AN ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPT OF THE GOSPELS

Author(s): R. P. Casey
Source: The Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. 30, No. 120 (JULY, 1929), pp. 356-361
Published by: Oxford University Press
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356 THE JOURNAL OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES

mere scribal errors. The exception is Vatopedi 747 = von Soden's

« 183 = Gregory's 1582, which professes to have been written in a.d. 949,
but is perhaps of the nth century. Where 1 and 1582 agree there
can be little doubt that the readings are those of Family 1, and where

they differ r still seems to be rather the better representative. Cod. 22,
judging fromthe collation in theJournal of Biblical Studies xxxiii 91 ff,is
a poor relation of 1 and 1582, but valuable from the fact that it has an
' '
interesting text in Matthew, where so many Caesarean documents
are heavily Byzantinized.
Finally, any fresh reconstruction of the Ferrar-group (= 13 &c.) must
take account of the half-dozen new MSS, and also have some theory to
account for the peculiar element in 124. This MS is not apparently
' '
Calabrian. It has often been assimilated to the Ecclesiastical text,
where the others have retained the Family reading ; on the other hand
its preservation of ίπικεφάλαιον for κήνσον in Mk. xii 14, referred to

above, is by no means an isolated case. When working at the group

some time ago I felt inclined to put 124 into one sub-family of the

group and all the rest together into the other. I cannot feel that any
special light on this curious and interesting MS has been shed since
Ferrar's own investigation.
I hope that the length of these remarks will be correctly interpreted
by my readers as a testimony to the interest of the very stimulating
book which is the immediate occasion of them.
F. C. Burkitt.

AN ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPT OF THE GOSPELS

In the small collection of Armenian manuscripts at the Cambridge

University Library is one (Add. 2620) of unusual interest.1 Tetra

evangelium. Oriental glazed paper. Size 9^x6^ in. Text 6| χ \\ in.

In two columns of 20 lines each. Binding, modern English half
morocco with covers. Illuminated headings, capitals, and marginal
decoration richly executed in gold and colours. No miniatures.

Writing, bolorgir. The spelling appears to be archaic throughout.

1 Μν thanks are due to the Librarian of the

Cambridge University Lihrary for
permission to use the manuscript, and to Prof. F. C. Burkitt and Mr A. D. Nock
for many helpful suggestions. There are six other Armenian manuscripts of the
gospels at the University Library. One, badly damaged and containing only
Matthew, Mark, and the first few lines of Luke (Add. 2619), is assigned to the
fourteenth century, but the others are dated between the sixteenth and eighteenth
centuries.

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 357

un. is not replaced by fc, ^ commonly appears for (e.g. in is

^ uyq), />
used not only to indicate word division but also before λ in double

consonants, and L· is interchangeable with k in the imperfect and else

where. Words are rarely spaced and are often divided incorrectly.
There is a periodic spacing which often makes senseless word division
lr but it occurs in the colophon and too frequently in
(e.g. qpaijip)
the text to make it likely that it represents the turn of the page in

the archetype. Two folia are misplaced after f. 5 and are found in the

wrong order as flf. 268-269. F. 269 contains Mt. iii 9 · · ·

Jhp *><·»//»
iv 3 ' 268 contains Mt. iv 4 "bm * ». i ν i6
/ !·Ί·1·:ΐΙ'1' igmmiuul^u/hft
• » · . · ». There is a folium missing after f. 130 containing
'butnkftιΊιjiu£
Mk. xv 39 A ui irulr . . xvi 4 and another after f. 136 con
Jbb-jnjJ-
Lk. i 59 * * * . · · Lk. i 76
taining uilr^ ιρΓιυΊιηι Iftb tj^iuLuJigujp^u *linpuj.
A folium containing Jo. xx 31 ft"b^_ ipptrgiui.... Jo. xxi ro . . .
is misplaced after f. 282 and is found now as f. 101.
impnup
The fourth gospel is followed by a doxology and a colophon from
which it appears that the manuscript was executed by a monk, John,
for a certain Vardapet Vardan at the Church of St Marina in Sis in
the year a.d. 1217 (A. Arm. 666).' The scribe asks for prayers for
Vardan and himself and for his own spiritual father Basil2 and his
teacher Gregory. Ff. 285 b-286 a are occupied by a fragment of an
ascetic discourse. It is also written in double columns of 20 lines but
the ink is brown and in parts badly faded and the hand is smaller and
less clear. It begins without heading, ft ju/b
npp qtun. pmijXuîhu
jt/hjtJ!· tjη r.i] m'hftcjti7/ lih in h
ρ ft ntJljLp pujipJuirpftifft uuiftp
&c. Of the doubtful readings L has thepericope adulterae
uirj-tupft%nu pig,
not at the end of the gospel but as Jo. viii r-ir and in the form given
in Zohrab p. 723 a with only two variants Jo. viii 6 om. viii 7
j'u,
It reads Mt. ii r and xvi 3 with Zohrab but in Lk. xxii
<Çiupgu/hhrntftb.
43—44 om. L· h
pL Lijiui.... ft ρ [[ftp·
In the absence of a satisfactory stemma for the classification of
Armenian manuscripts of the gospels it is impossible to do more than
indicate the obvious affinities of L with other known texts of the
Armenian version. These include the manuscripts collated by Prof. F.
Macler3 and the Old Georgian version, recently edited by Prof. R. P.

1 Fr. Ν. Akinian has called my attention to the importance of this date. The
church is otherwise known from a colophon of a.d. 1222. Cf. L. Alishan,

D^uniiuï, Venice, 1885, p. 222.

* A
bishop Basil is known in the neighbourhood of Sis in a. d. 1222. Cf. Alishan
op. cit., p. 233.
' F. Le texte arménien de Îevangile du museé Guimet xxviii).
Macler, (Annales
Paris, 1919.

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358 THE JOURNAL OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES

Blake.1 Blake has discovered under the Old Georgian an earlier form
of the Armenian than the vulgate text of the known manuscripts and

supposes the latter to represent an early revision of the original version.

' '
The original version had a markedly Caesarean text while in the

vulgate many of the Caesarean readings have been eliminated. The

importance of the Old Georgian for the history of the Armenian version
and its transmission is, therefore, obvious.2
With regard to the Armenian manuscripts studied by Macler, the
affinities of Ls are tolerably plain. It is a good representative of
Macler's Group Ζ and agrees most closely with his two favourite members
of that group, M and E229. The only exception to this is a small group
of readings in which L agrees with Ε (either alone or supported by
other members of group Z) against ME22' but this tendency appears to
be less persistent than the grouping LME229. The agreement of L with
one of its two allies, M and E229, against the other is, in the portions of
text I have examined, fairly evenly divided. I have observed no signs
of connexion between L and the peculiarities of non-Z manuscripts
like F, H, and Mq, or of other manuscripts in Group Z. The evidence
of the Georgian also tends to strengthen the position of Group Ζ and
to support the authority of LME229 within it. Exceptions to this rule

usually find outside support in eitRer Greek or Syriac save in the case
of F. The affinity of F with the Georgian is notable and the two

frequently read
together against LME229 and other authorities.
The following readings are taken from Mk. i-iv and compared both
with Macler's collations and with Blake's edition of the Old Georgian.
In dealing with Macler's collations, one question of method must be
raised. When discussing variants within Group Z, Macler regularly
labels one reading Ζ and then gives variants from it, each marked with
the manuscript from which it is derived. The difficulty lies in knowing

exactly what manuscripts are represented by the symbol Ζ in any given

'
case. In his table of symbols (op. cit. p. vi) he says Ζ = Nouveau
testament arménien, publié par Zohrab (4e fascicule de sa Bible) à Venise

1805. In-16.—Désigne dans notre nomenclature le meilleur texte

arménien, par opposition à Mq, qui est le moins bon '. This, however,
means that Ζ stands for two things, (1) the printed text of Zohrab and

(2) the best text that can be established from Macler's ten manuscripts
which is not always the same as that of the printed edition, e.g. Mk. ix
'
48 (49) Macler's note reads Ζ : L· 'anT et
ujrjJtL. jtuqlrutjfc

1 R. P. The Old Georgian Version of the Gospel of Mark (Patrologia

Blake,
Orientalis xx 3). Paris, 1928.
2 Harvard
Theological Review, xxi and Oct. 1928, pp. 286 if.
3 I have
adopted L as a symbol for Camb. Univ. Lib. Add. 2620, but otherwise
followed Macler's notation, op. cit., pp. v-vi.

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 359

tout sacrifice avec du sel sera sali omis par la des et

majorité grecs
le syr. sin. Mais se lit en Pechitto et en grec: και ττασα θνσια αλι

αλισθησίται en Ta Κ.—Omis par ME229 H et Zohrab Here obviously

Ζ does not stand for the text of Zohrab nor does it correspond to its

description on p. 169. 'Les variantes que présentent ces quatre mss.

MBDE, par rapport au type ideal de Z, en Pespece Ε229 seront signalées

ici même'. Both statements are misleading and one can only infer
that in the notes on pp. 170 ff readings marked Ζ have at least the

support of all manuscripts of Group Z, variants from which are not at

the moment particularly indicated, i.e. that in the reading from Mk. ix

48 (49) the words omitted by ME229 Η are contained, at least, in BDE.

