XV, 48. Zhi Guo i B, Maintaining the Satin Good Order
XVI49. Nei Ye 19% (precedes XI, 36)
XVI, $0. Fong Shan $1, The Feng and Shan Sacrifices
XVI, SLX Wen th Ht, Minor Queries
56
6s
2
8
108
ug
9
136
40
was
132
170
us
181
186 conrents
XVI, $2.0! Chen QIZhu & B+, Seven Ministers
and Soven Rules 201
‘XVIL, 53. Jin Cang # #, On Maintaining Restraint 2s
XVIII, 54. Ru Guo > 8, On Entering the Capital nt
XVI SS. Jv Show f.%, Nine Things to Be Preserved 21
XVI, 56. Huan Gong Wer 16 FE, Queries of Duke Huan 238
‘XVII 57, Du Di 34, On Appraising the Tein 240
‘XIX, $8, Dan #8 F, Categories of Land 2st
XIX, 59. Dist 2% HK, Duties ofthe Student 23
‘XU, 35. Chi MF 6, On Exteavagance in Spending 22
XIX, 60. Yn Zhao # #8 (ost)
XIX. G1, Xi Shen 1A (os)
XIX, €2, Wn Ba 2 (os)
XIX, 63, Me Min Je AF (lost)
XX, 64 King Sh Jie % 9 (see Volume One, 12)
‘XK, 65. Li Zhong Jiu Baie 33 AL RCR (Gee Volume One 14)
YX, 66, Ban Fa eK M (se Volume One, UI, 7)
XXL, 67, Ming Fa Je 9% (see XY, 46)
XI, 68. Chon Cheng Ma. Mand Introduction to
the img Zhong #8 Section 337
XI, 69, Cheng Ma Shu 81M, The Art of Fiscal
‘Management 364
XXI, 70. Wen Cheng Ma 4 % (ost)
XXII, 71, Sh Yu Hf, Discourse on Economie Matters 368
‘XXII, 72, Hai Wong 8, Kingsip Based om the Sex an
XXII, 73. Guo Xu BB, The State's Store of Grin 376
2XXIL, 74. Shan Guo Gut i IE, Using Stasis
{o Control State Finances 388
XXII, 75. Shan Quan Shu 3 A, Methods for Coping
‘with Change 398
‘XX, 76 Shan ZH Shu Ws A, The Best Methods
for Insring Fiseal Cont 408
CONTENTS
YXXUL, 7, i Shu 3, Methods for Exploiting the Earth
‘XXIII, 78, Ku Du #8 M, Calelations and Measures
OXI, 79. Guo Zhun i, Maintaining Stability
in State Finances
‘XXII, 80. Qing Zhong Ja HEH, Qing zhong
Economie Poles, Pat A
XXIV, 81. Qing Zhong 16 Z, Otne shone
‘Economic Polisios, Part B
XXIV, 82. Qing Zhong Bing WF (los)
XXIV, £3. Qing Zhong Ding HT, Qing zhong
Economie Polisss, Part D
XXIV, £4. Qing Zhong Wi HEH, Ding shone
Beonoiie Policies, Part E
2XIV, 85. Qing Zhong Ji HIE Qing chong
Economic Policies, Part F
XXIV, 86. Qing Zhong Geng #8 8 (ost)
“Appendix, En Rhymes for Rhymcd Passages
‘in GuarciVojume One
Bibliography
‘Abbreviations, 525; Coninentaors, 525; Older Works in Cine
tea Tapes 529; Resene Wers In Chinese and Japanese, 535;
‘Works Other Langage, 341
Index
a
430
4a
445,
46
480
498
09
si
sas
ser PREFACE
thas been almost a dozen years since the publication of the fis
volume of this iagslation ofthe Guan, mich longer than 1 had ever
Anticipated. Some of his delay hasbeen ue to complications encoun-
{ered In peeparng the manuscript for eletronic publiston, some to
‘he especialy ditieltnatar of several chapters, bt alto the increasing
inficieney of old age. Fortnately, throughout the process I received
tremendous help fom friends and scbolarsboth here and abroad Initial,
help came in th form of reviews of the fist volume, especially those
by William Boltz, Robin Yates, and Roger Ames, which led 0 some
changes in the way Thave handled marters inthis second vohime,
fullinedin he intaduction Towe tremendous tanks to Wilism Baxter
{or geting me stared on archaie hymes, but also need 0 absolve him
of aay blame for the results. John Knoblock, afer reading an early
rat of my translation of the "Bat xin® chapter (XII, 38), made a
‘umber of suggestions that were of great help in coming lo grips with
that very dial chaper and I was also grey helped by Harold
Roth, who went ou of his way to Send me dfs of his work on early
Daoism and the "Nei ye” (XV, 49) and "Xin sa” (XI, 36 and 37)
chapters ofthe Guan. Many thanks ae also due to J. 1. Kroll for his
comments on my introduction to the “Oing zhong” chapters and to
‘Koichi Shinohara, who was kind enough send mea copy ofhis book,
Benares to Beijing, hereby introducing met te important ties of
Kanaya Osama onthe Guanz.
Talo owea grat debt of ratiude to many Chinese fiend including
Ma Feb Hu Siang, Wa Baosan, and Zhao Shouzheng ia Beling
4nd Wang Demin and Chen Shuy,edior ofthe Guansi suekan,
Zito, Both Zhao Shouzheng end Ma Feibai contributed geal this
‘volume. Zhao"s wansation af the Guana ino modem Chinese has pro-
vided an invaluable check on my own work, while Ma's Kindness as
teacher and fend has left an indelible impression on me Icons
time Iwas able o spend with him in Beijing as one ofthe high
ny life His work onthe "Qing ahong” chapters i crucial to the study
of those importat texts, and shortly before his sad death in 1984 he
presented me with two unpublished manuscripts dealing withthe "Nei
yes" which Iwas ater able to have published in the Guana uekan. One PREFACE
‘ofthese, consisting of collected annotations oa the text including bis
‘own extensive comments, was of major assistance in revising my 1965
‘wanstion ofthe "Nel ye" for this volume.
“Another person who must be mentioned i David Goodrich, who has
‘made itpostbl forme to have thie volume published by sting me vp
‘with the computer program necessary for electronic publication. AS
‘hardpressed fr mea he om countess aceasions he interrupted hie
‘work to bait me out when Iwas i rouble. My appreciation of such
‘enerosgy knows no bounds Also of tremendous importance daring
‘he past to years has een the help and understanding of Lois Wescot
‘Rickert Finally, tere is Adee Austin Ricket, my wife of fifty year,
‘who provided major support fortis project fem is inception in 1948
{0 her death in Febrary 1994, Inthe fall of 1993, realizing that her
Jong srugue with cmncer was coming toa close, se gave up he own.
‘work to read my manuscript forme, completing the final chapter jus
Aaysbetore she died Her passing has been a erable oss, and itis tober
‘memory tat this volume is dedicated.
Medford Leas, Medford New Jersey
December 1995
Guansi FEL
, 7
=
&
& INTRODUCTION
General Content of Volume Two
‘This second volume, completing the translation ofthe remaining fry
wo chapters ofthe Guana (XI 38-XXIV, 83), contains several ofthe
‘ost dificult nd mast interesting selections inthe entire work ‘Among
‘hem are the for so-called "Xin sh «> exis, namely tbe "Nei ye"
PP (XVE 49), "xin shu shang” AF and xia” F (XI, 36 and
517), and “Bal xin” (XII, 38), whic are basic tothe study of erly
Chinese theories concerning sel-calvation and she relationship be-
‘een body and mind aswell asthe development of Huang-Lao Jf
pola! thought® Similarly, “Dizi zi" 2 W (XIX, $9) provides us
‘wih one ofthe oldest surviving discussions of edveation in China, out-
lining the duis of te student and pointing up the fact that the goal of
‘waditonal Chinese education was more @ mater of shaping attudes
‘ad instiling discipline than the acquisition of knowledse.
