Appropriating Ambedkar

Author(s): Gopal Guru

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Jul. 6-13, 1991, Vol. 26, No. 27/28 (Jul. 6-13,
1991), pp. 1697-1699
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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 DISCUSSION
Ambedkar was very unlikely to be-attracted
Appropriating Ambedkar by Savarkar whose proposal, according to
one of the sincere Savarkarites, contained
Gopal Guru reformative zeal aimed at revival of
Hinduism rather than its denunciation[4].
IT is not surprising to receive reactions to fellows and would consequently lose their Finally, it is interesting to know how the
my report 'Hinduisation of Ambedkar in cultural component of Savarkar's Hindut-
caste identity[2]. In a desperate bid to keep
Maharashtra' [EPW, February 16] from the Mahars within the fold of Hindu religionva defies not only its broader definition but
S H Deshpande [EPW, April 27] and Savarkar advised the Mahars that the real it also renders the comparison between
Dhammachari Lokmitra [EPW, May 18] progress of Mahars could be achieved only Savarkar and Ambedkar once again un-
representing two different religious forces. by remaining in the same Mahar castes[2]. tenable. As seen in the beginning Savarkar
Both of them have tried to argue that Moreover the need to protect his so-called and his present day followers. consider
Ambedkar still fits into their scheme of Hin-
'Hindutva' from Islam or Christianity also Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism as the part
duisation and spiritualisation respectively. renders Savarkar's distinction between of Hindutva. But the followers of Savarkar
But careful and unbiased reading of Hinduism and Hindutva invalid because he miss the point that Savarkar refuses to ac-
Ambedkar provides a lot of scope to is found using Hindu religion and Hindutva cord importance to these religions, par-
counter-argue that it is difficult for either quite interchangeably[2]. Thus, it is much to ticularly to Buddhism, in his framework of
Deshpande or Lokmitra to appropriate Deshpande's surprise that Savarkar is not Hindutva. For example, Savarkar seems to
Ambedkar. Because the fragile logic of their able to resolve the contradiction in which he be despising early Buddhism on the ground
rejoinder does not seem to support their is found supporting the caste structure and that it diluted the strength of the Hindus by
motive of co-opting Ambedkar. Hindu religion on the one hand and trying its belief in non-violence which rendered
Deshpande raises two major points in his to project Hindutva devoid of any sub-astes people weak and incapable of protecting
reply. According to him I did not take and religious dimension on the other. Hindustan from Muslims and the British[5].
into consideration the difference between Savarkar's strategy of dissolving more Savarkar's perception of Hindus as weak
'Hinduism' and 'Hindutva. Secondly, he still than 3,000 castes into one pan-Hindu iden- and victimised accounts for his emphasis on
holds the view that there is a possibility of tity involves pan-Hindu temples, pan-Hindu struggle and violence. But in contrast to
comparison between Savarkar and Ambedkar dinners; inter-caste marriages, anti- Savarkar's militant Hindutva, Ambedkar's
but for such comparison Deshpande shifts untouchability programmes and the removal Buddhism preaches the principle of peace
the responsibility on somebody else who of injunctions on caste-ridden vocations and and non-violence. Thus any attempt to bring
cannot be said to have either adequate or sea-voyage[2]. Thus, Savarkar seems to have Ambedkar and Savarkar together is an
unbiased understanding of both Savarkar admonished Hindus to break off the seven absurd exercise which some of the
and Ambedkar. shackles that according to him hindered the Savarkarites seem to be engaged in[OJ
Deshpande, taking clue from Savarkar progress of the Hindu society. Did this pro- According to Deshpande, Savarkgr's
argues that "The term Hinduism means the gramme really denounce Hinduism? The Hindutva does not refer just to religioUis
Hindu, religion or more properly, the Vedic answer to this question has to be in the identity but is supposed to refer to the socio-