It is on this assumption that I have classified the readings in Group Z.
The first case noted by Macler is an exception to the general rule
that L agrees with ME229 against other manuscripts. Here the omission
of thj (υίοΰ τον θίον) is supported by ME229MqABCEFH
nprj-unj
and the Adysh MS. L supported by D in the Armenian and Tbet'
by
and Opiza in the Georgian1 retains it, probably under the influence of
some Greek text. In Mk. i 2 the text Of Zohrab
ft Jiup^iupku (iv τοις
προφηταις) is supported by Γ) against τω Ήσαιω
tTiuρ mpt, (iV
τω προφήτη) MEa9L, the Georgian, and other variants of Mq, C, and F.
The reading of L in the same verse is
t^hi/buju^tup^u (ràç ό8ονς)
probably under the influence of the Armenian text of Mai. iii 1 with
which it agrees. It is supported by Opiza and Tbet' against ME229

Adysh (and Mg) which read the singular in agreement

tj^u/buiufuip^
with the Peschitto and Greek MSS. In Mk. i 4-5 M omits L (και)
before (iyévero) and before but is not
Irqlt- JlfpuikpL· (ΐβαπτίζοντο)
followed by L which reads withsupportedΕ229 BDE.
by Here L is
the Adysh MS in both the latter by Opiza
instances, but
and only in
In Mk- i 8 L reads 229
Tbet'. (Λliιj)i with Ε BE against t/I^pmL· d*
(βαπτίζω) of MAD and the Georgian. Similarly Mk. i 13
φπρί/rujp
(παραζόμινος) Ε229 BDEL against (inf. act. in pass, sense) MF.
φη/ii/rp
In Mk. i 17, however, L does not omit (yevea&u) with E229
[flilrp
Opiza and Tbet', but reads it with MBDE Adysh. In i 32 ME229

supported by the Georgian read (ίφιρον) but L reads the present

ρ!τρΙτ[Λι

ptrp/Λ with BDE and Zohrab. Mk. i 33 is a striking case of affinity

between L and E'29. Here MBDE read (τας θύρας) but LE229
ipnt-puh
use another word of the same meaning The reading
rypndhuh. upptrp
in i 40 is apparently supported by all the known Armenian
(καθαρίσαι)
manuscripts and the Georgian and the source of Zohrab's (' to
pd^Lp
cure') is unknown. In i 41 the omission of is supported by E229
gbuj
1 The Old
Georgian is edited from three manuscripts, Adysh, Opiza, and Tbet'.
Cf. Blake's preface and H. Th. R. xx 4 pp. 290 flf,300 ff.

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 360 THE JOURNAL OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES

and L and the Georgian against MBDE. In i 43 E229 L and the

Georgian support (αυτόν) with Zohrab against its omission by

ijhui
MBDE. In Mk. ii 2 LME229 read ( ήκοίσΟι]) against #?i_
£LrrjL·. j
(same meaning) of BDE but in ii 4 L follows the spelling of E222
Li/L
against Jl, (77pair t νt'yκαι ι of MBDE. In ii 7 L does
JhpXuiijuj^ pXh'h m^
not follow the singular readings of Ε 229 which adds u def. to [uoufi (λαλεί)

and reads « for n,/ (ris). In ii 8 L reads [· ,,/,ρ,,,,,(raïs καρδίαis) with

BDE against 'spirit') of ME229 (and the Georgian?).
f· Jftmu ('mind',
229
In Mk. ii 26 L reads A but (και εδωκεν) with Ε BDE against M,

Zohrab, and the Georgian L bm L (και εδωκεν και). In iii 2 L's

229 the Georgian?). In iii 5 L renders
fubjl/figbis supported by ME (and

περιβλεψάμενος by a gen. abs. adding the name of Jesus,

uijbgbw^
229 '
with MDE but E reads the nominative; Jesus' is omitted
jfiunt-u[<,
by Β and the Georgian. Similarly in iii 12 Ε229 alone adds % def. to

(VL°s) against LMBDE, !»/· 111 ^ supports the read

"["il·
ing of Zohrab BE (Opiza and Tbet') lu c/iulilr DF) £
ρ luj {^p.utpJ~iuhlriu^
(ίμερίσθη) against ME229 which read the subjunctive In iii 28
fat?.
the reading of L, (subj.) is supported by MBD Adysh
ÇiujÇnjfitjl/L·
E) against E229 Zohrab, (βλασφημησοχτιν,
^ujj^njlrugl/L·
Opiza and Tbet' read the singular) but in iii 29 L follows BDE229
M's ut ut ιυ Uih. In iii L with the
nfLupinujiifu/ij against /y ρ 35 agrees
order of ME229 and the Georgian f, J' (αδελφός μην) against
(bqpuijp
BDE and Zohrab In iv ι L reads with Ε and the
f,J' brjpmjp.
Georgian against ME229BD and Zohrab
J-nrjntJnuftr^ii (όχλος)
(plur.) In iv 23 L reads (indie, with Ίι def.) ίχα. with
i]nupr^ πι.Ίι/Λ
ME229 and the Georgian against the subjunctive of BDE. In
nribftgfiï,
iv 28 L omits L after with MBDE and the Georgian against
E229 and Zohrab, and in iv 29 also L reads with MBDE A-A
<$tuubuj/_
(τταρεστ-ηκεν, the Armenian verb is in the plural as the word for

'harvest', θερισμάς, has a plural form against E229 uiuu/bbh

^πΛΖρ)
and the Georgian. In iv 31 L omits % def. from , (κόκκω) with
DE against ME229B. In iv 31 neither L nor the Georgian adds with
E"29 (' vegetables '), before (των
giub^tup ubpJu/liu σπερμάτων).
In Mk. xvi Macler notes that nine out of the ten manuscripts he has
examined omit Mk. xvi 9 ff and Ε229 alone contains it.1 One of the
three Georgian codices, the Tbet', has it. L follows the usual custom
of late manuscripts in adding these verses after a blank space has been

1 Macler's Ε229 is the well-known MS at Edschmiatzin (a.d. 986) in which the

Mast twelve verses of St Mark* are introduced by the rubric Arision eriteou (see
Sw.ete's St Mark, p. civ). Cf. P. Ferhatian, Mk. xvi 9-20 bei dtn Armeniern,
Huschardzan, Vienna, 1911, p. 372.

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 361

left. Of the variants recorded by Macler (pp. 267-270) for this chapter
' '
L agrees with only one, xvi 14 om. they before 'did not believe'.
"hngui,
The chief fact which emerges from this cursory study of the text of
L is the need of a wider and surer knowledge of Armenian manuscripts
of the gospels. A curious feature of this kind of investigation hitherto
has been the concentration of interest in manuscripts in remote parts
of the world and neglect of easily accessible and obviously promising
material near .at hand. The text of the Tubingen gospels, famous for
its miniatures, has yet to be examined1 as well as British Museum
Add. 19727 which bears a date a.d. 633, probably derived from its

archetypé and more than two centuries earlier than any other known
Armenian manuscript of the gospels.2 Apart from the possibility of

finding a manuscript of the early 'unrevised' text, now known only

through the Georgian, a clearer notion might be gained of the vulgate
in its original form.3 It is certain that all readings of a Byzantine or
' '
ecclesiastical type found in Armenian manuscripts do not belong to
' '
it, and the separation of readings introduced by the revision from
others which have crept in through gradual processes of contamination
is a delicate one which requires the control not only of the Old

Georgian and other evidence of the Caesarean text but also of a better
classification than we have at present of the Armenian manuscripts
themselves.
R. P. Casey.

' '
AN UNRECORDED ARAMAISM IN JOSEPHUS

(' He began to say unto them').

The purity and immunity from of the Greek'
Semitism style of the
' '
author of the Jewish War, a work
ostensibly a translation of an
' '
earlier draft composed in his vernacular tongue,4 has often been noted

1 Ma. xiii ι. Cf. F. N. Finck and L. Gjan

Tubingen, Universitâtsbibliothek,
dschezian, Verzeichnis der armenischen Handschriften, pp. 3-5 ; J. Strzygowski,
Kleinarmenische Miniaturenmalerei. Tubingen, 1907. Fr. N. Akinian, Handes
Amsorya xxxi-xxxii (1917-18), pp. 159-160.
2 I have noted from a of this manuscript that, of the doubtful
hasty examination
readings, it agrees with Zohrab at Mt. ii 9, om. Mt. xvi 3, om. Lk. xxii 43-44
L·. ♦· · om. Jo. V 4 li- . . ·
trpb-lrtjuiu brrjJruM^ [1 J ^ρ [[ftp, ^pLr^miuI^

^fiL.u/hrpnuP[iuhy om. Jo. vii 53-viii II, Mk. i I orn. nprpt.nj ω/, Mk. i I

jlrUUlj[l ifujρ tf-Wρb ·

3 In
dealing with this problem, the Biblical quotations of early Armenian authors
should not be overlooked. Cf. F. C. Conybeare, i An Armenian Diatessaron ',
J.T.S. April 1924, pp. 232 if.
4
B.J. i 3 μ^ταβαλων à roîs άνω βαρβάροις τη ιτατρίψ συντάζα? àvintpxpa πρότ(ρον.