Toclided inthis volte also are Several extremely important pilo-
sophical esays dealing wth Vin-Yang and Five Phases thought, “Si
‘ht" 59 GX, 40) and “Wo xing” 5.4 (XIV, 40), as well as what
may be the wor’ earliest tempt at a sysematie study of soils and
plant ecology, “Di yuan” 3b (XIX, $5), and one of the ealest di
‘cussions in Chines literature ofrgation and flood conta "Du di"
$e, CXVIM, 57). Sinilay, “Shut dt" (XIV, 39), which deals withthe
futur and superstral properties of water, refers to te citelation of
blood and oxygen inthe body some two thousand years before Wii
Harvey’: dacoveries and contain a surprisingly modern description of
the development ofa human fers.
Equally important are a series of chapters dealing with economic
thought, especially "Chi mi" i (XM, 35), which presents a very
‘moder 0unding, and for wadtional China very unusual, theory
ing extravagance in spending as way to promotes state's economic
wwabeing Moreover, che"Qing hong” BE chapters (XI 68-XXIV,
" sese ps tnt at al feet AX 0-48, AL 70 OR Dad
ove ten eter re scleth”WchapesDOX 63X, 5t y
Seng oy Seaton ape cnec ne ino be oet
“Ser dct gh we tty come be Ne Inrropuction
85) that make up the faa section ofthe work describe a number of
fiscal policies involving government monopoles over such commodities
tesa and iron, th use of government loans to promote agrieulture and
to secure coawol of the harvests, thereby insuring a vial monopoly
‘ver the nation’s grain supply, and goverament control ofthe money
‘sspply andits us inthe manipulation of goods an priesin the matke-
place, These chapters alto provide us with one of the werls rst pre-
‘entatons ofa quantity theery of money
[Except for he "Net ye" and fow ether chapters, the context ofthis
sscond volume appears to be later than that ofthe fst volume In fat,
‘many ofthe most important chaptrs contained here clearly date from
the Qin-Han 4-8 perio, late third to frst ceaury 8. The "Qing
“hong” chapter, for exarpi, were probly writen by advocates of
fystem of government monopolies tat was later instuted by the Han
temper, We, Between 120 and 110 .c. Amumber of chapers, espe~
Sally Xl, 36XV, 43 and XVI, 49, aso appeur to have been com-
poss by natives ofthe aren dominaied by the sate of Chu 2, even
thowgh they may have boon produced by these writers while they Were
lnzeidence atthe linia 1 F Academy ia Liai the capital ofthe
slate of
“As wth volume one, Ihave prefaced the tanslation ofeach chapter
wth intoductry comments in which have discussed at varying length
“spending upon the importance of the text, is eontens and possible
“ating and ngins. The separate dating of each chapter or eve its con-
tsitvent pats, is extemely important otherwise the rch contents ofthe
Guana re rendered more ores useless forthe study of early Chinese
‘thought and istitions. Therefore, in aditon to my own conclusions
‘conceming dating, [have presered the major altematives proposed by
‘Chinese a foreign scholars.
Changes in Format
Inthis second volume, some changes in format have been instituted,
paral ava result ofthe need to make use of new cost-saving technology
nd paialy in response to eicisms contained in reviews of volume
tone One sich response involves an effor to make the text more rea
Ale and ess clrteed by removing the slashes used to indicate the
se npc iin By, of he Anan Orit Set 106
ns) Ataf yh of ann ©2018 HD
edger A Sarna ofl Sas 28 1888 1.
INTRODUCTION
‘beginning of nev lines or pages inthe Chinese text However, bot ine
and page numbers ae sil given in the margins
In anther attempt o make the tex ess clutered,Thave cut down on
the use of square brackets fo indiat the addition of words or phrases
that donot speically appear in the Chinese text but are necessary for
‘larity in English The problem rss fom theft tbat clascl Chines,
fn iis tesenes, ofen omits the subject or other important words that
‘one would expect to find explicitly stated in en English sentence and
‘eles instead on general context and the reader's broad Fania with
the subject to make the meaning clear or ths volume, Ihave decided
to climate the woof brackets when such addons are wel sabtant-
ted by the contest However, there remain Himes when coatsxtual or
‘ther evidence is 20 weak that he taslatr is forced to reseye ambi
[ules by making jadements on his ow. In such iastanecs, I believe
‘hat brackets retain their useulnes and those Ihave kept.
Special Terms
‘Another change concerns the translation of cern terms, the mast
important of which ar and y In the fist volume, I tended to
follow the sancard ditonary ranlaions for thesotwo torms,"prnple™|
sand righteourness." However, Wiliam Bolt (Review, 84) eniized
both these twatlatons, maintaining hat the rendering of 25 "principle™|
is meaningfal nly from the time of Zhu Xi 3X (1130-1200), when
the word was invested wih jot such a metaphysical sens in the Neo-
Confucian ferment of the Song = period, He then goes ox to sugeest,
that means interalstuetrg”or"internal system fabri nde,
[sles akin to ite hommonym i (#2), iesde),” and proba
2h, meaning “order” {generally agree with this argument and
have therefore inthis volume, tended use a range of wansaton fr
[refletng the concopt of herent order o:strctre
Professor Bele aleo points Ut that snot a vagus il-éefine,
purpose ethical er with genral meaning of righteousness. "Specit-
tally" e says, "pis that sense of ty, loyal, and obligation that one
feels his own peer group, whether that group i perceived inthe nar-
rowest sense as an immediate fail, of inthe wider sense of social
‘ass Again, Profetsoe Bolts point is well taken. However, 9 also
Ins a broader meaning of doing the appropiate or vight thing in any
tivensitation, When Due Huan tells Guan Zhong (XVI, 518al-2.
2:105.13}" wish my sotions o be of widespread humaneness (ren (=)
and great yo that they wl be of benefit te entre realm.” yi refers
s intropucrion
this ding whatever is “right” o ut” in flfiling his obligations as
‘ruler ThesT think tha inthis ituntion “ightousness” a suitable
‘alan. In general, “sense of i” appears tobe the best anslon
‘ben one is speaking ofthe eatonshipe betwen equals o oF an inferior
Tova superior, but "ighteounese” may be appropriate when speaking
shout te superior, particulary if ht superior happens tobe a cosmic
force suchas Earth See, foresarpl, the pasage inthe "Nei ye" chapter
VE, 49388; 2101.6)
esi the ict’ gest an hold enw the Power Then te beoeeee
(ven )ot Heaven andthe righteoaress (of Exh inboustecs shin wl
Satya
“The problem presented by tems suchas thes is especially complex
vn dealing withthe Guana since is various chapters were writen
By aderen weiter spening two or thre centuries of time and often
‘presenting quite diferent points of view. Thus, they tend to take on
{Sfeyent shes of meaning nd for ei speiicrendring in any given
fiteabon one mast pay ease attention to the overall context.