or Sanatan E)harma. Hindutva on the other negative because the anti-caste programme cultural identity of Hindus. But socio-
hand means the quality or property of being particularly relating to injunctions against cultural identity does not make sense unless
a Hindu i e, one who belongs to any of the inter-caste marriage and advocating vedic it is a part of the self-consciousness of the.
several theological or philosophical sects rights for the shudras and ati-shudras given concerned community or it is a voluntarily
born in India. Thus, Hindutva embraces, by Savarkar did not have vigour and genuine accepted identity by the community in ques-
Buddhist, Jains, Sikhs and members of allthrust to attack the Hindu shastras and the tion. Otherwise it will not be a real identity
other indigenous school of thought"[l]. caste system. Savarkar's contention regar- but a fake, imposed identity. Hindutva
Deshpande argues that Savarkar did not ding inter-caste marriages looked to be so as understood by both Savarkar and
want to protect Hinduism, but Hindutva, the casual that he offered only a qualified sup- Deshpande is not the part of the self-
Hindu people. port to such marriages, thus replacing the consciousness of Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs and
The distinction between Hinduism as a need for creating any conscious motivation so on and hence Hindutva is an imposed,
narrow category and Hindutva as a broader necessary for the radical mobilisation of the artificial identity for them.
category worked out by Savarkar and now people towards reaching the desired end[2]. Deshpande's argument is fallacious
defended by Deshpande has problems at two Similarly, Savarkar's attempt to grant the because he treats the cultural concept 'Hin-
levels. Does Savarkar really consider study of vedas and vedic rituals to non- duness' as a kind of empirical concept which
Hinduism as a narrow, secondary and less Brahmins though apparently liberal may ef- can be applied to persons irrespective of
important component of his scheme of Hin- fectively lead to the Brahminisation of those their self-identification. Even the so-called
dutva? The second problem is related to the non-Brahmin castes thus according legi- Hindus within vedic fold rarely identify
soundness and viability of his definition oftimacy to Hindu shastras[2]. themselves as Hindus, though they volun-
iIindutva. In fact, a careful reading of On the contrary, Ambedkar considers tarily identify themselves in terms of their
Savarkar's core position on Hinduism and inter-caste marriages as the effective means castes. Even Ambedkar in the very first of
Hindutva shows that an appeal in the name for abolishing caste system[3]. But his riddles in Hinduism points out the dif-
of Hindu religion and even caste becomes Ambedkar is also aware that inter-caste din- ficulty of knowing why one is Hindu. The
a major programme for Savarkar who feared ing or even inter-caste marriages are not essence of his argument is that a man who
the mass conversion of Mahars to Islam or enough to eliminate casteism. He was of the does not belong to a recognised Hindu caste
Christianity. opinion that for realising the desired goal cannot be a Hindu(3]. The question before
For example, in 1930 Savarkar argued that of casteless society through inter-caste mar- 'Hindus' as defined by Deshpande is not
should conversion take place among the riages it is.necessary to destroy the belief in how to preserve their 'Hindutva' which is a
Mahars, 90 per cent of them would resist thisthe sanctity of Hindu shastras[3]. And for form'without content, but rather how to
conversion because they would be polluting destroying this belief, Ambedkar suggests become a true Indian and a true human
their caste and caste panchayat which they that people should not only discard the being by sympathising with different cultural
were proud of[2]. Savarkar further argued shastras, but they should deny their authori- identities living in this country. In fact this
that those Mahars who underwent conver- ty as Buddha and Nanak did[3J. Thus; itiscan a question before people belonging to all
sion would be ostracised by their caste be argued here that socially radical religions.

