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Moro is the name by which Filipino Muslim ethno-linguistic groups are usually known.
While the 2010 Census estimated that approximately 5.6 percent of the population
were Muslim, the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos estimated in 2012 the
actual figure to be around 11 per cent of the population.  The majority of Muslims live
in the southern island of Mindanao as well as Palawan and the Sulu archipelago. 
Many self-identify as Bangsamoro or Moro Muslims, whose traditional territory is in
Mindanao.
The main Moro ethno-linguistic groups are Maguindanao, Marano, Tausug, Samal,
Bajau, Yakan, Ilanon, Sangir, Melabugnan and Jama Mapun. However, three of
these groups – the Maguindanaos of North Cotabato, Kudarat and Maguindanos
provinces, the Maranos of the two Lanao provinces, and the Tausug from Jolo –
make up the great majority of Moros. These languages, just like Tagalog and most of
the other languages spoken by Christian Filipinos, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian
language branch of the Austronesian language family. Most are Sunni Muslims,
though with some animist practices in the case of certain Moro minorities living in
higher zones.
Despite these linguistic and religious differentiations from the Christian majority,
Moros have not traditionally been united, and the various groups, which are divided
by degrees of Islamic orthodoxy as well as by linguistic difference, are often hostile to
each other. Yet Moros have shared a common hostility to the central authorities –
Spaniards, Americans and then, after independence, Christianized Filipinos from
Luzon.
In the Mindanao region, decades of fighting between the government and Moro-
Muslim separatist groups have resulted in mass displacements affecting mostly
Muslim communities.

Historical context
The Islamic religion came to the southern Philippine islands some 200 years before
the European colonial period. Moros developed a centralized religious, social and
political system based on the Qur’an. Several sultanates emerged, similar to
historical sultanates that developed in what are now Indonesia and Malaysia, with the
sultans being both religious and secular leaders. These sultanates were de
facto states, exercising jurisdiction over Muslim and non-Muslim alike. At the time of
the Spanish conquest, the Muslim principalities had the most administratively
complex communities in the Philippines. The sultanates established on Sulu and
Mindanao were the furthermost extension into Asia of the Islamic religion, and it is
possible to see the Moro conflict as a 400-year struggle between Islam and
Christianity, with neither side being able entirely to subdue the other. The sultanates
resisted and fought Spanish authority for 300 years. After the Americans replaced the
Spaniards, Moros fought the United States from 1903 to 1935, losing an estimated
20,000 lives. Since independence, Moros have sporadically waged political and
armed struggle against the Philippine government based in Manila.
A long-term historical trend has been the displacement and dispossession of Moros
from traditionally Moro territory. In the nineteenth century, the Spanish gained a
foothold on Mindanao through missionary efforts among the non-Muslim elements of
the population and private military expeditions. Displacement and dispossession
accelerated in the early 1900s as the American colonial authorities initiated policies
to import homesteaders from the northern islands. The development of large-scale
plantation agriculture for commercial export provided a further incentive for
immigration. Policies of resettlement accelerated after the Second World War and
