HISTORY OF

COUNTERTRANSFERENCE

The constant and polymorphous development of the field of psychoanalysis since

its inception has led to the evolution of a wide variety of psychoanalytic ‘schools’.
In seeking to find common ground between them, Alberto Stefana examines the
history of countertransference, a concept which has developed from its origins as an
apparent obstacle, to become an essential tool for analysis, and which has undergone
profound changes in definition and in clinical use.
In History of Countertransference, Stefana follows the development of this concept
over time, exploring a very precise trend which begins with the original notion put
forward by Sigmund Freud and leads to the ideas of Melanie Klein and the British
object relations school. The book explores the studies of specific psychoanalytic
theorists and endeavours to bring to light how the input from each one may have
been influenced by previous theories, by the personal history of the analyst, and by
their historical-cultural context. By shedding light on how different psychoanalytic
groups work with countertransference, Stefana helps the reader to understand the
divergences that exist between them.
This unique study of a key psychoanalytical concept will be essential reading for
psychoanalysts in practice and in training and academics and students of psychoana-
lytic studies and the history of psychology.

Alberto Stefana is a psychotherapist in private practice in Brescia, Italy.

To my son, Octavio
HISTORY OF
COUNTERTRANSFERENCE
From Freud to the British Object
Relations School

Alberto Stefana
First published 2017
by Routledge
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© 2017 Alberto Stefana
The right of Alberto Stefana to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Chapter 1 translated from Italian by Aldo Grassi. The remaining chapters
translated from Italian by Joyce Myerson.
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History. – The best way of understanding psycho-analysis is still by tracing its origin and development.
S. Freud, Two Encyclopaedia Articles, 1922

Referring to the necessity of checking the dates of the papers written on analysis Freud remarked, “It
is just this which the critics fail to do. They seem to think that analysis was dropped from heaven or
erupted from hell – that it is fixed like a block of lava and not a body of facts which have been slowly
and painfully gathered by scientific research”.
S. Blanton, Diary of My Analysis with Sigmund Freud, 1971

Psychoanalysis is such an essentially historical subject and method that it really doesn’t make sense to
talk about it any way but historically and, of course, we have to start with Freud. However, history is
like the law; the law is what the courts do, and history is what historians say; and my history is different
from your history and you mustn’t expect it necessarily to correspond. It’s just my way of understanding
psychoanalytic history.
D. Meltzer, Adhesive Identification, 1974
CONTENTS

Foreword ix
Bob Hinshelwood
Acknowledgements xi

Introduction 1

1 The origins of the notion of countertransference 3

2 Freud and the psychoanalytic movement between the

foundation of the IPA, the Great War, and the turning-
point of 1920 19

3 The contribution of the early pioneers 29

4 The Second World War, the controversial discussions, and

the tripartite division of the British Psychoanalytical Society 52

5 The work of Melanie Klein and her influence on the

development of the concept of countertransference 57

6 1947–1950: the ‘watershed’ years 66

7 The contribution of the British school of object relations:

first phase 76
viii Contents

8 The development of the concept of projective identification:

a medium of communication 85

9 The contribution of the British school of object relations:

second phase 107

10 Some non-conclusive considerations 134

Bibliography 141
Index 157
FOREWORD

“Concepts,” Soren Kierkegaard (1841) said, “like individuals, have their histories
and are just as incapable of withstanding the ravages of time as are individuals. But
in and through all this they retain a kind of homesickness for the scenes of their
childhood” (p. 47). And there is no doubt that countertransference is a concept
that has had a rich life. Whether it looks back to its childhood – with suspicion
and scandal in the early days before World War I – or not is doubtful. It is now
embraced with a great deal of loyalty by many psychoanalysts, who use it to inform
their practice, judging it an essential channel of communication. Freud was puzzled
by what he recognised as unconscious-to-unconscious communication, and he even
considered the possibilities of telepathy.
Today, the nature of countertransference is pictured in very different ways by
analysts from very different theoretical backgrounds, who start from very different
assumptions about the human mind and its unconscious domain. The meanings
of the term have ramified in a bewildering series of directions; it is like a vine run
wild across a wilderness. I know because I have tried to survey this geography from
a single perspective, that of Kleinians in Britain, as if taking photographs from a
geostationary satellite. But this book is close to the ground, a tourist’s guide to every
nook and cranny. I am impressed at such a comprehensive and yet detailed account
of a complex cartography, and, as Kierkegaard said, a similarly complex biography.
That said, we have therefore to be prepared for a complex book, which takes us
in an unhurried way through the thinking of various people with various concep-
tual orientations and across various phases in the history of psychoanalysis. It covers
debate from the very beginning with scandals that overtook Freud’s closest workers
to the most recent splintering of psychoanalytic schools. In the long withdrawal
from the mechanical thinking of the economic model and drive theory, thinking
about countertransference and projective identification has been ‘used’ in all sorts
of respects.
x Foreword