Economic and Political Weekly July 6-13, 1991 1697

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 Dhammachari Lokmitra's rejoinder raises Sadhana Shibirs' which seek to defuse social participating in the 'Bhim March' at
one minor and four major issues[7]. While tension through meditation rather than con- Bombay[lO]. Consequent upon this total
the minor issue is related to my unilateral frontation with the party in question, thus protest the state government had to retain
imposition of 'dalit' identity on Buddhists
the spiritual situation dominating every the riddle section of Ambedkar's writings.
in Maharashtra, the other four are serious aspect of Buddhist teaching either in 'dham- It is in this context that I reassert that
in nature because they tend to question the ma' classes or formal meditation class TBMSG's activities lead to the killing of
quality of data on which I have based naturally limits the effectiveness of the pro- political initiative of 'dalits' who are trying
my argument, and my perception of test, if at all it is registered by TBMSG in to confront thK state and other communal
Ambedkar's Buddhism and politics. its meditation classes. forces not through Ow, meditation but on the
Before we take up the serious issues rais- On the contrary the Buddhist 'dalit' street, well outsidc-the four walls of Dhyan
ed by Lokmitra, let us quickly tackle the followers of Ambedkar and other pro- Sadhana class room. In view of the grow-
minor one. Taking objection to my use of gressive elements in Maharashtra fought for ing threat of aggres6ive communalism of
the word 'dalit', Lokmitra argues that accor-the retention of Riddles... writtenf by Hindu fundamentalist forces in the country,
ding to his experience Buddhists in Ambedkar at every level of protest ranging the guarantee of at least physical existencc
Maharashtra do not like to-be addressed as from writing protest letters and articles in of 'dalits' becomes a core issue, and the anti-
'dalit'. True, there is an urbanised micro- newspapers to physically participating in the superstition programmer welfare program-
scopic class of so-called Buddhists which 'Bhim March' Even the Buddhist monks did mes taken up by TBMSG are pushed to the
despises the termn 'dalit'. It is generally not lag behind in condemning governments' periphery by Ambedkar's common foilowers
observed that the Buddhists living in the anti-dalit attitudes on the Riddles issue, in who do not seem to be keen on joimng
villages and the slums do not object when the most militant language, and physically TBMSG.
Ambedkar is called 'Dalitancha Kaiwari'
(The messiah of 'dalit' masses). Some
research studies have also highlighted that
Buddhists are moving towards much broader
terms like 'dalit' without dissolving their
Buddhist identity[8]. Thus, in the social and
political life of the 'dalit' in Maharashtra the

the Third World's own magazine

term Buddhist and 'dalit' co-exist rather than
contradict. In this regard, therefore,
the experience of Lokmitra seems to be
absolutely localised. The 1990s will be a crucial publishing Third World
Now let us take up the serious issues that watershed for humanity. Yet Resurgence. To articulate the
Lokmitra raised in his rejoinder. The first almost all the news reports views of Third World groups. To
problem that Lokmitra raised regarding my
we get are from the western give a Southern perspective to
report is that according to him I am ill-
media. issues related to living and
informed about the activities of Trailokya
Bauddha Mahasangha Sahayaka Gana
livelihood: envirorunent, basic
(TBMSG) and that my analysis of TBMSG As our world transforms, we needs. politics, current affairs,
is based on Vinay Kamble's articles in need to watch through Third culture.
Dhammalipi which according to Lokmitra World eyes.
are poorly researched. It is true that I have Join us in this journey of
quoted from Dhammalipi but Lokmitra does That'swhyaThird World team discovery and make the. Third
not prove its flimsiness either. However,
ofjournalists and writers are World's resurgence a reality.
without relying on Dhammalipi it is still
possible to prove how TBMSG is stripping In our recent Issues...
off the political content of Ambedkar's
ideology and making 'dalits' insensitive to ECOLOGY: HEALTH: INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS:
their fundamental problems. What Green Means Global drug laws AFFAIRS: GA`1T talks threaten
I have been conducting constant dialogue for Third World; reflect North-South 500 years of Colo- Third World Sover-
with TBMSG followers and have also writ- Global warming imbalances; Does nisation; Guit: Most eignty; Real issues
ten about its activities well before Vinay caused by rich Birth Control solve cowardly war ever; in Uruguay Round;
Kanmble whose articles appeared in Dham- countries; France Third World Myth of the Nobel Aid from Latin Ame-
malipi only from 1989 January[9]. However, poisons Pacific; problems?; Toxic Prize; North-South rica to the North;
I must accept that I somehow missed the not Japan: threat to wastes as recycled relations in the New TNCs corrupt Third
so easily accessible TBMSG issue of Golden world ecology. products. World Order. . World leaders.
Drum which carried out almost an impar-
vial reportage on Ambedkar's Riddles of
THIRD WORLD RESU1KGENCE
Hinduism. It is not clear from Lokmitra's
Monthly Magazine of the Third World Network
rejoinder whether TBMSG took up the issue
of Riddles... and protested against the Annual Subscription Rates: Airmail Scamail
Maharashtra government's partisan attitudes Individuals Rs.360 Rs.120
on Riddles in its 'Dhyan Sadhana' class. Institutions Rs.500 Rs.200
room. Neither is it clear from Lokmitra's Name:
reply whether TBMSG followers physically
Addrss:
participated in the protest march popularly
known as 'Bhim Match' in 1987. Suppose
the TBMSG followers participated in pro- I wouldlike tosubscibebyAIR/SEAMAILand I lndose a chequec/bankdraft/M.O. fortheamount
Riddle 'Bhim March, thus giving the benefit
of .made payable to:
of doubt to Lokmitra, but this participation
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as an extra parliamentary activity involving
direct confrontation with the government, Plma add Rs. 8 for otstation chequ.