independence, when, in response to the Huk rebellion in Luzon, tens of thousands
were encouraged to migrate to farms and homesteads in Mindanao. Lowland,
formerly northern Catholic Filipinos came to outnumber Moros, which led to land
disputes, Christian vigilantism, and a cultural and religious reaction.
It is through these official government policies that the Moros not only came to lose
most of their traditional land but were also to become minorities. From about 76 per
cent in 1903, the Moros only constituted 19 per cent of the population of Mindanao by
1990. Not only did the government take away the land from the Moros to give to
Catholic Filipinos, it also banned the use of their languages in education and gave
most employment and political positions to non-Muslims.
In 1968, the Muslim Independence Movement (MIM) was launched by radical Islamic
leaders calling for independence from the Philippines and the creation of a Bangsa
Moro, or Moro nation. This, and local ‘Christian’ countermeasures, led to full-scale
revolt. The years 1969 to 1972, prior to martial law, were a period of indiscriminate
violence between Muslims and Christians. In September 1972, then President
Ferdinand Marcos cited the bloodshed and chaos in Mindanao, along with the
communist New People’s Army insurgency in Luzon, as reasons for the imposition of
martial law.
The result was a full-scale guerrilla war as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
supplanted the MIM, and proclaimed Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan as Bangsa Moro.
Radical Arab states such as Libya began to provide financial aid and Sabah (in
eastern Malaysia) became a sanctuary for MNLF fighters. Fighting continued
throughout the 1970s and the 1980s, causing large-scale disruption and
displacement. Through the intervention of the Organization of Islamic Conference,
the MNLF and Manila held negotiations in the late 1970s and 1980s, although there
was still fighting on the ground. A plebiscite following the passage of the 1987
Constitution paved the way for the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)
in 1989 comprising four Muslim provinces in Mindanao (Maguindanao, Lanao del
Sur, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi).
In the early 1990s, the MNLF split. The old faction accepted that independence was
politically unviable and that the autonomous region was the best available option.
The group’s second-in-command, Salamat Hashim, went on to found the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) – which translates as
‘Bearer of the Sword’ – was formed in 1990-91 by MNLF members angered by its
leaders’ perceived moves towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Along with its
desire to create an independent Islamic nation in the Philippines, the group also had
broader visions of a pan-Islamic super-state in south-east Asia and was accused by
the US and Philippines governments of having links with the radical regional militant
network Jemaah Islamiah.
Under a peace deal signed in 1996 with the MNLF, the central government in Manila
gave the Moros autonomy in the south, where the majority of them live. However, the
ceasefire collapsed in 2001, when MNLF guerrillas loyal to the governor of the
Autonomous Region attacked an army base in Jolo, Sulu, killing 100 people and
wounding scores.
Peace negotiations between the MILF and the government got under way in 1997,
and a ceasefire was agreed. However, the truce broke down in 2000 and subsequent
attempts at reconciliation between the two sides repeatedly stalled. A significant
breakthrough occurred in 2016, however, when the two sides agreed on a peace
roadmap.