This book gives us a comprehensive story of how the problem of countertrans-

ference overtook the early pioneers, and as it proceeds through history, we become
lost in the fragmented state of theorising where anyone can freely have an opinion,
without the rigour of placing it in a context of neighboring ideas for comparison.
The history of countertransference is like a river dissipating in multiple directions
as it runs into its delta. The connections and interconnections between different
thinkers and different groups become myriad and lost to view.
This is a source-book for anyone wanting to advance their understanding of
countertransference; but it is also a warning that more than enough has been said
already in our literature, until the time when we can more systematically digest our
hurried originality and effectively evaluate it in practice. This book is a start.
Bob Hinshelwood
December 2016
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Stefana, ‘Cenni storici sul controtransfert: da Freud alla scuola inglese delle relazioni
oggettuali’ Psicoterapia e Scienze Umane 47, 3: 443–488 (2013), is reprinted here with
permission of FrancoAngeli. Material from this work appears in Chapters 3, 5, 6, 7,
8, and 9.
Stefana,‘Lo sviluppo del concetto di identificazione proiettiva: il contributo degli analisti
kleiniani di Londra’ Il Vaso di Pandora 24, 3: 15–62 (2016), is reprinted here with per-
mission of La Redancia. Material from this work appears in Chapter 8.
Stefana, ‘Sigmund Freud e l’origine del concetto di controtransfert’ Medicina nei Secoli,
26, 3: 943–960 (2014) is reprinted here with permission of Medicina nei Secoli.
Material from this work appears in Chapter 1.
Stefana, ‘The origins of the notion of countertransference’ Psychoanalytic Review,
102, 4: 437–460 (2015), is reprinted here with permission of Guilford Press.
Quotations from Edward Glover, The Technique of Psychoanalysis (London: Baillière,
Tindall & Cassell, 1955) are given with permission of Elsevier. All efforts have
been made to contact further copyright holders of material in this book. Errors
brought to the attention of the publisher will be corrected in future printings.
INTRODUCTION

Since its inception, psychoanalysis has experienced a constant and polymorphous

development, creating such a multitude of theories, techniques, and models that it is
reasonable to suggest that there is more than one psychoanalysis (Wallerstein, 1988).
Even though each of these is an offshoot of the same tree (Fonagy and Target, 2003),
only some analysts are willing, to a greater or lesser degree, to concede to this. There
are others not disposed to do so at all. Such a variety of psychoanalytic ‘schools’
explains the diverse routes that analysts have followed, based on their particular
interest in certain typologies of patients (hysterics, children, narcissists, borderline,
psychotics, etc.). Within the treatment of such patients, a specific clinical material
emerged, one whose theoretical reformulation – first and foremost a theory of
pathology – was then presented as a general psychoanalytic theory (Sandler, 1993)
with its own unique theory of technique.
Is it possible to identify a common ground in this kaleidoscopic panorama? And
if so, where? It seems possible to find the answer in the role attributed to transference
(Wallerstein, 1990) and countertransference (Gabbard, 1995), as well as to the psycho-
analytic setting, indispensable to their emergence and evolution. These two concepts,
united in a common destiny that has seen them transformed from obstacles into
essential tools of analysis, have undergone profound changes both in terms of defini-
tion and clinical use. To this day, there exists a wide variety of ways in which they are
understood, conceptualised, and employed by different psychoanalytic authors.
In this study, I will focus attention on a very precise trend in the development
of the concept of countertransference (seeing as there exist so many psychoanalyti-
cal schools of thought), one that proceeds from the original notion put forward by
Sigmund Freud and leads to those proposed by the analysts of the British object rela-
tions school (including the input on the subject from the Kleinian and Independent
groups and by some American analysts heavily influenced by them). The contribu-
tions from this school were fundamental in the diffusion of the discussion regarding
countertransference in all its theoretical-clinical aspects. It will become clear to the
2 Introduction

reader that the British contribution to the development of countertransference is in

relation to projective identification, particularly in what I term the ‘first phase’; while
in the ‘second phase’ authors talk less of projective identification, or not at all. Despite
this treatise’s focus on the British input on the subject at hand, I am well-aware that
there exist other major theoretical positions on countertransference that over time
developed in various nations and continents. In this regard, it should be remem-
bered that important debates, as well as a subsequent proliferation of highly relevant
theoretical-clinical research, were ongoing in Latin America, beginning towards the
end of the 1940s with the work of Heinrich Racker, as well as throughout the 1950s
and 1960s with the work of Madeleine and Willy Baranger (cf. de Bernardi, 2000).
In France, until the 1970s, the discourse surrounding this concept was strongly influ-
enced and perhaps ultimately inhibited by the philosophy of Jacques Lacan, (who
preferred to use the term ‘the desire of the analyst’ instead of countertransference;
cf. Duparc, 2001). It was not until the mid-seventies, when the United States aban-
doned the classical point of view, represented by the works of Annie Reich, did we
see in that country a growing number of studies on countertransference, inspired in
particular by Erich Fromm and Heinz Kohut (cf. Jacobs, 1999).
The criteria upon which I have chosen to investigate certain authors are based on a
personal leitmotif, in keeping with my ability to sense, in their writings on countertrans-
ference ( just as any other psychoanalytical concept), an echo of a filiation relationship (as
for example in the ‘training analysis’ or in supervision) or a relationship based on friend-
ship or collaboration. There must also be present in their writings a familiarity with
certain theories and specific linguistic terminology, as well as a connection to their own
psychoanalytic and cultural milieu (in this case the British Psychoanalytical Society).
These criteria, to my mind, represent a useful key to comprehension, in terms of con-
textualising, connecting, and personalising their individual contributions to the subject.
Lastly, I would like to point out to the reader that, from the perspective of a his-
torical reconstruction of the development of concepts, in the cases where the year
of an article’s or book’s publication does not coincide with the year in which it was
orally presented, I will state in the text the year when each work was presented for
the first time, where it has been possible to track it down. For example, I will indi-
cate the year 1951 when referring to Donald Winnicott’s essay ‘Transitional objects
and transitional phenomena’, read at a meeting of the British Psychoanalytical Soci-
ety on May 30, 1951, and published in the International Journal of Psychoanalysis
in 1953. However, in the bibliographical references at the end of the text, I will
indicate both dates. The year of the presentation of the work will immediately be
mentioned after the author’s name, while that of publication will be cited after the
name of the journal or book publisher. Here are two examples:

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Winnicott D.W. (1960). Ego distortions in terms of true or false self. In The Maturational
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