Rhymes
ethups ihe most important change inthis second volume hs t 40
wth my teatnen of ynes, Some tity ofthe surviving seveny-sx
Chapters ofthe Guana! contain shymed passages, and while some ae
‘alps few lines in length, cers, ain the case of Si cheng” 3 4 CX,
$3y Ener ye™ ORV 49) and "Dizi 2h!" (XIX, 58), cover almost the
‘atc text My orginal plan wasto have separate stay ofthese ymes
{icluded inated volume of spcil sts onthe Guansi, However,
ier publication of th Bist volume, I began to have second thoughts
‘Robia Yates in his review expresnd the opinion that more should have
‘Dosa dane withthe rhymes in direct connection withthe wansation.*At
the same tne, {myself began to fel that rye usage especially the
ppemance of iegular rhymes, mightbe of some assistance in tempt
po assess the oigns of various chapters.
hat de 1 mean by iegulsshymes? Based primarily ona sty of
sty ptr inthe Shing, Chinese and Wester scholars eve re
‘Constructed some twenty or standard rhyme categories or groups tha
‘epescat the porm for thyzing in early Caines texts. There ave also
{hur tone, with wonds nthe fourth tne rhyming with other words in
INTRODUCTION
the fourth tone o third tone, but ot with words inthe isto second
tone. Furermore, as a general re, unsvessed words such as © are
ot used wo form fhymes.
However, in str pre-Han and carly Han Court fistcentares 0.)
tex, because of either itferences in regional pronunciation or ether
factea, words from diferent rhyme groups or of incompatible tone
ppontin places where its obvius that the ext is supposed to ryme,
‘scare eregula shyres, The problem s complicated since itis some
fimos hard to ell whether these deviations ffom the nom represent
{Gales or oher differences veto natural changes in the language 0:
ie the result of ether srt eors cr pure carelessness on the part of
{he author Be tat as may, both Cainese and foreign scholars have
{ong recognized that texts associated wih the state of Ch, waich domi-
tat» large nea on both sides of te lower Yangtze River, show a
pater of iegula rhyme Usage consistent encugh to be considered
Fpecrentative ofa regional dialect. This so-called Chu dnlst wil be
‘Seamsed in wore deal n my introductory comments te the "Nei ye”
vt),
"To designate hymes, have willed te syne groups of Dong Tonge
4 fH (1911-1963) a5 presented Chou Farkso's(Zhow Fagao) Hanzi
{ulnyinal 4 Pronouncing DieSonary of Chinese Characters in Archaic
{End Ancient Chinese, Mandarin and Cantonese) and Chou's system for
tranerbing the phonetic valves of archaic Chinese For help i identi-
{yng hymed passages, Ihave relied heavily on Jing Yougao's classic
‘work, Xan-Qinyun di (A Stuy of Pr-Qin Rhymes], and an article by
Tong Ya Shun (Cong Yootun) "Xia-Qinsamwen zhong de yurseen
{Ghangy" [Rhythmic Writings in Pre-Chin Prose (Part 1), published in|
She Chung Ch Journal of May 1963. I thie ater work (pp. 144-150),
‘Lang presents table of regular rhymes appearing ina wide range of
pre-Qin tex, including the Guansh.
‘Unfortunately, Tiang’s wor, which was somewhat pioneering in na
urine fais coverage and contaes some errors, While Lun’
‘Work does peat deal to vemedy these defects, too is icomplce, The
Jroblem of Mcoiying rhymed passages becomes especially dificult
Mien the text i corrupt a often ion the Guana. Therefore I have
rmetimes aided my bit to thee work, largely on the bess of emend
tions suggested by various commentators
"Wn ist began working wih the yes the Guanz, Thad high
hopes for what ty might tell ve about te origins ofthe fx, but a5
mt progressed it Gecatne increasingly clear tha this would not be he
ite FloweverI stil believe that in some instances, such asthe four INTRODUCTION
“Xin sh" chapter a study of he rhymes can contbte to our under
standing ofthe background of ext ae well as itnature. Fr thisreaton
have noted end shymes and their archaic phonaic reconstructions at
{he end ofeach line and also provided an appendix atthe end of this
volume listing the end-hymet appearing in the chapars covered in
voume ox.
[Recent Developments in Guanzi Stadies
Sing the publication of volame one in 1985, there have been several
jor development in the area of Cuanc! studs. In October 1986 2
conference on the Guaraiand Qiculture was held in Zibo i818,
‘Shandong Province the stoof he old Qi capital In addition to pubishing
‘volume of conference paper entitled Gaon! yoni (Guan Staies,
the conference also established journal, Guons! xuekam, which has
‘been published quarterly since 198) andhas come tobe thomost impor
tant vehicle for Guan scholar all ver the wort Of parila value
are bibliographies, published inthe fst thee issues of 1988, isting
CChiness, Wester, and Japanese works on the Guan. Asecond confer.
fence a held in October 1989, which again resulted ina volume of
Dupes, this tie entitled Guan yu QF wena (The Guanct and Qi
Culture) A third volume, Gi wenhua zongion [General Essays on Qi
Cute), nas produced in 1995 following a similar entoreace hal in
‘August 1992.
The yer 1987 also saw publication ofa major werk on the Guanzi by
the Japanese scholar Kanaya Osan, Kansh no Kentya: Chigokdkadat
“shisbthi no tobe [Studies onthe Guar: Oe Aspect of the History
‘of Ancient Chinese Thowght) In dating the various chapters, Kanava
tends to follow such Chinese scholars as vo Genze, Guo Mruo, and
Hu Jiacong waving the work's erly core back to the Jini sola in
(i, with ltr addons being made down trough the Qin and early
Han. His major contibution isin his ater o demonstrate that the
Guarel isnot merely apasche of unrelated inatesial but aber a work
that by and large, except for the “Qing Zhong” chapters, shows the
‘evelopment ofa consistent ideology based on a naturalistic view of
the cosmic order and that of humanity. He abo does mach o ear the
‘Guanats value as major repository ofeatl Hang-Lao thought Specs
does not permits detailed discussion of what Kanaya aso say, buthis
Foes jor, se my wi Ee Ching, 81989) 291-21.
INTRODUCTION
‘work is of prime imperanc in the study ofthe Guans' philosophical
content”
1a 1989 Zhao Shousheng published a revised edition of his two-volume
translation ofthe Guansi ito modera Chinese under the tile Guana!