Current issues
Conflict between the government and security forces and Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF), Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and other armed Muslim non-
state groups have resulted in massive displacements for Mindanao Muslims.  Many
have also fled due to clan feuds (‘rido’) between Moro clans, political rivalries and
land disputes.  As of November 2018, there was an estimated 80,439 displaced
persons due to conflict in areas of Mindanao. After being displaced into IDP camps,
there are very few livelihood options. Besides being vulnerable to trafficking, Muslim
women migrate to Cotabato City or General Santos City, often becoming underpaid
domestic workers.
More than 100,000 people, many from the country’s Muslim minority, were uprooted
following the siege of Zamboanga in 2013. Thousands were subjected to arbitrary
relocation, with others reportedly receiving inadequate aid and food supplies.
According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), most of the people
who remain displaced are urban poor who lack formal landownership or tenancy
rights in their area of origin. The repatriation process has been further hindered by
concerns about certain areas deemed unsuitable for returns due to risks of flooding
or renewed violence. The IDMC has called on the government to prioritize housing
rights for displaced communities as part of the resettlement process. Congress is
currently reviewing new legislation on the rights of IDPs, seen as a crucial step
towards protecting vulnerable minorities and indigenous people in the Philippines.
The law is a revised version of a historic 2013 bill that was controversially vetoed by
former President Benigno Aquino. A Bill of the Rights of Internally Displaced Persons
Act was presented to Congress in 2017 and is pending approval.
At the start of 2016, the finalisation of the peace negotiations with rebels was at a
crucial junction: the Basic Bangsamoro Law (BBL) needed to be passed before
Congress was adjourned 3 February 2016, ahead of the elections.  The BBL was the
final implementing legislation, resulting from years of peace negotiations, that would
create an autonomous region of Bangsamoro in Mindanao to replace the existing
Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao.  Although Aquino failed to see the BBL
passed, in July 2016 the new government announced its approval of a
comprehensive peace roadmap as proposed by the presidential peace advisor Jesus
Dureza.  It specifically mandated that a new BBL would be drafted. Further
negotiations were held in mid-August 2016 in Kuala Lumpur, leading to the
expansion of the Bangsamoro Transition Council (BTC), a body that would be tasked
with redrafting the BBL, consisting of 21 members – 11 from MILF and 10 from the
government.  The government expressed its hope that the expanded BTC could
make the process of drafting the implementing legislation more inclusive by including
representatives from the MNLF, another armed faction, as well as affected
indigenous communities.
Some positive steps towards peace have been signalled by Duterte’s signing in July
2018 of the Bangsamoro Organic Law, paving the way for a plebiscite in January
2019 on whether what is currently the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM) would be dissolved and in its place a larger Muslim autonomous region,
Bangsamoro, would be established in its place.
The Bangsamoro plebiscite went ahead in two phases in January and February
2019. In the first phase, the results were overwhelmingly in favour of five of six
southern Mindanao provinces and cities to join the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region
of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). The results of the second phase were less clear,
with barangays (administrative wards) in North Cotabato province voting in favour
whilst inhabitants of six towns in Lanao del Norte province voted against joining the
new region. Meanwhile, an 80-member Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) was
named, with MILF appointing 41 members and the government naming 39 members.
The BTA will act as an interim 3-year parliament, headed by MILF chairperson
Ebrahim el Haj Murad, pending elections in BARMM.
It is hoped that these measures will help bring an end to the longstanding conflict in
the south. The way forward is unclear, however, as MILF has three training camps in
Lanao del Norte which in principle will fall outside the BARMM. Decommissioning
and reintegration of MILF fighters is another important issue. Also, the region must
now contend with the threat of ISIS-associated militant groups such as Maute and
Abu Sayyaf, both of whom were involved in the bloody occupation of Marawi
between May and October 2017 that saw more than 1,000 people killed and much of
the city destroyed. Many of these extremist groups continue to operate outside the
peace process.
None of the Filipino government’s policies or the powers attributed to the ARMM
have had an effect on the loss of land of the Muslim Moros: a process which has
been going on for decades. Members of this minority have already lost land, because
of government legislation and policies such as the extinguishment of their traditional
land rights and the government-sponsored resettlement of mainly Christian Filipinos
on the land they previously owned. Land redistribution programmes, such as the
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, which in theory might have returned Moro
land to members of the Muslim minority, appear to have mainly benefited Christian
settlers.
The rights of the Moro minority are still not being completely respected in a number
of areas despite the benefits which they are beginning to receive from the autonomy
arrangements of 1997. State schools do not use their main languages as medium of
instruction to any significant extent (despite positive efforts such as the 2004 Basic
Education Assistance for Mindanao to improve basic education in Southern and
Central Mindanao and the introduction of teaching of Arabic), nor do most of the civil
service and governmental positions require fluency in one of these languages,
though they do demand fluency in Filipino. Given the very large numbers of non-
native Filipino-speakers and their concentration in parts of Mindanao, this language
policy continues to create a very real obstacle to the full participation of the Moro
Muslims in the country’s public and political life, and they remain vastly under-
represented in categories of educational attainment and in employment levels in
almost all categories of civil service employment and political representation. This in
turn perpetuates the perception of the Moros as a disadvantaged group unable to
compete against Christian Filipinos.