in fact, runs contrary to TBMSG's 'Dhyan

1698 Economic and Political Weekly July 6-13, 1991

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 But Lokmitra in defence of the medita- Kasbe, Ambedkar believed that a political Reference.
don of TBMSG argues that it does not teach system which is not based on dhamma
transcendental meditation of Mahesh Yogi's would degenerate into -an anarchy[l4]. [I ] S H Deshpande [1991], 'A Matter of Defuii-
kind. But does it not teach 'meditation' Moreover, Ambedkar's Buddhist conversion tion' EPW, April 27, p 1120.
concerned with the so-called transcenden- was not a religious conversion but was a [2] All arguments of Sarvarkarities mods so
strategy for creating negative consciousness far are drawn from Samagra Savarkar
tal rality, the so-called higher, super-human
among the 'dalits' against the hegemony of Wangmaya (Marathi) [1968], Samagra
states? This apprehe'nsion gets further
Savarkar Wangmaya Samiti, Pune, Vol 3,
strengthened when Sangrakshit, the chief the of dominant castes/class[14J. In fact
Essay section, p 581.
TBMSG, talks about a movement from self- Ambedkar has categorically made it clear
[31 Writings and Speeches of B R Ambedkar
consciousness to transcendental con- that Buddhism is one of the essential
119791, Education Department, Govern-
sciousness without explaining what it is all elements in the process of bringing- about
ment of Maharashtra, Bombay, Vol 1, p 68.
about[lll. Suppose the TBMSG concept ofpolitical revolution leading to the overthrow [4] Dhananjay Keer [19501, Veer Savarkar,
meditation does not belong to Yogi's systom, of such domination[3]. Popular Prakashan, Bombay, p 194.
but does this spiritualism belongs to When the TBMSG has obscured the [5] 'A Maratha Pseudonym of Savarkar'
Ambedkar's system of thought? Lokmitra political aspect of Ambedkar's Buddhism [19231,Hindutva Jagadhitechu Press,
while answering this question in the affir- spiritualising Buddha and his 'sangha'[15] Poona, pp 20-25.
mative argues that Ambedkar also emphasis- and the Bharatiya Bouddha Maha Sabha is 161 Seshrao More [1991], Manoos, Pune, pp
ed the need for meditation for elevating the concerned about ritual (mundane) part of 50-58.
mind from its diseased state (hatred, anger Buddhism it is really necessary to restore the [71 Dhammachari Lokmitra, [1991] 'Ambedkar
and greed) to the higher level of sound mind political content of Buddhism. The separa- and Buddhism, EPW, May 18, p 1303.
leading to 'maitri' and 'bhavana' or univer- tion of Buddhist 'trisaran' from 'panchshil' [8] Contursi Janet A, [1989] Militant Hindu
sal loving kindness. Lokmitra, in his-defence is an attempt at not only the restoration of and Buddhist Dalit: Hegemony and
this political content but it also ensures the Resistance in an Indian Slum'. American
further, quotes Ambedkar saying that "the
capability of reaching out to the larger Ethnologist, 14:3, August, pp 441-57.
greatest thing the Buddha has done is to tell
the world that it can only be reformed by masses with this political content. This [91 Gopal Guru [19891 'Politics and Buddhism
in Maharashtra' in Moin Shakir (ed).
the reformation of mind of man and the separation does not mean an elimination of.
Religion, State and Politics in India, Ajan-
*mind of the world" is the precondition for 'panchshil' which has meaning only when
ta Publication, Delhi, p 421. (This article
social change"[7]. Let us see whether the necessary conditions for its observance
was submitted to Moin Shakir in 1984.)
Ambedkar really thinks so! It is clear from are created in the first instance. These
[101 [ Bhiku Khero, [1991], Interview, Shivaji
Ambedkar's speeches that he considers necessary conditions can be created only
Nagar, Poona, June 15.
by waging common struggle and not by
change in the material condition rather than [111 Mahasthavira Sanghraasksita, [1991],
spiritual condition necessary for bringing spiritualisation. Only Buddhist 'trisaran' 'Meditation vs Psychotherapy Dham-
about total social change[7]. It is really can offer a common programme for mamegha, No 49, Pune, January, p 1.
surprising how Lokmitra missed this while mobilisation. [12] S Bhagwan Das, Thus Spoke Ambedkar,
quoting from the speech that Ambedkar Thus, as it is clear from the above passage, Vol 11, Buddhist Publishing House, Jalan-
delivered on the eve of Buddhist conversion dhar, pp 151-52.
I am adding a political dimension to
at Nagpur in 1956. [13] Dhananjay Keer [1954], Life and Mission,
Buddhism, but it is Ambedkar who tried to
Lokmitra is quite persuasive in Popular Prakashan, Bombay, Popular
enthuse it in Buddhist teaching and practice
establishing the dichotomy between Bud- Prakashan, p 368.
to help the 'dalit' masses understand that the
dhism and politics which even a superficial [14 Kasbe Raosaheb, [1985], Ambedkar Ani
solution to their problems lies in their radical
reading of Ambedkar will show was not Marx, Sugava Publication, Pune, pp
politicisation and not in spiritualisation. 145-46.
followed by Ambedkar throughout his intel-Therefore, Lokmitra and his TBMSG are
[15] Buddtva Manvacha Adarsha (Marathi)
lectual and practical life. Ambedkar who was
free to sell their package of spiritual (Buddh as Ideal of Human Being) [19811
both a political thinker as well as practitioner
Buddhism and synthesise it with anything Sangkashit (translation Dhammachari
wrote and worked out strategies of eman- but not with Ambedkar's Buddhism. Vimal Kirti), Triratna Granthamala, Pune,
cipation with the political dimension upper Because it does not allow such synthesis. pp 31, 53, 57, 54.
most in his mind. It is true that he did not
look at the conversion movement from the
point of view of formal parliamentary INDIAN SHAREOWNERS-A SURVEY
politics. On the contrary it may also be true
By L.C. GUPTA
that he did not explicitly delineate the
political aspects of Buddhist teaching. But Sponsored by
it cannot be said that Ambedkar's Buddhist Securities and Exchange Board of India
teaching or conversion was devoid of any Bombay Stock Exchange
politics. In fact, a careful study of Canbank Financial Services Limited
Ambedkar shows that his Buddhism and SBI Capital Markets Limited