‘ong [Comprehensive Explanation ofthe Guanci-Inthis wor, Zhao
revises and completes tho paral wandlations contained is his we-volure
‘Guanal shin (Guanal with Notes and Translation), published in 1982
and 1987, Although I have sometimes disagreed with Profesor Zhao
‘nthe stepretton of pei passages his Guanzitongyicisamaseful
‘work, indispensable for anyone working onthe Guar
‘Aluo in 1989, both Zhao Shouzheng and Wa Boosan, another major
contributor othe etuy of the Guar in China, produced books dealing
‘withthe economic thought ofthe work Sine both scholars ae prima
rly cconcmic historians, hie works ate ofopecial valu end particulary
relevant to this sovond volume of my tanslation
Fall in 1990 the Guanzixuokan in three issues (1-3) published
posthumously Ms Feibais "Guanat "Nei ye" pian jizhu” [Collected
‘Annotations of the "Nei Ye" Chapter ofthe Guan), This masterful
‘work the most comprebonsive textual study ofthe "Noi ye" dat
‘Translation Procedures and Methods of Notation
In this sacond volume, Ihave followed the sre general procedures
snd methods atin volume one. The translation Is based a two well-
[now prints of standard edition: the Sibu bei pinto the Ming
dynasty Zhao Yongxian 12 Be edition andthe Sibu congkan photo
‘graphic reprint of« Song-Yunn %-% eition containing a preface by
Yang Chen i. The Yang edn s the oldest eadly availble edition
nd thus inder normal ercumstancesshoulé serve asthe baseline for
‘ur translation. Unfortunately, however, isa very por eon, eon
taining numerous lca ad Tal characters. Therefore T have used
‘oth it andthe Zhao edition, which has served as the sandad since
Qing: times In addition othe Yang and Zhao eitons, which rp
resent ene teu lineage, I make fequent reference in my notes 10
“seuss ai rh Kany, Tn Though i he a aie Koi
sSiotaasnd Gas Sopa, rm erro fin Ben Saino Cae INTRODUCTION
‘Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions, which represent another lincage. The
‘Ancient edition, hich lacks a commentary, probably dates fom the
‘Yunaor cary Ming, while the Livediton appears in Lin's 9 98 Guanzt
Dushu # F ih se The Zhu edn is ltr print of the Liv edition
contained in Zhu Dongeuans's # HH, Zhongdu sil ¥ HDF pub-
lished in 1579."
‘The ofder in Which the various chapters are preseted follows the
standard Chinese order except that XXI, 67, which is basically a line-
Dyaine explanation of XV, 46, bas been incerporatd into that chapte,
‘and chapters XII, 35, XIU, 3, and XVI, 49, have been shifted ou of
{heir egulr order to other places inthe text. XM, 38, which contains
immportint discussions on howto develop the cconomy, hasbeen moved
ta position just before XXI, 8, tho fist ofthe "Qing zhong” chapters
that deal cieBy with economic snd Guel policies. XI, 37, and XV,
49,the former being largely en explication ofthe later, have been paced
Defer XI, 36, to facia the discussion ofthese important "Xin shu
chapters
‘she Left margins Ihave continued to provide page numbers fo the
Sibu beijao text 28 wel line numbers fo the Guatae jibe congo
‘rit of the Ming dynssty Zhao Yongxian edition ured by Wallace
Sohasoa in his Guan inde (A Concordance tothe Kuan-iu). Thus,
Soknson's work can serve as « Chinese index tothe translation. For
‘Chinese texts divided into both juan # and plan roman numerals
‘are ued te designate the former and arab mimeral the ater, fr txts
‘that ae simply divided into ether juan or pion, arabe numerals alone
‘ae uted. Page and line number are given following a hash mark. For
‘tadional Chinese works published in Wester format with continuous
pagination, Ihave provided the original Juan andor pan numbers fle
Towed bythe Westem pagination
‘When cing other Chinese texts that havea standard translation, 1
Ihave urally provided a reference toi. However this i for reference
purposes only, since my translation will often be quite different. Com-
no pu te Guo bo red ig he Lin pay tat 1012 Ae
‘mein as ce (pn) th aumento as eG mtn a
ih was Ming taco team 0 New ne wat
Need es ter oh a ry oe
INTRODUCTION
rentators whose works have served asa basis for interpreting the text
‘listed in the nots with their names in Brackets, Fll bibliographical
data for thom is hen provided in tho fst ston of the bibliography.
“The names of authors cited inthe introductory comments and nots, a
wel the names of taditonal Chinese works, ao Fisted in he index,
‘The index alo lists major subject heecings and special terms when they
sppear in significant context, ‘AVI, 49
Nei Ye
INNER WORKINGS, AND INTRODUCTION
TO THE FOUR “XIN SHU" CHAPTERS
Introductory Comments
‘The "Nel ye" is one ofthe four so-alled “Xin shu" or “Ar of
the Mind” chapters, the otbers being "Xin shu shang™ <4] (Il,
36), "in shu xa" 0° CXL, 37), and “Bal xin” Be GRIT, 38)
‘These four chapter all del with aspects of Davist quictam and, except
forthe Laosi and Zhuang, represent our most important source fr the
study of ealy quietst though. For this reason modem Chinese and
Japanese scholars generally rat them a unit!
"While I do nt agree that all four ofthese chapiers areas closely
related as many ofthese Scholars maincain it is tre that the capers
‘Share enough in commen to warrant their discussion in some eystem-
fac fashion, Unfortunately thor odor of appearance in the Guanzi
‘makes ths dificult. Por example, “Xin shu xin" (XI, 37), which
peat obo an explication and development of porns ofthe “Nei ye"
(XIV, 49), has boen placed way abead of that txt inthe sequence of
‘chapter Therefore to avoid conriderabl repetien and other compli-
tations, [have eurangod the sequonce of these chapersin the flloving
1. "Nei ye" (XVI, 49), which i the longest ofthe four chapters, n=
‘wad the Earth impule forests way dowevard.® Whoover acs ascrdinghy
‘lives wineer et conti wl de
The Zhuangst, VI, 18810-12 (Wation, Chuang Tau, p. 167), de
seribes a more elaborate development of this type of yoga practice:
Pula aed bloweg ella and ietiliag, expelling the old and drow
ing in he ow, exerting bro tides and bird toch, longevity their
only concemsuch he ie fverod bythe scolar who preteen
‘tthe Way (Dao yn 88) men who nourah hel ata hare who
Seek to lve slong os Pen."
Ben more advanced forms of yoga ar mentioned in Zhuang, I, 6!
1462-3 and7/1748-19al2 (Watson, Chuang Tu, pp. 94-97 and 167),
which present stories about Lies Pi and his master, Huzi B ¥, and
Yan Hi
‘By the middle ofthe Fouts century nthe concepts and practices of
these two groups had come togetir, giving rite tothe general point of
View and Body of though, inlading the Lace and Zhuang new known
25 pilosopical Daoism. These philosophical Daoist, many of whom
‘were connected with the Jixia Academy in Qi, remained true t their
individualistic background and by no means represented an organized
"Tpegs Chosen il eve od morte end
a ae Cie ll hen aS 8
Fino tat ung only ec fry mc eure ye
eon he XVI, 49 NEIYE
schoo, Infact, their ideas were often gute contradictory Theis dif
ference in ideology stemmed not only fom diferent concepts ofthe
‘Way, the meaning of life, andthe composition of the univers, but also
fiom dieing motivations on the pat ofthe philosophers themselves,
H. G. Cree! har classified thess motivations as “contemplative” and
“purposive” and points out that while the Zhuang! is inthe main poi
cally indiferent or even anarchist, the Laos! gives a great deal of
vie on how to acquire and rein politcal power"
‘Purpose Daoiam divide ino at eat tre vaguely constiuted groups
ade up of those who were primarily interested in prolonging ie
ttvough various self. cultivation echnigues mentioned above those who
were concerned primarily withthe aplication of Daoist approaches to
polis and those who wore intrested in using Daoist coneept, such
winning troush yielding to secure military superiority. However,
the line between them was over very sharp end usualy showed itslt
‘merely interme of emphasis. The Daoist chapter ofthe Gua reprosent
all hoe of these ends.