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 Harvard Divinity School

Armenian Manuscripts of St. Athanasius of Alexandria

Author(s): Robert P. Casey
Source: The Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Jan., 1931), pp. 43-59
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Harvard Divinity School
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in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Harvard Divinity School are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ST. ATHANASIUS
OF ALEXANDRIA
ROBERT P. CASEY
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

THE Armenian version of the works of Athanasius is known to

European scholars from four sources: (1) the list in Karekin's
catalogue of early Armenian translations,1 (2) Conybeare's edi-
tion of the pseudo-athanasian "Dialogue between Athanasius
and Zacchaeus," 2 (3) an article by the same scholar, 'On the
Sources of the Text of St. Athanasius,' " with accompanying
collations of the Armenian of De Incarnatione et contra Arianos
and Quodunus sit Christus, and (4) the Venice edition of Armen-
ian Athanasiana made by E. Tajezi and published with Cony-
beare's help at the Mechitarist press in 1899.4 This edition
contains all the material then available in the Mechitarists'
library at Venice but is not based on a complete survey of the
sources.5 Furthermore, the manuscripts employed are (with
the one exception of Cod. Venet. 818) collections of various pa-
tristic writings, and do not contain corpora of Athanasius's
works such as are commonly found in Greek. For a new edition
of the Armenian Athanasius the primary necessity is fresh
manuscript material, and it is therefore fortunate that the large
collection acquired by the Mechitarists of Vienna since the
publication of Dashian's catalogue6 includes two codices which
contain not merely treatises of Athanasius but corpora of his
1 Zarphanalian Karekin, Catalogue des anciennes traductions arm6niennes siecles
IV-XIII (in Armenian), Venice, 1889, pp. 278 if. A shorter list is given in Quadro
delle opere di vari autori anticamente tradotte in armeno, Venezia, 1825, pp. 11-13.
2 Anecdota Oxoniensia, Classical Series, Part VIII, Oxford, 1898.

3 Journal of Philology, XXIV, pp. 285-300.

SWorks of St. Athanasius (in Armenian), Venice, 1899.

1 Tajezi, pp. P'.*
6 I am greatlyj"*
indebted to the Mechitarists at Vienna and Venice for access to the
manuscripts and especially to Fr. Mesrop Hopazian, who secured me photographs,
and to Fr. Akinian, who gave me invaluable assistance in using them. My thanks
are also due to Professor R. P. Blake for kind suggestions.
48

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44 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
writings comparable in extent and significance to the corpora
of the Greek manuscripts.
One of these, Mechitaristen-Bibliothek, Cod. 629, is a nine-
teenth-century paper manuscript, 20 x 15 cm., written in a
clear notragir hand with twenty-three lines to the page. On
the flyleaf is a note in modern Armenian which reads, 'Bought
in Constantinople from Ter Johan, Priest, Mkrean,' and on
f. 231 is an observation by the same Fr. Mkrean, 'Note: The
scribe of this book is the Venerable Galoust, a teacher, son of
Paul of Samathia, my dear friend. John, Priest, Mkrean.'
Father Mkrean was a Constantinopolitan priest who engaged
in an extensive traffic in manuscripts, and Galoust, the son of
his old friend, was evidently employed to copy manuscripts of
exceptional interest which passed through his hands or to which
he had access. This one was made from a copy of a late 18th-
century manuscript at Ispahan, but its late date is no prejudice
to its authority, and the omission of many pages indicates that
the archetype of Cod. 699 was probably a manuscript of re-
spectable age which had suffered some damage in the course of
an itinerant career in the Orient. The contents are as follows:
1. ff. 4a-30b. Epistola I ad Serapionem, Migne P. S. xxvi,
599-607; Tajezi, pp. 88-116. I&'nLy JUiWp"uU
L"IIULLl""-lnp
'Letter concerning the most holy Spirit.'
4r-EfLJ:
2. ff. 30b-33b. The rest of f. 30b, f. 31a, and the first two-
thirds of f. 32b are blank, though this is not noted in the table
of contents and doubtless represents a lacuna in the exemplar.
A text then begins without heading or title and runs to f. 33b;
it is easily identified as the last few paragraphs of Epistola II ad
Serapionem, P. G. xxvi, 620 B b XapaKT?rp iv XpLoar
624c pVUPLaKLt "ro'Lvz7"7s
7) &Lvr&W
r7toreCWOTLVoVr70. . . . Y.o•o O' 'ApELavol.
This second letter to Serapion does not appear in Tajezi or in
Cod. 648.
3. if. 33b-38a. Epistola III ad Serapionem, P. G. xxvi,
623c-637A.
Ztm•LBL• Jm'+memU
J: 'Conclusion what has•,J•-
m9hl"9 ofJLm+. been
gpi
u•,ITuunLp
said before the same most holy Spirit.'
concerning ,-nh,-f,
4. ff. 38a-65b. sjji i -

Jmkfnu4-Lnt_ Jl'•9•1.•11
h?hlll,
liL LfL~W t1LffJ
11LLIi"uI"UIAJUUmnL"uIAupu nLsfJuIrJ

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 45
LfJ fd
'j-p
ul-- -U f n wi-pmFh
"•/r1rt1iwh 'Letter4•bmL.n-
Upfinu-p, to the
Lwyjl 4a- lLkW ,-U• f-Lhiry•Th Jdmwy:
church of the Antiochenes concerning diverse doctrines and
comments, which he spoke against the hostile [and], in their
opinions, heretical followers of Arius.'
jIdbfgklekw nj44gjj*. /k Iikr pui/m5ik 4,ni-

fmpf1
4Ihtr I
pirLImLI... wu. UmwnFumr nt if"iwuf 4,"-
lk / '/ JUJUJ J/.4,•IUAm '-"
5 if'Puyuw14U?'u-
b-L U. ,, u-.LI'tkL"J
w-
lwrPifr0,h: ,.,u,/i p•lp- •
Ju-mTUII,,,bAU
This piece is a refutation of Arianism constructed as a discus-
sion of biblical texts in the manner of the Orationes contra
Arianos and the De incarnatione et contra Arianos. It is not
identical with the Tomus ad Antiochenos, nor, so far as I have
been able to find, with any other known work of Athanasius.
5. ff. 66a-73b. Epistola ad Epictetum, P. G. xxvi, 1049-
1069. 1IL (sic) bu nu 68-
Is"7"U
blu-mf,rLrL W0WM
4p,,,,*,p,,.".
u,4nu•4WLW-mm I'f UJUfwlf, um4

JWPsn5II3JrLfudwi y4uwnw4w Qtdwp1 Frm Ufrp"j 4mwU-.

the orthodox faith, refutation of the op-
-rnj-u: 'Concerning
position of some to the true and holy faith.' This version,
which is found also in Cod. 648, is different both in text and
title from that published by Tajezi, pp. 324-343.
6. ff. 73b-79a. Ad Adelphium, P. G. xxvi, 1072-1083;
Tajezi, pp. 124-133. ln bl1*.: 'To Phila-
The 4f•Ltrlb,,
Armenian both of
delphus bishop.' Tajezi and of the two
Vienna Mss. ends with the greeting and omits the final injunc-
tion, 4ppcOai Kaui . . . 'IepaK 7r
o Trperfo'r'p.
7. ff. 79a-80a. Ad Liberium, P. G. xxviii, 1444-1445; Tajezi,
pp. 117-118. •m (sic)7
UL,• ,tr-n •p4nulnu,.,ulJUUfU: ,
arLnI"fdwJ, jnp uu,4swsIyirs k 2idusfw Iplurg
p
'To Liberius archbishop of Rome, that which he required of
him he wrote thus.' The Armenian both of Tajezi's edition
and of the two Vienna Mss. adds a doxology which is not in the
Greek.
7 This is also the spelling of Cod. 648 and the colophon. See below.

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46 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
8. ff. 80a-82b. Expositio fidei, P. G. xxv, 200-208; Tajezi,
pp. 119-123. 6wmpuj-u uppnj 'Concerning
the holy Trinity.' b, nPunit._hs,:
9. ff. 82b-91b. Sermo contra omnes haereses, P. G. xxviii,
501-524. L IF"F7'L"7P' 'That
,krtulm 4,,,1" ,
which was spoken against all heresies.' 4PnLn-•,",,:
10. ff. 91b-107b. De incarnatione et contra Arianos, P. G.
xxvi, 984-1028. 6Swiwu ulppnJ IL mpd-
I"I n -rpnj blippinP.lfb If.
SIWLpL/JI~bLU WULIIILIL j!nprIf
p llpiUinuruq:
'Concerning the holy Trinity and the Incarnation of the Son,
spoken against the Arians.' This version, which is also found
in Cod. 648, is different in text and title from that published
by Tajezi, pp. 27-56. Both Vienna Mss. conclude the treatise
with a doxology found neither in the Greek nor in Tajezi.
11. ff. 107b-ll0b. h p guem lJ'mn/Jnn • UL pU-
--u
k n U_
k', up
i,4 -, -?
-Pu wu',-j- jpwt
'wuwu-P - n, p-t,-J
nJ-~- Jr-,t+j-
unppnJ, aJny•f, ,rrS.,,.
ifSr'F-nrj

'On the verse according to the gospel of Matthew, He who

will say a word against the Son of Man, it shall be forgiven him,
but he who will speak against the Holy Spirit, it shall not be
forgiven him, neither in this age nor in the future.' This is a
fragment' of Epistola IV ad Serapionem, P. G. xxvi, 648, Wrepl
U pa0
ov p ^Pro10 rkX. In Greek manu-
vEyXoXwTcasbaCyyEXLKO•o
scripts it is found in the collection of twenty-one treatises in
L and its allies, but not in S, where the text of Epistola IV ad
Serapionem is given complete.8
12-13. if. 112a-131b. Disputatio contra Arium, P. G. xxviii,
440 ff. The Greek piece is divided in the Armenian, and the
transition,XootrvY lrEp70rov replacedby
7rvEic'a-rosr77-tcwev,
a title. There are notable •y•Tov
differences between the text of Tajezi
and that of Cod. 629. Neither is exactly coextensive with the
Greek,but Tajezi'scontainsa few morelines than Cod. 629.
ff. 112a-127a. L f1
kJ-"nrI" b4f
SpuSdwJuounn-L[JF - ,ru
ULPIuti,
JtaJf UU-r.mJi.J
fpl•U-L,,e--nA,, 941d%,
B F. Wallis, 'On Some Manuscripts of the Writings of St. Athanasius,' Journal of

Theological Studies, III (1901), pp. 101, 106; K. Lake, 'Some Further Notes on the
MSS. of the Writings of St. Athanasius,' ibid. V, 1904, pp. 110-111.