The coconut connection

“I am introducing authentic Moro dishes with black and deep brown sauces
made of burnt and roasted coconut meat, respectively. They are not yet
popular in Manila, but done for ages by the Badjaos and Tausugs who live
near Sulu Sea, the Maranaos on the shores of Lake Lanao, and the
Maguindanaoans in Cotabato province,” explains Pendatun regarding the
Moro dishes presented during the lunch.

Roasting coconut in a pan

 Burning
coconut over hot coals

Top on Pendatun’s list is Piyanggang Manuk or black chicken curry, a Tausug

dish. Hours before the chicken is cooked, one first makes the special sauce
called pamapa itum that renders the chicken black in color. Chunks of white
coconut meat are grilled over hot coals until both sides turn black or ashen,
without a trace of milk.
Pamapa itum

The burnt coconut meat is ground by food processor until thick, together with
red curry paste, cilantro stems, garlic, yellow ginger, lemongrass, red onion,
virgin coconut or olive oil, salt, spring onion, and fresh turmeric. Half of it is
set aside to marinate choice chicken parts. The other half is mixed with the
chicken after it is initially sautéed with garlic, ginger, lemongrass, and red
onions, and then simmered for several minutes in coconut milk (gata) and
coconut cream (kakang gata). ingredients
Piyanggang Manuk

Piyanggang Manuk is similar to another Tausug dish, Tiyula Itum

or black tinola, although it was not part of the menu at Chef Jessie’s Place.
According to recipe books, Tiyula Itum is also flavored with pamapa itum, but
without (or just a hint of) red curry. It is used for marinating chosen parts of
the meat, as well as added after the meat is lightly fried with garlic,
ginger, lengkuas (galangal), onions, turmeric, and simmered with black
pepper, lemongrass, shallots, and white coconut milk. Tiyula Itum is for picky
royals during weddings and Hari Raya festivities, food historians claim. 
Tiyula Itim

Pendatun also presented Lininggil a Kambing, a goat dish by the

Maguindanaoans of Cotabato, that is more deep brown than black thanks to
the use of palapa sauce. Made of grated coconut meat roasted in a pan until
brown and perfumed by a mouthwatering oily aroma, this sauce is macerated
until thick, then generously poured over the goat meat while it simmers in
white coconut milk, ginger, and other special spices.
Lininggil a Kambing
Palapa from Maguindanao

Pendatun concocted Agal-agal, a seaweed salad with strips of green mango

and the Tausugs’ special bubuk sauce. “Bubuk is the Tausugs’ name
for palapa sauce. The Maranaos call the same sauce papar,” explains Clang
Garcia, president of the Culinary Historians of the Philippines who has been
spending time in the south to conduct research for her upcoming book on
indigenous Moro dishes.
Agal Agal

From black to light brown, Pendatun presented two more Moro dishes that
use white coconut sauce (puting gata) to give these dishes a lighter
appearance. The Maranaos’ Inaluban a Haruan is grilled snakehead fish
(dalag) simmered in white coconut milk together with ginger, leeks, turmeric,
and sweet potato leaves (kamote tops).
Maranao palapa in its wet form

The Maranaos’ Urang Piyaren is crawfish flavored with a “dry” sauce made of

white coconut meat, turmeric, and chili. It is similar to central
Philippines’ binakol or chicken stewed with coconut meat.
Urang Piyaren

“Sauces with burned and roasted coconut meat create extra strong or mild
smoke flavors, respectively, in Moro dishes," Pendatun shares, assessing
responses to the Moro dishes he served at the lunch event. "Trying them for
the first time is always a discovery and novelty for most. The reactions I’ve
witnessed were those of surprise and delight.”

The making of dark coconut sauce is not a monopoly of the Moros of

Mindanao. The Tagalogs and Bicolanos of southern Luzon also have their
own version of burnt coconut, albeit made differently by burning grated
coconut meat with live coal in a pan. The Tagalogs call it kulawo, while the
Bicolanos call it tinutungan. Pendatun explains that the sauces are meant to
create a “soft breath of smoke (on dishes).” He adds, “Tinutungan taught me
the wisdom of whispering on live coals whenever I use them to burn
grated coconut meat.” Tinutungan and chili are now added to ice cream in
Bicol, food historians say.