Inthe Shi, 7lda2-6, Sime Qian refers toa group of scholars asso-
ciated wit the Jxia Academy, including Sher Dao 1), Tian Pian
‘fie HM, and Huan Yuan #, as people who studied the methods
of Huang-Lao (Hoang Di 4 and Laori +) Daoism He also (637
*211-Sat) says that two import Lepalists, Shen Bahai © (
337 3c) and Haneii 8 $F (4. 233m.) also based ther doctrines
‘on “Huang and Lao” More recently, especially since the discovery of
{he Laos! "A" and "B” and thee appended texts a Mawangdal in 1973,
the tom Huang-Lao has come fo be wsed for a form of Daoism tha
‘combines tenets of Duos thought with various aspects of Coafucian-
{sm and Legals” In this sense, thas come o be wed extensively in
reference tothe Dacst thought ofthe Guan,
Te should be pointed out, however, tat using the term HuangcLaoin
‘connection wit pe-Han text is somevthat a misnomer since the term
{des nt appear in any known pe-Han text. Its most propery sed 0
refer to (1) Daoistorened school of potclpilosophy that played
© Pug Yel ii sto, 2172, pon tht vey te “Dai aoa
stn Ses pra he Has Syne fe hie» names of re a oot
"Phos Tot, 45. Cet plat 0 chapter 2, 2,2, 30, 38, 5,68, 68, nd
sgn oct canta fon sf Dam, Conn Me
‘i ve nc nage eel seep
2
INNER WORKINGS
an important roe in he early Han before the emperor Wu made Con-
‘anism the state orthodoxy, and (2) highly mystical Daoist eigious
‘movement that developed some tne late Fortis reason several Chi
nese scholarshave offered allemative suggestions, but thes too are not,
‘tire satisfactory, and therfere have opted o follow what has now
become « more oles standard convertion
‘What sthis so-called Huang-Lao ue $4 &, especially as itappeas|
inthe Guan? One ofits most important characteristics isthat is Daoist,
component fers fom the Daoism that predominates nthe Laos! and
iuangei in several important acess: The Way becomes much more
naturalistic and less mystical 1 emins a fist principe, but ti m0
Tonger ently nameless. It tends tobe teat esa natal law ofthe
universe, but tthe same time it tends to lose its position as something
‘beyond Heaven and Earth. Inca imesit appears as merely a reat
force existing between Heaven nd Ear, Emphasis is placed oa the
relationship between names (ming ) and forms (xing %) or realities
(hi M0), timelines intend of timeessness, law (a i), which isrooted
inthe Wey, and political methods (shu) as ameans to enablih good
corde. The ideal valor becomes « Danist sage, ruling through nonaser
tiveness (im we) and practicing various quiet techniques, whl the
‘work of administration is performed by his ministers and buresuracy.
(Confucian vito, especially ren =, human goodneser “benevolence”
JB, "a sense of duty” oF “righteous conduct,” and Fi #, "ivalaic
Principles” or propristy” are valved"
MEANING OF X1y site
“These of the term sin shin connetion with these chapters potent
‘problem. Ite fly common term inpre-Han and Han iterate
nd Keay Ona Root no hen Chagas ane he
{tema a “Dent egtem’ Wu Cumg“Caa say age
fever sprite "Min La ue" Wt 4, ScoLantan” Gwe oct
ere oie et ig ae gh fe
"Teampat te othe aiote rhe emeapae Dream topo i
aa ly, he Mo ony Per 19) nd mg pn ae
‘ii itm Cag Pu 235) Three wn be Wap se owe
‘eye. Wher Powe we manne spec Woon ants a
‘nf nape When» ao wu a. ppt apne ox pee
1s pl en of yy ad uote he pine of omer
‘SS fr xen hep 10 CCT 91
a AVL 49 NELYE
However, it appears oaly once inthe text of these four chapters, and
{hot i under somewhat dubious circumstances in the explanatory sec-
tion of "Xin sha shang” Bal-2; 63.12-13) In fet, below this ref
rence toxin shu may well involve deliberate tapering withthe text
by some early commentator who was atempting to explain the mesn-
ing ofthe ile” The ete x appropriate forthe primary subject of
these hats, but tere ism qn sboat how it shuld be rae
Ist
‘The character for xin, sa pictograph of the physical heart, and
this is its basic meaning. However, by extension itis also used to refer
to theming or, asta inthe Wes, the emevions* Why the early Chinese
should have astocisted the mind with the heart rather than the bein
(roo Wit, the substance inside the top ofthe sl i not a all ler
It probably has something f9 do withthe fact tha the beating ofthe
‘heart, long with the breath, isthe most obvious distinction berwesa
life an dost. Shu orginally seems to have meant a “road” or “path”
and by extension "the way things operas,” “method” or “tshnique,”
fd finaly “Mk” or “at”
‘The term sn shu appears in one oer chapter ofthe Guan, “Qi fa
“4 or "Seven Standards” (H, 17-8, 122.12), where iis isto as
‘one ofthe standard alongwith laws of ature (efi), pysical qualities
(Giang &.), standards fr measuremest (fai), fom of wansformation
(hua), permissive oinhibtory action (jue sa sk), and estegris
(of mensutation (ji shu Hf) that are vital for sucessful rule. Furcber
fn (25-6; 253), the text explains that “Being fet, sincere, ber,
{generoae, temperate, or altri called xin sh,” which I aslo
‘here as “pate of meta behavior”
In the Zhuang, V, 18/1401 (Watson, Chuang Tew, pp. 145-146), Li
HL 1968-9 (Lege, Li 128-10) abd Huatnana,7/ 110 (Mergan,
Tao the Great Luminant, . 75), all references cited in note 20 above,
Yo XY TRE and 186-10 nee, et 5100 aed 18) aed XY 28),
20 able, 3.10 be Lf MBS (gp KE, he a
‘ee dh i eG mn 79) Be ae
Cr
Upenalg pon teem Acly tee we pbs cone wit
(ht sat Fort cing coon he mee Ha shin"
Nesp Rau Coat tie ia he Chane
2
INNER WORKINGS
it seems to ofr to the operation of the mind, However, the Gui,
3561-6, and Sho juan, 19/1363 and 14a10 it clearly retest the art,
‘of nurtating the mind. The Huainans, 1/14) (Morgan, To, the Great
“Luminan,p. 24), even appears to cite our “Xin shu shang” chapter
indirectly in a story shout Xu You # 2 a hermit who refused the
imperial throne when it wa ofeod to him by Emperor Yoo ©:
“The mot import tig in the wor ie nt ith Yan, but with me, nat
ssh thers, Britny own sl When the el grape the Wy, al things
fr complee. When one goes deeply info the principles f the at ofthe
‘ing, ten one nds st nd este, kes an ses to be extanecs
‘The isi, I, 2910-11 (Kaoblock, ons 1:154), contains a ee
vant pesage
1s ever ao tat in rene to ke at of cooling the brea and using
the mind, nobing i more dit thn obterving th le of prose, more
lnmportee thar having good tencer, or moe spill ening
than cancenmtng om what ane ike. Thie called 40 2 “the
sof contoling the bound nurrisg the mis”
‘Thus Ihave used “ar ofthe mind” as my translation for in shu in the
tie ofthese chapters
‘Whats this ar"? According tothe smewhat dubious passage in the
“Xin shu shang” mentioned above, “The art ofthe ming les in entol-
ling the apertares (yes, eas, nosis, mouth, anus, and sex organ)
‘rough nonassetveness" The mind most remain empiy oll procon-
cxptions and desires so that the nine aperture can do their work. Ifthe
find i clouded by preconceptions or desires, the eyes, eas, and other
spertues will not be able to perform ei proper functions. By keeping
the mind empty one can grasp the Way, respond to objective cicum=
stances, prolong one's lie, and insuce one’s sagelike rule. This i he
general message conveyed by all ou ofthese chapters. [trepresens a
tradition that ound a very strong following among the Js scholars
and had grea influence on ltr philosophers, including such notables
35 Nunn fat the Xura, XIV, 21/409-567 (Kaoblook, Nunc 3:108),
provides an excellent sumimary ofthis wadion:
ow do mer come to kxow the Way? I sy Hat iis trough th mind
How does the mind kom? Iai etre acy wf), oncenton|
(Gt — or &), and quescence (jing). The mid never spe storing up
ings onecless, thas what is eld the cpus for veut. The mind
is forever led with concn ike; nontees, as wht called the
2 XVI 49 NEIYE
capasity for oecontton. The mind never ops moving; noneteet, ith
‘satis clled he opacity forquescence.