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 47
tJLznztLpJ Ut UILnh yfhnnuuI,hL-
pmpIULY•JG .Lnumm
[ki wI/t ruh A nr. .
l
uuI nL: 'Dialogue on the
Council of Nicea against Arius, in the year 310 (sic) of the
divine incarnation, in the days of the pious emperor Constan-
tine and of the blessed Pope Sylvester and of the episcopacy
of Byzantium (sic) of Alexander.' P. G. xxviii, 440-488c,
Kat .ila lravToKpaTopia 7rv'yxvaE; Tajezi, pp. 134-189.
if. 127-131b. I i
,rnunLrJy irr,,h[p J"Lp
,•4IwL " ppJ
"piU
'Dispute of the same again, concerning the Holy
4"-nLnJ.,:
Spirit.' P. G. xxviii, 488c, TreL8b- /h.Xtora cpi~rw to 497A OEbs 7roL'
Tajezi, pp. 182-190. Tajezi's text extends
y4'y7pa7rra•
to r• rvev-/ta;
P. G. xxviii, 497A, . .. . XXr 7rcOE.
14. ff. 131b-155a. 'Dialogue between Athanasius and Zac-
chaeus.' Edited by F. C. Conybeare, Anecdota Oxoniensia,
Classical Series, Part VIII; Tajezi, pp. 191-?934. Ulp-
rr /lZ4pk "mpt,
p,'"A ujSIii/ L-L
bewrag4nu/k wnsI iqF j Jmuyjrju
'Dispute of the same St. Atha-
umeu.r.n-, tJL-hA, nl""Jj: the
nasius and Zacchaeus against Jews, concerning the divinity
of the Son.'
15. ff. 155a-170b. /
JL4e-
l
"'r4pl'l"nL/IitlfI 'Concern-
mlwt" ,-."* 6,,1i.'-u hL,•9:
"-,-r"-JILht-LL L(,p,1,rulymnaL
ing the mystery of the doctrine acceptable to God for those
baptized.'
dJL-. UpSI I lL LLUJsIILJ"j J"I'UI
YE"U
<alLypuq np umnz dliyu pwmS/r alinhinLI 4wrwwyuign
J Lf qium .. iL.
mprj
-JLfl-f4 .1 gdumne•l•aS.h su.•l/,,

This is a treatise on baptism addressed to catechumens. So

far as I can discover, it is not identical with any known work
* The title reads somewhat
differently in Cod. 648: 6U"tjauaU
/UIge4euIt.,LP,-U=I,,
ILmF JIMW ' Still another
4pe-bwL",-. t"'Ju""fnl"/'kW
-l."l',rWJ
flL- f-1 . " 'i•"u"'
form appears in the colophon (No. 14), discussed below.

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48 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
of Athanasius. A treatise on baptism ascribed to Athanasius,
but with a different incipit, is found in a Syriac manuscript of
the thirteenth century, Brit. Mus., Add. 14,727, ff. 55a-105a.
See Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Mss., II, p. 887.
16. ff. 171a-192a. In passionem et crucem Domini, P. G.
xxviii,185-249. h1 h JU&lLJfn L"i ShurI
Sfipnj10 6.,u W
/ tju.p•up•AS
ifIn-
ttj.
-fIUI l-J tAfmpm/--,
'On the .T-1
if-
pn;j: sufferings and resurrection of our Lord Jesus
Christ, our very God incarnate.'
17. ff. 192b-193b. Uo[WJpe: 'Prayers.' Inc.
'7ll btpmUJtL,

Des. /l PUrniLfzf0 r7j i//i

Zl,?,•,///4gt... u, J,
~-' ,pAk/
t turr"fJPLYMI-lf""21 l•?l,tr&, I..ll.lui.t
Ilub..• ItrfP..
IL... The desinit breaks off in the middle
, fmL,4
oft,,S•a•urhyb:
a sentence at the end of the paper, evidently because of a
lacuna in the exemplar.
18. ff. 194a-201b. 4nLun-Lfh• A:,, 'Concerning
6m"qf,,u
virginity.' A fragment of this treatise, otherwise unknown, has
been edited from a Syriac manuscript of the British Museum,
Add. 14,607, saec. vi-vii, by Professor J. Lebon, 'Athanasiana
syriaca I, Un X6yos7reppt7rapOEias attribue a saint Athanase
d'Alexandrie,' Le Museon, XL (1927), pp. 205 if. The text is
fragmentary in Cod. 629 but complete in Cod. 648. See below.
19. ff. 202a-205b are blank and are followed (ff. 206a-209a)
by the end of an ascetic discourse which is identical with
neither the Greek De virginitate (P. G. xxviii, 251-281) nor
with the 'Letter to the virgins' published by Lebon, 'Athana-
siana syriaca II,' Le Museon, XLI, pp. 169 if. Des. . .. .nLp
s uSwIJ5I~uS ru. 111 bL tuL
"
wepmrnq,~-a un""pp".
buh b- Jui
-Juzi-LfuurShe -- ••
1t-----
20. "--•flh-:dei verbi, P. G. xxviii,
ff. 209a-210b. De incarnatione
25-29; Tajezi, pp. 281-283.
2.&ns (ULm.,,pwje-•f,•/J/ ,,l"ur4t,
Im2"T" -1 U. tIjz-frr-SjrnLgbwr
pyj pd Uj . pfusI:
'Apostolic exposition of the divine incarnation of the Word of
God.'
10 Cod. 648 adds tLr-G/OPS*.
11Cod. 648 omits jwUsifju.-

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 49
21. ff. 10b-210aa. Epistola ad Jovianum de fide, P. G. xxviii,
532; Tajezi, p. 344. 6npru au 12
'To the l.,r
Emperor Jovian concerning
/Jumf/_n/. faith.'
6rl.u.u
..,-,m,-"IJ:
99. ff. 910aa?-914b. Quod unus sit Christus, P. G. xxviii,
191-139; Tajezi, pp. 56-63. 1ILIUlJ// " dil
%f~u. lf 'Iaui,,,-0,3 14:
orLnu UmIumumului5nJ 'Concerning [the]
faith g••_r4d-
that Christ is one, against Paul of Samosata.'
23. ft. 214b-216b. Homily on John 12, 27, P. G. xxvi, 1940-
1944; Tajezi, pp. 64-67.
/J-' muj•d ,ulsdS /,if /up,-
'On "My soul is.,np
troubled."'
Lri,•LiuIL•:
24. ft. 216b-230b. Contra Apollinarium II, P. G. xxvi, 1132-
1165; Tajezi, pp. 68-88. pmPuit 15 6
Ujm-
6mBurLuyt,fu
: 'Concern-
si,,I
,c- the ,Sbm,manifestation
Jlt•,- 8/,unui - y mnul
ing saving of our Lord Jesus Christ.'
f. 9231a. Subscript, cf. supra, p. 44; f. 231b blank.
f. 939a-b. Table of Contents; ff. 933-237 blank.

The second Viennese manuscript, Cod. 648, is much older

and, though not dated, should probably be assigned to the
thirteenth or fourteenth century.'5a It measures 16 x 19 cm.
and is written in bolorgir with 97-29 lines to a page. Some of
the pages have been badly worm-eaten so that the text is oc-
casionally illegible. There is no spacing between words, and
initial capitals are frequently omitted in the titles, where the
scribe evidently intended to finish them off with a greater flour-
ish but never returned to his task. On the fly-leaf is found a
note similar to that in Cod. 699, 'Bought in the year 1898 in
Constantinople from the priest John Mkrean in exchange for
books.' Of a second note in an older hand only the letters
for 'Number ... 15,' with the date 1789, are legible. Below this
the figure . . . 19 can be made out, and this may have been
12 Cod. 648 reads
68-tvL-uU.
13 Cod. 648 adds before
14
SsI, L-U,.
Cod. 648 reads
15Cod. 648 omits Umadnumwy.•"1.
[#ritm4wuIvl
15s It is described briefly by N. Akinian (Eine neu-entdeckte Schrift des Katholikos
Johannes Odznetzi De Incarnatione Verbi, Huschardzean, Festschrift aus Anlass des
100-jithrigen Bestandes der Mechitaristen-Kongregation in Wien, Vienna, 1911, pp.
336-344), who believes it to have been written at Metzob in the fourteenth century.