Spreading the knowledge

Regarding his role in promoting Moro dishes nationwide, Pendatun says, “I

have roots there and I have a connection to its food and culture.” That
connection is evident when Pendatun immortalized a dish called Pastil in his
essay that won second prize in the Doreen Gamboa Fernandez Food Writing
contest in 2010. Pastil is a rice dish folded over slivers of chicken or fish—
cooked ahead with ground turmeric powder, ginger, salt, and coconut oil—and
shaped like a cylindrical suman with banana leaf. The dish is grilled on coal,
“imparting a muted smokiness to the delicacy. The hot rice inside the banana
leaf lends a unique flavor that flirts with fermentation.” Pastil, duck’s egg, and
sweet kapi is the breakfast of both datus and workers in Buluan,
Maguindanao, shares Pendatun, adding that he wrote his essay a few
kilometers away from his grandfather’s old rubber plantation. 
Pastil

Hinting that people, more than chefs, can spread wider his favorite table-talk,
Pendatun suggests, “Anyone who’s interested ought to travel to Mindanao
and its islands to ascertain and promote southern cuisine.” Last year, a visit to
the Pakaradjaan Food Festival in Lanao del Sur’s Marawi City during ARMM’s
29th anniversary was an overwhelming show of force of authentic Moro
dishes from the provinces of Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, Tawi-
Tawi, and Marawi City, all ARMM members.
Pakaradjaan Food Festival

Chef Myke “Tatung” Sarthou, who is as passionate as Pendatun about Moro

dishes, suggests the need for research to show the connections with
neighboring cuisines: “I like to go deeper into our indigenous and pre-Hispanic
cuisines to really understand who the Filipino is. We are part of the Southeast
Asian community. It is most evident in coastal communities of Mindanao that
are close to Borneo, Malaysia, Indonesia. There are a lot of similarities (in their
cuisines).”
 Sarthou’
s version of Beef Kulma of Tausug origin, possibly derived from the Indian-
Southeast Asian “korma” (Photo by Paul del Rosario for FOOD Magazine)

If one can’t travel south, Pendatun suggests visiting eateries around the

Golden Mosque in Manila’s Quiapo district. After all, hotels and high-end
restaurants have popularized less indigenous southern Philippine dishes such
as grilled tuna jaw and tail, tuna sashimi, curacha (spanner crab or red frog
crab found in coastal Zamboanga and Sulu) steamed or with Alavar sauce,
fresh oysters, pomelo-prawn salad, plus durian cakes, candies, and ice cream.
Why not Moro dishes next?

With the enlargement of ARMM, after the legislated creation of the

Bangsamoro Autonomous Region (BAR) last January 2019, a “deeper cuisine”
of Moro dishes can be expected to be unearthed, Sarthou concludes with
excitement.
The word Moro (a cognate of the English "Moors") originates as an exonym which, prior
to the Spaniards' arrival in the Philippine archipelago, came to be used by the Spanish in
reference to Muslims in general. The term originates from "Mauru", a Latin word that
referred to the inhabitants of the ancient Roman province of Mauritania in northwest
Africa, which today comprises the modern Muslim states of Morocco.[7] With the rise of
Mauritania as part of the Muslim Umayyad Caliphate, Muslim armies conquered and
ruled much of the Iberian Peninsula from 711 to 1492, for about a total of 781 years in
which Christians became involved in conflicts to reclaim Iberia. The term came to be
extended to Muslims in general. The term was similarly applied by the Spanish to the
Muslim communities they found in parts of the Philippine archipelago when they arrived.
[7]

In their struggle for self-determination, the term was later adopted in the names for
separatist organizations such as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), Rashid
Lucman's Bangsa Moro Liberation Organisation (BMLO) as well the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF).[8]
The recently coined term "Bangsamoro" is derived from the Malay word "bangsa",
(originally meaning "nation" but altered to denote "race" in colonial times) with
the "Moro" as "people" and may also be used to describe both the Muslim-majority
ethnolinguistic groups and their homeland. The Framework Agreement on the
Bangsamoro recognizes "Bangsamoro" as an identity and called for the creation of a new
autonomous political entity called Bangsamoro.[9]