Me fom Bh have the capt to ko, ané having the capacity kaow,
‘heres memory. Memory is what isso: nneteless, te itd ils what
‘Salled the capacity for vou. Not peomiting whe he self as stored
"terfre with whats about be reseved i clled “cay” Te mind om
‘ih ashe apa o know and having tis capacity eee orepion
of difarences. Perception of iferences means t knw dere hn atthe
me time To Kes fen things atte sure tei 9 fate coeicing
‘Ges. Noneteles resi whats elled eoncetuton. Not penning ne
‘hing terre wi snd inalid ance” Whenthe mds slp,
‘Razer. Whos ts laced moves offs own asad. When employee,
obemes. Therfis fe tdi never without movenen Nontaln
'Smullthecapcty fer quiescence Nat peeing ears and pty annoyances
‘odlsrpt tis ears to kao icalled euesence,
Raves
‘All four of these “Xin shu chapters make extensive use of rhyme,
nd while the appearance of hymed passages inte Guaratisnot unis,
hve paid apeialattaton to it here because ofthe rlaively high
incidence of regular fymes, especialy inthe "Nel ye" and "Ba xin"
‘which elsus something about the elionshipof these chapeers aswell
{8 providing clue to thee origins.
As mentioned inthe introduction to this volume, scholar have log
recognized that among a certain group of fourth and third century
texts whose reputed authors were supposed to have come fom the
ifoneral area of the state of Chu inching the Ov ef, Laas, and
‘Zhuangzt, certain iegular rhyme pattems appear with enough cosis-
tency for them to be considered representative of a regional dialect.
“Tiss further confirmed y the fat that thee regular rhyme pater
also appear in Han foxesesocintd withthe same ate, sh ae the
“Huainanci. Moreove, the four texts prefited to the Laos! “B" man-
‘serpt unearthed et Nwangd, which appear to have been of Chu
‘origi, also adhere o this pater” The moat important of these pat
‘ularly distinguishing imepular rhymes include thyme group: (7
‘rat with (wor ak), = with & (ay oral) (ew one) with
‘4H. He (on) with (eng), and FF (ang) with (eng). Also,
BLES Seon tt pan ln
chu eas on ona
4
INNER WORKINGS
appear frequently tan end-shyme, and the retistions on fourth tone
‘lyme are much loose.
“Although thse ae the most common end-ymes associated with
(Chutext, an cxaminaton ofthe imegularshymo bles on pp. 44-150
of Lang Ya Shan’ "Xian-Qin sane ahong de yuawen (hang) show?
that the Lael and Zhuangs! and several cher txt erocetd ith the
CChuara, including the Weni, Huang Di nejing owen, and Huang Di
nejng lings, also shares number of ether iegular patton, and
tile none ofthese pattems can be sid tobe silly limited to Ch
texts, the fequency of their appearance in such texts i much higher
‘han ia those known to come from other parts of China
“Astoftheioyularshymes appearing in hese four"Xinshu" chapters
is presented in chart. From it we can seo that most of the mopar
‘iymes appear inthe feo chapters, “Nei ye" and “Ba xin" The two
‘examples listed for the "Xin shu xi” merely involve tone. OF the four
‘examples listed for “Xin shu shang.” tree ar ofthe 2— category
tnd involve the character dao 38, "way.
‘Since the "Nei ye" and “Bai xin” chapters are longer than the oer
to it isnot suprising that they shoul contain the largest number of
meg hymes, bur its surprising tha thre should beso ite ovep.
(Only the combination of groups = - and te ~ tk appear in both the
"Neyo" and Bain” while the very common eombinaion of =
apps in both the "Xin shu shang” and "Bai xi,” but notin the “Nei
yer" This relative lck of overiap Would tend to suppor the conclusion
that thse chapters al came rom iTerent sources anc probably diferent
times. Abhough the samples small, it would also appear hatin terms
Dr irepuarshyme usage, ss indicated in Lung Yu Shun's ables, “Bat
Xin" loses to the Zhuang, Huang Di neing sen and Huang Di
eng lings, closey followed bythe Wenct and Laczi. The "Ne ye"
Contains none ofthe common ireglarshymes associated withthe Lao,
Zak, A, JM, and H- Hh which are usualy considered tobe
‘mong the prithary indicators of Chu dies. However, again i terms
Oo its overall use of irregular rhymes, it appears t be closest to the
Were and Zhuang, oliowee by the Laozt, Huang Di nefing seven,
Huang Di nebing Hngshu, and 7! Zhou shu. Since, withthe possible
exception of the 3T Zhow shu, all of these texts are thought 0 be of|
southern or Chu origin it is very posible that both the "Bai xin” and
We Winn Ce ee 2693) wold el a er, weep 2,
nega epe torn ts xe howe aoe ps Bos
ihe weep do tt elves ea
as AVI, 49 NEI YE
(Cmaxr 1, IRREGULAR Revues rue FOUR “Xi Su CHAPTERS
iyme Groups __XVi49_ XML 37_XIIl, 36 _ XI 38
with a8
s-t
a8
>»
2 with ca
BBaees Hea BH
& with R
with w
with ae
win
with
He with
BK RE HOR
A with Be
with
with ®
3 with a:
with Ave AR
with om
with aoe
Zahwith it WK
A amwihInd
oH
RH
*
a
1H 4th with Ind
ath with Ist
Hi 2nd with #& Ah
2nd with ft 4h
Zasan endshyme
ee
6
INNER WORKINGS
“Ne ye" chapters ae also fom this area” This possibility i strength
cnodby the marked similarity of passages appearing in the "Nei ye" and
“Bai xin” andthe Jing fa, Shida jing (Shia jing) and Cheng texts
prefied tothe Mawangdui Laoe!“B" manuscept." I is also perhaps
‘worth noting that “Xin shu shang” and “xia” and “Bia xn" appear ina
luster of ether chapters inthis "Duan yu" secon, notably, “Shui "|
‘4H (XIV, 39), “Shi” (NV, 42), and “Zheng E (XV, 43) which ae
‘leo of probable Ch origin. The same may be tue for™Si shi” 125
(XIV, 40) and “Wa xing” 6 (XIN4 4)
Couposirion oF rie “Net ye"
‘The Net ye" isa lengthy horatory text that, wih the exception ofa
fow short pastags ia sianeas VILI, VILL, 1X3, and XII is almost
‘ete in thyme Is various pats were most key chanted orally and
tvistd ina umber of diferent versions long before ou existing version
‘vas pinto writing, The ext it primarily composed of pairs ofbalanced
lines of two four charactor phrases cach, but this meter is equealy|
‘broken by patsages wit ines of ineguar length, usually of tee ot
five characters. The hyming patter and meter ofthe "Nel ye" tend 10
tborore complex than thos of other chapters inthe Guan The lengts
of stanzas and thei subdivisions is very uneven, and there is «wide