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 50 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW

part of the same date. In this manuscript the corpus of Athana-

sian writings is preceded by five other treatises by different
authors.1" The Athanasian treatises are the following:
1. ff. 15a-25b. De incarnatione dei verbi et contra Arianos,
P. G. xxvi, 992c riovaldvwov77 etc. (Tajezi, p. 33, 1. 3) to 1028A.
The beginning of the treatise is missing in this manuscript,
but the text is complete in Cod. 629, ff. 91b-107b; Tajezi,
pp. 27-56.
9. ff. 25b-33a. Sermo contra omnes haereses, P. G. xxviii,
501-524; Cod. 629, ff. 82b-91b.
3. ff. 33a-33b. Epistola ad Liberium, P. G. xxviii, 1444-
1445; Tajezi, pp. 117-118; Cod. 629, ff. 79b-80a.
4. ff. 33b-35b. Expositio fidei, P. G. xxv, 200-208; Tajezi,
pp. 119-123; Cod. 629, ff. 80a-82b.
5. ff. 35b-36b. De incarnatione dei verbi, P. G. xxviii, ?5-
29; Tajezi, pp. 281-283; Cod. 629, ff. 209a-210b.
6. ff. 36b-37a. Ad Jovianum de fide, P. G. xxviii, 532;
Tajezi, p. 344; Cod. 629, ff. 210b-210a.
7. ff. 37a-40b. Quod unus sit Christus, P. G. xxviii, 1091-
1832; Tajezi, pp. 56-63; Cod. 629, ff. 210a-214b.
8. ff. 40b-42b. Sermon on John 12, 27, P. G. xxvi, 1940-
1944; Tajezi, pp. 64-67; Cod. 629, ff. 214b-216b.
9. ff. 42b-53a. Contra Apollinarium II, P. G. xxvi, 1132-
1165; Tajezi, pp. 68-88; Cod. 629, ff. 219b-230b.
10. ff. 53b-76a. Epistola I ad Serapionem, P. G. xxvi, 529-
607; Tajezi, pp. 86-116; Cod. 629, ff. 4a-30b.
11. ff. 76a-80a. Epistola III ad Serapionem, P. G. xxvi,
623c-637A; Cod. 629, ff. 33b-38a.
12. ff. 80a-102a. Letter to the church at Antioch against
Arianism, Cod. 699, ff. 38a-65b.
13. ff. 102b-105b. Epistola ad Epictetum, P. G. xxvi, 1049-
1069; Tajezi, pp. 324-343; Cod. 699, ff. 66a-73b.
14. ff. 105b-112a. Epistola ad Adelphium, P. G. xxvi, 1072-
1083; Tajezi, pp. 124-133; Cod. 629, ff. 73b-79a.
15. ff. 112a-124b. On baptism, Cod. 629, ff. 155a-170b.
16 These are two works ascribed to Gregory of Nazianz, one (ff. 3a-4a) on Ezekiel
(P. G. xxxvi, 665-669), the other (ff. 4a-6b) a letter to Evagrius on divinity (P. G.
xlvi, 1101 ff.; cf. xxxviii, 383), and a series of short anonymous pieces (ff. 7a-14b).

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 51
16. ff. 124b-143b. In passionem et crucem domini, P. G.
xxviii, 185-249; Cod. 629, ff. 171-193.
17. ff. 143b-148b. De virginitate, Museon, XL (1927),
pp. 205 ff.; Cod. 629, ff. 194a-201b. Four pages follow with
a table of contents (ff. 151a-b) in a modern hand.

Having described the Athanasian corpora in the two Vienna

codices, we should now compare them with the other available
Armenian evidence on this point and with the corpora of the
Greek manuscripts. The Armenian evidence consists of one
manuscript, Cod. Venet. 818, and a colophon of unknown
origin. The manuscript is what is left of a paper codex of the
twelfth century, written by Nerses of Lampron and now pre-
served in modern binding in the Mechitarists' library in Venice.
It was used by Tajezi 7 for the first eleven treatises of his edi-
tion. The order of treatises in the manuscript is as follows, but
it is evident from the signatures that a piece has dropped out
between the Dialogue with Zacchaeus and Epistola I ad Serap-
ionem. The beginning of the latter has been lost through a cut
of approximately the first ten lines of the page, and there is no
reason to suppose that it was not followed by other works of
Athanasius before it was damaged. It is not clear why Tajezi
transposed Epistola I ad Serapionem from its place in the
manuscript to one between Contra Apollinarium II and Ad
Liberium.
1. De incarnatione et contra Arianos.
2. Quod unus sit Christus.
3. Homily on John 12, 27.
4. Contra Apollinarium II.
5. Ad Liberium.
6. Expositio fidei.
7. Ad Adelphium.
8. Disputationes cum Ario.
9. Dialogue between Athanasius and Zacchaeus.
10. Epistola I ad Serapionem. (The text is fragmentary.)
The colophon referred to is cited without mention of its

17 Pages
I-P~"

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52 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
source by Karekin I1 in his work on ancient Armenian versions,
and is reproduced by Tajezi 19 and Conybeare.20 It attributes
the translation of seventeen treatises of Athanasius to 'the
first translators,' that is, Mesrop and his school, and that of
five others to a distinguished Armenian theologian and trans-
lator of the eighth century, Stephen of Siunik.
The colophon reads as follows:
1-2. /g' u, 4p/1L•, 'On the Holy Spirit, two
treatises.' 4,n••, m•,
3. t 'Against the Arians.'
4. CI,~1 •,ur4mnu,•g,
1, bUFl-j7lpp"'f-pq fi
lL fimp
-'-Ethe Holy Trinity and on the incarnation of the
'On
pm,•rii,
Logos.'
5. nb (sic) lupp . 'To
ullj4-miSfn
of the Corinthians.' 4p"-gb'qy -y,
Epictetus bishop
6. f L ,1 (sic) bUy'I•n•,nu, 'To Philadelphus
qL, b7tu
bishop.'
7. U1~ /~n," (sic) btu
L 'To Liberius
t4. ,j",
bishop Rome.'of n,,,LS
8. 6ULUmpu U"pp"J up , 'Concerning the
Holy Trinity.' brFpp"pt-ali
9. 'Against all heresy.'
10. 1bUfrd' ,-dlAmisj n 4pdL,,,•r,•ng,
4,'J4"J"'yu", 'Concerning
those who 6mi- 4-nt," the g-ll
blaspheme Holy Spirit.'
11. iht JwiUWU
Ium-
,b I fLsrp,,,nLJJ,,
,- Upf-nuf,
,nfuoinewI,uj/lt, (p•,"Ar), 'Dispute against Arius
concerning the divinity of the Son (Logos).'
192.•,•,lut u,, .lf.lJ'
jui Ul M UPF"lJ
Jq••
( t4TLfJ
'Again against the same, concerning the Holy Spirit.'
13. e(bytd' Rsp~nu p 4pfk' psywya l" mara,&nL-
) lbui flprL-"J, 'Against Zacchaeus the Jew concerning the
divinity of the Son.'
14. 8m6yfpu- 'Concern-
p-p,4,pyr-,/
of ,if dIFwml-q1",
ing the mysteries baptism.'
15. 4nLun"L 'Concerning virginity.'
6q,,lu f,-uJs,
18
Pages 287-288.
1" Pages 1-2 .
20 Dialogue between Athanasius and Zacchaeus, p. x.

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 53
16. h' /" Lt JwrdPL/ Jft1, 'SOn the
/U,,. ,
sufferings ,and resurrection of the Lord.'
17. Uyo/Jp, 'Prayers.'
•L•wpm tbo['himwuw~t t
2ur pyr
UfZ
.pp",lm IqinY Futrp
pu,•,-A-p'" .-_,lui -"L J"'-rs""' -fl"'Y-
/tA uj 'End of the seven-
,u1shfl, P, j,_i 4,j pupn-p,
teen works of St. Athanasius translated by our first translators
from Greek into the Armenian language.'
1.
a,,.,
6.rp"T ,-if,
'Concerning the incarnation ofUu.II-I.jim
the Word of God.' puLIrS,J.
2. 6nrlf-i,u,-wu Q
JtLLp 4I,,4-sL-mnJ,
AnI,
'To Jovian the emperor, pJU-fL-U-nP.
concerning faith.'
3. U 14~f/ - 1L
, t.,
.,rrt/t
'Against Paul of uI,,,,-t-
Samosata, -i,--,fum-u"Ii
that God is one.'
4. i' , 'Concerning "My
•,q,'Yju 1-
soul is troubled."' •,dI ,r1ni•,,lL
,t
5. 6,rqurju J1jmWm1u7nLjJ Stumri, 'Concerning the
manifestation of the Lord.'

4p Lu jj "j "L Far-

-z"t- qt-",
prniitiuuhlm, P-ptl--
kui-fL:4Jpur
"-
4r, AL 'MI-t
j-p•.,-
Cin
g
w41 1
L iSft11 V-

'End of the five.treatises of St. Athanasius which were trans-

lated of late by Stephen bishop of Siunik. He completed what
was ordered by thee, O sublime, thrice blessed doctor of like
name and favor with the great son of a barren woman' [that
is, John the Baptist].21
It will be observed that while some of the titles of the colo-
phon are easily identifiable, others are in themselves ambiguous
and uncertain. We are, however, helped in their identification
by the curious circumstance that the order of treatises in the
colophon and that in Cod. 629 are parallel. The agreement is
21 The person here referred to as the instigator of Stephen's translation is undoubt-
edly John Odznetzi, Armenian Catholicos, A.D. 717-728. It is possible that the transla-
tions were made as part of the preparations for the synod of Managkert, A.D. 726.
See E. Ter-Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syrischen
Kirchen (Texte und Untersuchungen, N. F. XI, 4), Leipzig, 1904, pp. 71, 80 ff.; Fr.
Tournebize, Histoire politique et religieuse de l'Arminie, I, Paris, 1910, p. 140.