conversion movement involved underlying Published by

political currents with the potential of Society for Capital Market Research and Development, 74 Vaishali, Pitampura,
leading to the long-term emancipatory DELHI - 110 034

politics of the 'dalit' masses. Based on interviews of about 6000 households all-over India during 1990, the study
Ambedkar considered the Gila a political explores such questions as:

book aimed at upholding the teaching of the * Who are Indian shareowners? What is their income, occupation, age,
vedas and raising brahminism to a supreme and educational background?
* What are their preferences among 17 different financial assets, including
position[13]. Applying the same logic
fixed deposits, mutual funds, savings certificates, etc.
of Ambedkar should we not look at * How has their number grown over the last 40 years?
Ambedkar's book Buddha and his Dham- * What has been their risk perceptions among financial assets and
ma as a political book in as much as it experiences of share investment?
negates brahminical domination. Similarly, Hard bound (pp xxviii + 173)
as Raosaheb Kasbe has rightly interpreted Price: Rs. 180/- in India, US S 30 outside India.
Ambedkar's Buddhist dhamma is the basis 10% Discount to Libraries, teachers and researchers.
of any political system based on liberty, Orders may be sent along with DD/cheque payable at Delhi drawn in favour of 'Society
equality, fraternity and justice. According to for Capital Market Research and Development'.

Economic and Political Weekly .luly 6-13, 1991 1699

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