‘arty of pattems, the most common being a, bb. However, it may be
‘anu; bb, ofa, bb, et. Furtnermore, wile the most common pater
is formnymes to eppea ite tthe end of two or more phrases of tres
‘or four characters o atthe end of two or more line consisting of two
‘Phrases of four characters each, other pattems also oc
Surviving editions ofthe Guanz stally have to ote beaks in
‘histext, thas dividing tito threo fur separate sections.” but sever
2 Tc exsig Mes re min se, ane mie aw Zh
saute bn he at omy, omen ed eM
Ti." cae Zt" te ng Bn wan 77 Conti
neste Cor ie prtig re sore re Bing en
Iu Hn some pr ie eer The nD acing ig ly
Tem ben mn. Se ory ge
‘Gr See zhangSochng, Monga, I 960-30, a CD
“rome pes he dea hot cr mec
103) a6 0) (A@-10 10, 282-43 (1011-1088, ond bo ab10 (129
a XVI, 49 NEI YE
rmosecn scholars have futher subdivided these ino stanzas of varying
Teng largely based on content at wellas thyme pattem and mete" In
spite of some disagreement song these sebolrs as tohow maay stanzas
there should be and where they should bein and end in mostcases he
situation is hy clear. The major difference in the way these scholars
Inve divided the text stems from their weatment of short poze that
‘coal stand alone. I hve followed the scheme adopted by Ma Feibsi,
‘who divides thetext ino fiftesa stanzas, with ost ofthese being futher
‘subdivided into shorter units of varying length”
‘While theres some overall development logic to the soquence of
these stanzas, the "Nei ye iffer rom ordinary ess)-ype tet, even
‘hase writen in zhyme prose in that each stanza can exist as an inde-
pendent unit I saspet that originally was indeed the ease, since not
‘nly is there considerable repetition, bat the usage of tems s=ms 0
‘vary somewhat fom sanzato sanz, Furthermore, sore pastages, ih
‘stanza VL, appear to ave litle comnestion with what provedes or
follows and sound like sl-contained chants In gencil, the Sst ight
stanzas provide philosophical base forthe remaining sven, which
‘eal primarily with bow to prolong life and ive inthe rl
‘Tu Mraxnno oF “Net ve"
In previous translations I have rendered nel ye as “inne lif” or
“inne workings," while A.C, Graham and Harold Roth have ue “inward
wining," and Jefey Riopo hes wansatdias "werkings ofthe innee™=
In early Chinese texts, ye hada variety of meanings bul mot cemmon
were activity” "work," "deeds," or “achievements. Chinese Buddhists
later usoditas 2 tanslton for “karma,” which in Sans also east
“work In modem Chinete iti often wed to mean “busines” and he
tem hive % moans "“o complete one's raining” ore be graduate.”
> Fr example, Ma Fs Cue yin jit’) sd Vien sh vie
‘tno fees sun, br de eto lowstcomeain ep
‘Stee tes ey ue! (Te Pera Sa Chap” 15-189) ve
‘ew ic Reg pen nb ono
"See my ob) Enon Wr Ma ef, Fe Cm dale of Pda!
he Ce en, pes fe aye
*
INNER WORKINGS
ere, a tile nei ye primarily refers tothe workings af the mind, but
ny ofthe above eanlations is possible
Key Tens
Much of what the “Nei ye"has to say is centered around several ey
tem. Tho fst of thas ising H, which oiinlly meant fine and pure
rice By extension tame to mean the anacleated esence of things
‘ora state of mind thats concentrated on a single porpoe,Itislzo ured
to refer tothe eed of human life. In the "Ne ye primarily refer 0
‘ sominal or vital eens that isthe sooo ofall living things, fom the
‘argods above thefive grains below and the ghot abd sp (guchon
‘2 if) Boating in th space beewoen.
‘Anotber Key term i g (orginally writen 4), which has a wide
range of meaning, fm the common sit we breathe toa pramal ether
that povides the mseral bce forthe universe Inthe Guan easually
refers tothe vital fores of natre, such asthe Vin and Yar, but in th
‘chapter itmeans itor tho physical breath ora vital force representing
the vital estence (ng) ts inti forma” AS a ital ere, (Stanza
13) is never o be restrained by physieal strength or fore bat may be
‘ought to rest by the de the mystical or sprnal Power, which i
the manifestation of the Dao 3 or “Way” within the individual ™
“Te Dao in ths txt i theultimate creative fore inthe universe.
-Accoeing to stanza IM, the Way is what fils ou ing 4 (which may
‘mean either “physical form” or the mind's “gestalt) fat one cannot
old itn place Stanza V1 as that with “he mind quiescent Ging
Un aneer to gusoe fee Gaeg Coe 8 sto awe minis
petted mind Manis rope Mgt A, 2) The wal 1)
Ieee 9 wit gar eh bly Since wl mpm od eg
‘indy tp sala ne ld d's ieee When i
(iis Pley. nen hin nen ten spine. oe ew
"Geno Chou fc went ou ak sa ea Hodes Ment
ted secs
sie Nor che at i oe ho ah
I gbgt aL Cnsan, Nel eee pe ng stg awe
1s Aa rdw st Can pe
ete mi ito sc” ce tot ae
2 (XVI, 49 NEI YE
(9) and dhe vi fore well managed, the Way can be made to stay."
stanza V, the Way "isthe means to cultivate the mind. Losing it, men
Ai, having i, they live Losing i undertakings fal; having i they
suceed."™
‘Closely asocated with Dao is another term, Shen # or Shen ming
1 "te Sprit” which appears tobe a manifestation ofthe Dao ot
pethaps just another appellation forthe Dao self” According to stanza
‘VILI: "What i tone wit things and able to being about thi rans-
frmstion is ealed the Sprit" Further sloag (stanza VIL2), the text
ds "The supremacy ofthe Spt—how briliant—itknows al things.
Preserve it within and do 20t goo excess. Do not lettings confuse the
snes, Do not et the senses confise the ming, This clled nteral-
‘zation oft Spirit” Again in VILA: "Respectflly keep clean its abode,
tnd its vital essence wll naturally come. Quiet your thoughts in ode
to contemplate it Rest your mind inorder te koep contel of it Main
tain dignified eppearance and espetTlatitude, then ts val essence
wil of elf bosome sable.” The Tuainacs, Vi6al3 (Morgan, To,
The Great Liinant, p27), sates: “The bodily forma (xing 8) i the
thode of lif; the vital force is it ler (chong 3); the Spit i its
regulator (2h #)."
‘Another word asociated with Dao and Shen is 1 —, which may
sean to concentrate or focus one’s atention on something, to be of
‘ingle purpose orto beat one with somthing, but italso can be used as
‘\noan to mean “the One,” that eternal principle which never changes.