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 54 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
not exact but is close enough for our purpose. Thus, in the first
group the first item must be two of the letters to Serapion, and
the fact that Cod. 629 contains Epistolae I, II, and III, and
Cod. 648 Epistolae I and III, leads us to suppose that Epistolae
I and III are intended by the two works on the Holy Spirit.
Item three is also in itself uncertain, but when we observe that
in Cod. 629 the Letters to Serapion are followed by the Letter
to the church of Antioch, which is also a refutation of Arianism,
the identification can hardly be doubtful.22 'Concerning the
Holy Trinity' is a natural title for the Expositio fidei and is at-
tested by the manuscript employed by Tajezi (p. 119). The
treatise on baptism must certainly be the one found in the
Vienna manuscripts, and the prayers can hardly be a different
collection from that found in Cod. 629, ff. 192b ff. In the second
group also the corpus of Cod. 629 is of assistance, for in the
latter the De incarnatione dei verbi precedes the Letter to
Jovian, and Contra Apollinarium II, which is also a treatise on
the incarnation, follows the Homily on John 12, 27. It is thus
possible to identify all the items of the colophon with treatises
contained in Cod. 629.
This correspondence in order between Cod. 629 and the
colophon deserves further consideration, since it furnishes an
important clue to the history of the formation of the Armenian
Athanasian corpora. It must be remembered that the list of the
colophon is a chronological classification in which the treatises
are grouped according to the dates of their translation into
Armenian. There is no reason to suppose that the author of
the colophon had another manuscript before him, for it is in-
conceivable that a Greek, and improbable that an Armenian,
codex would have accidentally provided an order of treatises so
suited to his classification as to enable him to form his two
groups without conspicuous rearrangement. The difference in
order, however, between Cod. 629 and the colophon consists
22 It was perhaps this work which was translated from Armenian into Georgian by
Gregory of Us6i (cf. P. Peeters, 'Traductions et traducteurs dans l'hagiographie orien-
tale,' Analecta Bollandiana, XL, 1922, p. 278, n. 4), but there is also a quotation from
III Oratio contra Arianos in the wJ
4/ 4w•wmn*j. See note 26 below.

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 55
only in two additions to the contents of the latter and the
change in position of two pieces within its first group, as the
following table illustrates:
Cod. Vind. Cod. Venet.
Cod. Vind. 699 Colophon 648 818
1. Epistola I ad Serapionem .... A. 1 10 11
2. Epistola II ad Serapionem
(fragmentary)
3. Epistola III ad Serapionem .. A. 2 11
4. Letter to the Antiochene church A. 3 12
5. Epistola ad Epictetum ...... A. 5 13
6. Epistola ad Adelpbium ...... A. 6 14 7
7. Epistola ad Liberium ....... A. 7 3 5
8. Expositio fidei .............. A. 8 4 6
9. Contra omnes haereses....... A. 9 2
10. De incarnatione dei verbi et
contra Arianos .......... A. 4 1 1
11. Homily on Matt. 12, 32 ...... A. 10
12. Disputatio cum Ario I ...... A. 11 8
13. Disputatio cum Ario II ...... A. 12 8
14. Dialogue between Athanasius
and Zacchaeus ........... A. 13 9
15. On baptism ............... A. 14 15
16. In passionem et crucem domini A. 16 16
17. Prayers .................. A. 17
18. De virginitate ............. A. 15 17
19. Fragment of an ascetic discourse
20. De incarnatione dei verbi .... B. 1 5
21. Epistola ad Jovianum de fide B. 2 6
92. Quod unus sit Christus ...... B. 3 7 2
23. Homily on John 12, 27 ...... B. 4 8 3
24. Contra Apollinarium II ..... B. 5 9 4

There can be little doubt that the corpus of Cod. 629 was
based on that of the colophon.
A comparison of the order of Cod. 629 and the colophon with
those of the other two manuscripts is also instructive. Between

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56 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
them Cod. 648 and Cod. 818 contain all that is in Cod. 629
except the Homily on Matt. 12, 39, the prayers, Epistola II
ad Serapionem, and the fragmentary ascetic discourse. The
homily and prayers appear in the colophon, but Epistola II ad
Serapionem and the ascetic discourse do not. This suggests
that they are specific additions of Cod. 699 and do not belong
to the corpus from which it descends. Furthermore, all four
lists have sequences of at least three treatises in common, and
Cod. 648 and Cod. 818 each have sequences in common with
Cod. 629 and the colophon but not supported by the other.
For instance, Disputationes cum Ario are followed by the Dia-
logue between Athanasius and Zacchaeus in Cod. 629, the
colophon, and Cod. 818, but are omitted from Cod. 648, while
in Cod. 648 the treatise on baptism is followed by In passionem
et crucem domini, and De incarnatione dei verbi is followed
by Epistola ad Jovianum, as in Cod. 629 and the colophon, but
the four pieces do not appear in Cod. 818. It is therefore im-
possible to suppose that the colophon is an expansion of either
Cod. 648 or Cod. 818. That the corpora of Cod. 648 and Cod.
818 are modifications of the original corpus represented by Cod.
629 and the colophon is not only highly probable in itself but
is confirmed by the fact that in Cod. 648 a reminiscence of the
colophon survives. On f. 35b between the end of Expositio fidei
and the title of De incarnatione dei verbi is written jjUJ.
wUrnwf?4m(j) 4/TjT wgm' ? 1kJ)WzrpTfP,
Umwkwjumtnu/i LL
k aj: 'These present five works were translated for us by
Stephen.' Now the five treatises which follow are precisely
those which form the colophon's second group but were evi-
dently displaced from their natural position at the end of
the corpus by the compiler of Cod. 648. The reasons for this
modification of the original order, both here and in Cod. 818,
are not apparent, but are probably connected with convenience
or accidents in copying.
An important test of this tentative genealogy of the Armenian
corpora is a comparison with the Greek corpora. It is clear
that neither the corpus of Cod. 629 and the colophon, nor either
modification of it in Cod. 648 and Cod. 818, was derived from

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 57
any of the known Greek collections.23 With the elimination of
Greek influence, therefore, and in the absence of evidence for
earlier Armenian corpora, no reason appears for supposing the
order within each of the two groups of the colophon to be other
than arbitrary.
A more difficult problem is to estimate the value of the state-
ments about the translations made in the colophon. From the
conclusion of the colophon itself it appears to have been written
not long after the translations made by Stephen of Siunik and
within the lifetime of John Odznetzi. Accordingly, unless firm
ground be discovered for rejecting it, the statement about the
last five treatises may be accepted. The question, however, as
to the group assigned to 'the first translators' is different. The
best check here would be by a thorough philological study of
the texts themselves,24 but a cursory examination of the lan-
guage is enough to show that the evidence of the colophon is
not to be taken at its face value, and that, in their present form,
at least some of the pieces ascribed to 'the first translators'
must be assigned to a later date. Furthermore the work was
not done by a single hand or even by a single school, for some
of the translations, for example, Tajezi's text of the Letter to
Epictetus, are free and idiomatic, while others exhibit the stiff
literalness of the Grecophiles, so that it seems likely that they
were texts current in Armenia before the eighth century, which
a natural but mistaken enthusiasm assigned to the golden age
of Armenian literature.
23 See note 7 above, and K. Lake and R. P. Casey 'The Text of the De Incarnatione
of Athanasius,' Harvard Theological Review, XIX, 1926, pp. 259-270; A. Stegmann,
Die pseudo-athanasianische 'IV. Rede gegen die Arianer' als 'KaTr 'ApetrcavPW X6yos'
ein Apollinarisgut, Rottenburg, 1917, pp. 9 ff.
24 Even this method, however, is not without its uncertainties, and it must be ad-
mitted that a secure basis for the chronology of early Armenian literature has not as
yet been established. Affinities and developments in language and style are evident
and well recognized in the texts, but widely divergent views are held about their dating.
These differences have emerged with great clearness in the discussion of the age of the
Armenian version of the Bible, particularly of the New Testament. See F. Macler, Le
texte armenien de l'6vangile (Anales du Musbe Guimet, XXVIII), Paris, 919, with
full bibliography; R. P. Blake in Harvard Theological Review, XXI, 1928, pp. 286 ff.;
Zarphanalian Karekin, pp. 1 ff.; and also J. Manandean, '"sI~yn! kL.re&w
OnLJ•UI5A,
jwUpfjx'fjuu' Fgjlwrj1pE, Vienna, 1928.

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58 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
In spite of some uncertainties the evidence before us suggests
the following history of the Armenian version of Athanasius.
At various times between the fifth and eighth centuries works of
a dogmatic and edifying character attributed to Athanasius
were rendered into Armenian. Shortly after this an unknown
editor assembled a corpus of these translations, some of which,
with questionable insight, he ascribed to 'the first translators,'
others, with definite knowledge, to Stephen of Siunik. On the
basis of this corpus and with but slight alterations was formed
the corpus now found in Cod. Vind. 69.9; more radical modi-
fications produced the collections in Cod. Venet. 818 (twelfth
century) and Cod. Vind. 648 (thirteenth to fourteenth century).
Neither the original corpus nor any of its dependents appears to
have been influenced by the Greek corpora. Other works of
Athanasius were probably translated into Armenian at an early
period but were not included in the original corpus. Of this a
conspicuous example is the Life of Anthony, which, both on
philological grounds and from external evidence, is generally
admitted to be one of the earliest of Armenian translations.2-
The 4/Jlg 4LuLwriYJ, a monophysite catena made early in the
seventh century, has Athanasian quotations from Oratio III
contra Arianos, Tomus ad Antiochenos, Contra Apollinarium I,
and the Festal Letters, as well as from De passione et cruce
domini; 26 and identification of Athanasian quotations in the
Liber Epistolarum 27 and in several unpublished catenae might
add to this list. Further investigation in the East would un-
doubtedly bring to light fresh material, if not actually new
26 Karekin, pp. Irt, 286. A colophon in a manuscript described in Erevak, IV, pp.
40-47 (cf. Dashian, Catalogue, p. 2), attributes the Armenian version of this piece to
the middle of the fifth century. With the exception of Athos, Vatopedi 6, the Vita
Antonii does not figure in the Greek corpora; see K. Lake, Journal of Theological
Studies, V, p. 112, note 1.
26 J. Lebon, ' Les citations patristiques grecques du Sceau de la foi,' Revue d'histoire

ecclesiastique, XXV, 1929, pp. 8-9. There are several quotations of doubtful origin
and the spurious De sancta trinitate dialogus IV (P. G. xxviii, 1249 ff.) is attributed
to Basil of Caesarea. This evidence should, however, be used with some caution, for,
so far as I am aware, no thorough investigation has been made of the sources of this
catena. Some of its quotations may have been rendered directly from the Greek or
derived from Greek catenae.
27 $I?pe
rLPnq•, Tiflis, 1901.

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 ARMENIAN MANUSCRIPTS OF ATHANASIUS 59
texts, but manuscripts of the Armenian corpora are evidently
rare.28
28 I have found none in other catalogues of European libraries, and neither Fr.

Akinian, who has examined a large part of the collection at Etschmiadzin, nor Profes-
sor R. P. Blake, who had the kindness to look at Jerusalem and on Mt. Sinai for me,
could report others. The following Athanasiana in Armenian manuscripts at the Bib-
liothique Nationale deserve special mention: De incarnatione dei verbi (P. G. xxviii,
05-29; Tajezi, pp. 281--283), B. N., Cod. Arm. 201 (paper, notragir, 17th-18th cen-
tury), if. 79a-80a; Cod. Arm. 311 (paper, notragir, 17th-18th century). Ad Jovianum
de fide (P. G. xxviii, 531; Tajezi, p. 344), B. N., Cod. Arm. 201, ff. 80a-80b; Cod. Arm.
311, ff. 154b-155a. (It is notable that De incarnatione dei verbi is followed by the
Letter to Jovian in Codd. Vind. 629 and 648 and in Karekin's colophon, but not in the
Greek manuscripts.) De sancta trinitate (Tajezi, pp. 239-242), B. N., Cod. Arm. 110
(paper, erkathagir, 1.th century), f. 4a 1. Vita Antonii (P. G. xxvi, 835-976; Tajezi,
pp. 533-614), B. N., Cod. Arm. 110, ff. 106a 2-112a 2; Cod. Arm. 115 (paper, bolorgir,
13th-14th century), ff. 2b-6b. (In many Armenian as well as in Syriac manuscripts
this last piece is abbreviated. A study of the Armenian corresponding to F. Schultess'
study of the Syriac [Probe einer syrischen Version der Vita S. Antonii, Leipzig, 1894] is
needed.) Epistula ad Justinum Africae (Tajezi, pp. 345-346), B. N., Cod. Arm. 110,
if. 184b -185a 1. (Two of Tajezi's manuscripts describe this as a letter to Augustine
of Africa, one to Justin. The Paris codex reads simply: R De
k? Pnr,•v UFL,,-luA #r.)
spiritu sancto (Inc. pi"ly p "14"n,
w:t,"up4, ,,..,, t""
116 I.i_(paper, .14.vj_?f,
: B. N., Cod. Arm.,rb '
"t bolorgir, 14th century), f. 326. (Macler
IrL")
has failed to notice that this treatise does not run to the end of the volume, but ends
on f. 330a 3 and is followed by another work on a similar theme by Gregory the Illu-
minator: Uppnj 4jv Lmiv m;kI
Inc. aI
•f•--'P.P -n lf"uL-L[ TfA"L•'I 4nIj•inJ PP-.
7
uswtibwLJ,& jvL4unkLbAk, etc.).
"

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Harvard Divinity School

Two Armenian Creeds

Author(s): Nerses Akinian and Robert P. Casey
Source: The Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Apr., 1931), pp. 143-151
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Harvard Divinity School
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 TWO ARMENIAN CREEDS
NERSES AKINIAN
MECHITARISTENKONGREGATION, VIENNA
AND

ROBERT P. CASEY
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

ARMENIAN dogmatic literature is rich in creeds, some of which

remain unpublished. The two which follow have a claim on
general interest because one bears the name of Athanasius, and
is an Armenian counterpart to the famous Latin spurium,'
while the other is a curious commentary on a well-known text.
I
The first is found on f. 159b of Cod. 324 of the Mechitarists'
library in Vienna, a Cilician paper manuscript of the fourteenth
century. It is written very closely in a cramped hand, without
word division and with frequent abbreviation, and is not
always easy to read. The same document is found in the
Armenian 'Socrates Minor' (Ter-Movsesian, Vagharshapat,
1897, p. 45), where it is described as a work of Athanasius,
written after his return from exile under Julian, in order to
restate the Nicene position and encourage orthodoxy. The text
in 'Socrates Minor' presents the following variants: -
2 mstnjenawor] mitnjenagow
3 om. igen
6 aylustek'] aylust
7 om. ew
7 hogin
7 noCin]nocun?
8 om. amenayn
9 gituteamb
1 The Armenians also have versions
of the 'Quicunque vult,' among which is found
considerable textual variation. Three manuscripts are employed by Tajezi, Opera
Athanasii, Venice, 1899, pp. 478-481. A different version is found on ff. 30b-34b of
Cod. Arm. 121 of the Bibliotheque Nationale, a Crimean paper manuscript of the four-
teenth century.

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144 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
9 alberabar
10 aylustek'] aylust
14 p' aiavori
14 marmnaloyn] mamnaloy
15 ordwoy astucoy
15 xostovanemk'] xndri ban
15 om. et'e
16 cnaw] erewi
16-17 marmnadaw] ansermnanay
17 om surb
17 xarni
17-18 yorovaynin
19 miaworut' eamb tnawrZnuteamb
20 miov] ew
21 mardkayins
22 zmez
22 norogesce] gorcescZ
24 tntesut'ean] tnawrenut' ean
25 yawitean
25-26 surb hogwoyn] and hogwoyn srboy
99 om. ew
29 om. mek'
29 or ayspes
29 xostovanicen
29 ew or etc] and nosa ew mek', isk or ayl azg
iCeink'n dat hawurn datastani.

The majority of these are insignificant, but 15 xostovanemk']

xndri ban, 16-17 marmnasaw] ansermnanay, 24 tntesut' ean]
tnawrenut' ean (oiKovob'La),and the different conclusions sug-
gest the possibility of independent translations of a Greek orig-
inal. Against this is to be set the large measure of agreement
between the two texts, but that is less impressive in so stereo-
typed a document than in a more literary production. Apart
from the variants, the language does not suggest translation,
though formulae current in Greek and Syriac creeds appear.
From the christological section it is clear that the work was
not written by Athanasius, and the reason for connecting his

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 TWO ARMENIAN CREEDS 145
name with it was probably the same which produced distin-
guished authors from the golden age of dogma for many creeds
of a later period. The opening description of the Father is con-
ventional, but the absence of credoor credimus is striking. The
christology is evidently Monophysite, but the absence of late
technical terms is remarkable, and even more so the restraint
displayed in the closing anathema, where only the Arians are
mentioned. It is probable that the piece was a deliberate for-
gery, and that the heretics whose views the author wishes to
combat are not mentioned by name in order to avoid an obvious
anachronism in the attribution to Athanasius. The statement,
"we do not divide the Son," coupled with the insistence that
Christ suffered voluntarily and not of necessity, are Monophy-
site commonplaces and do not help in fixing a precise date, but
the allusion to the trisagion is reminiscent of the controversy
begun by Peter the Fuller2 and perpetuated by the Theo-
paschites in the sixth century.3 The linguistic evidence in so
brief and conventional a document is unsatisfactory, but as far
as it goes it suggests a period between the end of the fifth and
the end of the sixth century.

Vienna, Mechitaristenbibliothek, Cod. 324, f. 159b.

m
Uppnj, r 1L(AuIr) mufr
( uyL)L f:fi u: WUm rn4f'fpiF

t L L ek
t AL
UeIAL
Iq4pfi, -AP,
111
k2numm(,I),uLn,,m,,e,
1F mxim wup
?-rp kfq-I: bL n I.4Sfi
prjfk fk 4mL(
?r_2&uj1L
uq-rnplu-.
ii4nj mpmp&ui4/k, 4uiLp L f
AL mdigA
z-m4fis. u-,-,zuI- AL-, JnjI
j4 uI-,ifmpimq-,u•-,.r .
hn•FJA- 5
- "JL "nLumni
b ip4-u SIfmiL
AL • in-
L 4ImULp--p
SAL-,, -unAuj-',
U"-L AqltiL: rf f,"y
ng J(n(L)/atZ ih
"un)J L"J ApIlu I
rFuSfIrnjb
LnLumn", uipmum- PL--
jiUqi jq17IpFT LU
Q U-IIL n"LLI4
Zupeu k
/kr
i u A 1
"-'L /10
4op AL

b l ,,,ALUIII,,,,LLp
k'•U"' JLPzLI'"(J) Iq-/,f: i/.lL
4AtAl.T , fL,() ----L-uI)-I/fJ[.-r
'kp'ipf kL-Lk"
Iq1,AuL.
.(•)•..//..•'••L ,-'/ ,Z.,IA
-
2
Theodorus Lector, i. 20; W. A. Wigram, The Separation of the Monophysites.
London, 1923, p. 29; Tixeront, Histoire des dogmes, III, Paris, 1922, pp. 105-106.
3 Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, II. 2, pp. 873-874.