Teappeasto have this mooning in stanza VII: "To wansforn witout
alering one’s vial fore, to change without altering one's wisdom —
only the man of quality who grasps the One is able todo this"™
REFERS in a ao mnt co
iu Se ten in ey eo es te ie dey of
cr sen ogee et
vase ae The ay andy Power, 59), sae Zoe Vil 2980 Go
hay a0, es sr comet we Bo = eae te Os Tae
‘les Sommente Wane s-29)eabame“e ae” meen as
Semel, hip in ne tt tenes
30
INNER WORKINGS
“There are alco soveral key trms that have todo wih th Functioning
ofthe mind, This finetioning is bet described insta VIL 1-3, which
begins wit a dscusion ofthe Way and the need to understand it
‘hat do we msn ty undead € This iin he mins regulation,
‘When our sind are ell palate or conse organs ae als well ep
Jat Whos our minds are at ens, cur ease orga re als ease. Ws
regis them iste mins what os tem at ease Ise mid The med
Chstfore coats an omer. That eto sy win te ind thre i
‘tier mind In that mind's mind the power of awareness comes befor
‘in After evares come forms, Aer forms cme names Aer mae
omer puting the mind to ase Afler puting the mind to use comes 1
regulation
In this pseage the term yi, which [have translated a “power of
sovatenes” is of special interes, I seem fo refer toa basie mental
‘apacty that precedes thought. This brought out more clearly in the
‘comparable passage inthe "Xin ha xi,” #a$-1 (6.7-8)-“The power
‘of awareness coms before words. Afar awareness comes forms, and
‘fer fore comes thought. Afler thought comes knowledge” Stanza
13 ofthe "Nei yo" also cntsns the statement thatthe gi may never be
‘summoned by one's cll but“may be made weleome by one's power Of
(Of particular importance othe proper functioning ofthe mind is its
_xng 3 -Xng basicaly means “orm,” and it appears with this meaning
‘several imes inthe chapter, especially in reference tthe body. How:
fever, it also appears in the expression sin 2h xing 22, It, “the
fom ofthe mind” In this case Ihave translated sing as “gestalt” i
reference tothe mind's overall character Sta TL sats i ever
0 tha the mind's gestalt is array fall and narualy epee, nato-
rally bor and naturally perfects, Should its function be impaired itis
‘eran to be de t0 sertow and happiness, joy and anger, desire and
roi secking.
For the mind to enjoy a proper gestalt and to avoid eifiality or
‘overaseriveness inaction (wu we isnecessaryforitto be quiescent,
(Ging 9). According to stanza IV.1: “The mind quiescent and the vi
force well managed the Way can then be made to stay" The Zhuang,
Wa Reinga 8 gm he Gt ant
= anrsing he oswo naps ee te Wo
in Sed daar of sm ements Ch
Fy XVI, 49 NEI YE
V,13/2a (Wasson, Chuang Tou p. 142), describes quiescence asa tte
in which nothing can dst the mind.
In tho "Nei ye," Coafucian vires are also mentioned as having 2
role in maintaining an individual's equilibrium and general well-being
‘According to stanza XI
Fer aresting anger, ting is beter than poetry. Fr geting i of soo,
song Is beter thas nes For moderatng ane, noting ‘x beter tan
les of propriety. Fox preserving rues of propriety, wong is beter Ua
reap. Fer presersng respec, thingie beter than guesses
The astpartofthe chapter steses the importance of practicing dietary |
snd breath contr and geting id ofemoton. As stated in stanza XIV.
"With excessive gorging the breath will be harmed andthe for will be
unable to old it all With excessive abstention the Bones will dry up
tnd the Blood wll congea” XIV2 uges: "Expand your mitd, and you
‘will fel oleate. Deepon Your breathing and you will feet relaxed”
XV then goes on to sty: “It is ever so tha man’s life is certain to
depend on is being content Though soow he lose his guiding tread,
through anger he loses his bepimings. In sorrow and melancholy, jy
and anger the Way ean ind no resting place”
Avrmorsity ax Darina
Lue Genze in his Guancitanyuan (pp. 86-90 and 105-107) stator
‘hat the “Xin shu” chapters date from the end ofthe middle pat ofthe
‘Warring States period, tat the Inte fourth to easly tied contre
‘ac. Onthis point ost Chinese and foreign scolar are agreed, Whore
they fer isin the mater of authorship andthe relative dating of those
‘ur ehapes in relation to other texts of the tine, such asthe Meng
nd Zhuang
"Amng Chinese scholars, thee basic points of view tent dominate
the discussion. The fist centers around an article writen by Gue Maru
| 1964 in which he mainaind that all four af the "Xin sh” chapters
ae remnant ofthe writings of to Jv scholars, Song Xing # and
Yin Wen 7 5" According to Gue, Song Xing and Yin Wen were both
ast me el oe, poe as nd pe
‘Mor, “Sng Xing Yn Wn ye tn” Kena Ona, Kash my
20 wad tno ie» 190 we pane Swen can RPT it
SW aed ceed “Can hang an 2 Song ng yatta” #998
Lk w $i Geen oe ng Xing ot Neri eC
a
INNER WORKINGS
contemporaies of Mencius (371-289 mc), with Song slightly elder
fad Yin slightly younger. They both leaned toward Daoism bat were
‘Primarily influenced by Mozi(¢. 479-c. 381 m.) in tat they were
[gaint war an erticizedlunarious living, including overeating. They
‘soeepted Confucian vires suchas humaneness, a sense of diy, ant
propriety se well e the Confcin respect for music. Iie the smalgam
‘fthes views that Guo then dubs a5 "Huang-Lao.”
‘Guo anes (p.247) tha the orginal statements of “Xin shu shang”
‘were writen by Song Xing hse, while the explanations consist of
‘ote akan by his etidents during his lectures, He also says that both
the "Nei ye" and "Xin shu aia” ware alse writen by Song, the later
‘being the orginal version of the same text. Later te tx! oF the "Xin
sshuxi” was badly damage in tansmisson, leading to the loss of both
is begining and end andthe serabling of slpe in what remained
‘The reason given forthe two being separated in the Guan! is that Li
Xiang 3 obtained them from different collections ® The “Bai xi,”
‘which shows a funher development of Song's ideas, was writen by
Song's dieipe Vin Wea, wo was inuerced by other xia scholars,
{including Droste suchas Huan Yusa, Guan Vin Sand Jie Vo, end
by Shen Dao, who combined Daoism and Legals, andthe Confcian
“polden mean” philosophy expressod inthe "Zhong yous"?
‘Song Xing i mentioned ia a numberof early txt, inhaling the
Monge, Zang, Xura, std Hanfe, where he is usualy desided in
‘Mohist terms "Less f known about Yin Wen ® However, both be and
‘Song Xing ae desertodin some detain another chapter fine Zhuang,
2X, 38/16310-1609 (Watson, Chuang Tou, pp. 367-368.
“To mins ape ig (ol xin) by Being uninhibited by caren
‘soo and uopetentous in respet fewer tine, By Being neler
‘Toe "Zhong yond tas altonly been ated eZ St Tau Ss) FB, he
gunn of Conc tn wton apc spt by Ga Honey
GR ace" Chap eri of ie ee
fn at 1203 3
on Ft for 230 whee be
ihoon Soe ong, Ts “Teco terre be Goon st 303018 88
Sout £7 keen pn bs is et
"the Si Lea fe sans DONDE ie We
1 in erp, a wo te avg nt Se eae
I eter be ie guy. See Dog acon. ee tng, 91-09
2 XVI, 49 NEI YE
ype (omonding 4 to) of ether mex nor eae toward the mais,
‘yeskng pence nthe wri inorder topes ives cf he eos td
Sting form mor thas at equredo pode erates and one rslf—soch
‘wee aspects oh Way as pracced i asl ines Song Xing ad Yn Wen
‘ard about hese modes for behavior and were dlghed with them. They
{shone aflatopped bat sbapedlike Meu Hua [inet equal]
tnd adopted ita ir symbelIn interacting wt al ngs, they bese By