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 146 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW

z-/iL,IILII-L-lLYp
15 -f-l-I(L) mjnu~uLj
p J "S-
J1L.ql"•' "'nJ.- 'L:btJ
b p k/ 4usLp
Unr-mnrnj - '
nu-mnij/rsif4?,
lku tl-SFlP i-
S-2li
JIrmuL nr-~Aot 21"--2-u by
'L/i1" t-rtph
r
fnmAnlm5
f"l, njift! fmL-1-L
quk" J"n-

mfI Lnm r:
Pr rfp i. /mSurz Sp( k LifM nj z/ funnmnas
171, 1-askt sfkzI Lpf u
( urdpE fIi:d'kJz~sfif sufk "r- gy
a

.o k/ LAq1mI(n)L. pIpImft"'j"LL.;"F"'rA•
'L L
LFL
4.1t2 :
fijl "In ( nj) :
p<2i m ipm
LsmdAbh./inkmpqk Im

pzardzw2iktzly 1aprjk P -"m wumbnk" athiki"M *:- R Ofk"un

25
Pk/-nLLIp-
ALlLJLLj
uLJ•(J)
ALJLu/ifLmA1ukLI
p•Zt

1LIPfl(L)JJ/LJ

p-,l -,(L)JL5~,AL
,•,nr, dk
,UIlLIUflLjF I ,•i-
Irnumnr -e
30 /•y_-e-
AL u" nj
jp IuinanLIulfi•.
j 6n1 ,bL -y.
AJ-Z-t-: ,
IkjnLtfghp
Ifer-.•--
lusLqu unljp

:
--,-&-qu_-
Creed of St. Athanasius: Eternal Father, omnipotent and
everlasting, maker of heaven and earth and the creatures which
are upon it;' and the Son, begotten of the Father and co-eternal
[with him], having come into being timelessly and immaterially
from the same substance and not from elsewhere, and all things
were made by him; and the Holy Spirit, appearing from their
essence as light from light, who illumines all creatures by the
light of knowledge and, like a spring,5 distributes gifts by grace,
and he did not come into being from elsewhere but came from
the Father and appears from the Son, one Godhead appearing
in three <persons > and preserving unchanged its individual-
ity, a perfect Trinity and one glorious Godhead. And concern-
ing the incarnation of God we thus confess that he who was in-
describably and immaterially begotten of the Father, the same
was incarnate of the Holy Virgin and mixed the unmixable in
4 Cf. Gregory the Illuminator, Stromata II (Venice, 1838), p. 16, lusawore zerkir
ew or i sma en ararack'. Cf. Aphraates, Hornm. 1, 15.
5 Cf. Gregory the Illuminator, ibid, p. 18, hogwoyn srboy or albiurabar
ba~xeaW
9norhs yararacs.

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 TWO ARMENIAN CREEDS 147
her womb indescribably and incomprehensibly. God made him
by combinations, and one Son is confessed, worshipped, and
glorified with one worship; who passed through all human suffer-
ings without spot, voluntarily and not by necessity, so that he
will renew for us the way to fulfil all righteousness. And we do
not divide the Son according to an economy, because Jesus
Christ, yesterday and today the same and forever, is praised
with the Father and the Holy Spirit by things in heaven and
things on earth with a trisagion, being summed up in the one
Lordship and Godhead of the all-holy Trinity. And now we
thus confess; and he who does not so confess we anathematize
as the holy Fathers anathematized Arius and all the heretics
with him.
II
The second creed, occupying f. 159a-b of the same codex, is
a commentary on the formula regularly used in the liturgy of
the Armenian church.' The commentary consists of brief notes,
based mainly on Epiphanius, which interrupt the text to indi-
cate the heresies that each clause is particularly useful in
refuting. None of the heretics mentioned are later than the
fifth century.7

Vienna, Mechitaristenbibliothek, Cod. 324, f. 159a-b

kumL ISt.
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UA--U. uUG: EL df' S!,. 6*. j" 5

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kp:
6 The variants from the text published by J. Catergian, De fidei symbolo quo Ar-
menii utuntur observationes, Vienna, 1893, pp. 1-2, are inconsiderable.
7 Catergian (pp. 19-21) supposes the Armenian text to have originated at the end

of the sixth century and to have found its way into the liturgy early in the seventh.
8 So other * -
Mss.; cf. Catergian, p. 18; but the vulgate text reads )i6sgw iw=
atkUwj learrrbb

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 148 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
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 TWO ARMENIAN CREEDS 149
1 jmpn fJ/L
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RlM-r

Creedwhich the holy Fathers at Nicea formulated: We believe

in one God, the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth, of
things visible and invisible: All the heathen are rebukedand an-
swered, who say there are many gods: and in one Lord Jesus
Christ the Son of God begotten of God the Father, as only-
begotten, i. e. from the essence of the Father: The Chalcedonian
council is censured and rebuked,which says there are two natures
in Christ: God of God, Light of Light: Paul of Samosata is re-
buked, who says that Jesus was a man: very God of very God,
begotten and not made, the same [being] of the substance of the
Father: Arius is rightly condemned,who said that the Son was not
begottenfrom the substanceof the Father but was made: by whom
all things in heaven and on the earth were made, both visible
and invisible: who for us men and for our salvation came down
from heaven, was incarnate, was made man, [and] was perfectly
conceived of the holy Virgin Mary by the Holy Spirit: The im-
pious Nestorius is condemnedand censured, who said it was an
ordinary man born from the Virgin: from whom he received
a body, spirit, and mind, and everything which pertains to a
man: The accursed Apollinarius is condemnedand rebuked,who
says [that] the body is from the Virgin but the spirit and mind he
did not take [from her]. Eutyches is also condemned,who said he
had the bodyfrom heavenbut notfrom the Holy Virgin: truly and

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150 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
not in imagination: The accursedMani is condemnedand Mar-
cion and Bardesanes,who said in appearanceand in imagination,
and in a likeness the Son of Godappearedin the world: he suffered,
was crucified, was buried, [and] rose on the third day: The coun-
cil of Chalcedonis condemnedand the Tomeof Leo, which said that
there was one who suffered and another who rose: coming into
heaven in the same body, he sat down on the right hand of the
Father; he will return in the same body in the glory of the
Father to judge the living and the dead, whose kingdom shall
have no end: Against the Jews and heathen and other heresies,
who say the bodyisfrom the sun so that it should be honored:'and
we believe in the Holy Spirit, uncreated and perfect, who spoke
in the law and in the prophets [and] in the gospels, who de-
scended on the Jordan, who proclaimed the messenger, and
dwelt in the saints: Macedonius is condemnedand censured,who
said that the Holy Spirit is inferior to the Father and the Son: we
believe in this one Catholic and Apostolic Church: They said it
was impossible to receive other than the council of the Nicene
church: in one baptism [and] repentance [and] the pardon and
remission of sins: Marcion is condemned, who instituted triple
baptism,"'butmany also despise this and evenmany who were bap-
tized often in the Jordan," becauseit is impossiblefor thosewho are
baptized to be baptized again according to the Scriptures: in the
resurrection of the dead, in the eternal judgment of spirits and
bodies, in the kingdom of heaven and in eternal life: Let them be
ashamed and confoundedand repentant, Mani and Marcion and
Theodos'2 and the archontikoiand others,'3who do not expect a res-
urrectionto judgment; but those who say there was a time when
the Son was not, or there was a time when the Holy Spirit was
not, or that they came out of nothing, or say that the Son of
God or the Holy Spirit are of another substance and that they
9 The Jews here intended are undoubtedly the so-called Heliognosti or Deinvictiaci,
Philaster, Div. haer. liber, 10. The heathen are evidently Zoroastrians.
10 Epiphanius, Haer. 49, 3, 6 (see A. von Harnack, Marcion [Texte und Untersuch-
ungen 44], p. 175). This detail is given by Eznik iv. 16 (Schmidt's transl., p. 204).
11 Probably the Hemerobaptists; cf. Epiphanius, Haer. 17.
12 Cf. Clement of Alexandria, Strom. vii. 106, 4.

13 Cf. Epiphanius, Haer. 40, 8.

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 TWO ARMENIAN CREEDS 151
are changeable and alterable, those the Catholic and Apostolic
Church condemns: These are condemned,Sabellius, Photinus,14
Valentinus, Porphyry,"5Marcion, Zouthoris,"land all who think
with them [and] the Fourth Council: Amen.
14 Photinus, the follower of Marcellus of
Ancyra; cf. Epiphanius, Haer. 71.
15 Porphyry, patriarch of Antioch A.D. 404-413; see Dictionary of Christian Bi-
ography,IV, p. 443.
16 Can this be a
corruption of Zarathustra? Cf. note 7 above; on the wide variety
of confusion over this name see A. V. Williams Jackson, Zoroaster the Prophet of
Ancient Iran, New York, 1899, pp. 12 f.

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 Harvard Divinity School

An Armenian Version of Athanasius's Letter to Epictetus

Author(s): Robert P. Casey
Source: The Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Apr., 1933), pp. 127-150
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Harvard Divinity School
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 AN ARMENIAN VERSION OF ATHANASIUS'S
LETTER TO EPICTETUS
ROBERT P. CASEY
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

THE following Armenian text of Athanasius's Letter to Epic-

tetus is found in two manuscripts of the Mechitarists at
Vienna: 1
A. Cod. 629, ff. 66a-73b, 19th century, notragir, copied
from an 18th century archetype at Ispahan.
B. Cod. 648, ff. 102b-105b, paper, 14th century,2 bolorgir,
without word division and badly worm-eaten.
The version is different from that published by Tajezi,3 and
belongs to an Armenian corpus of Athanasian writings com-
piled early in the eighth century.4 I have added a collation with
Ludwig's edition of the Greek,5but have deliberately refrained
from discussing at length its relation to other textual authori-
ties. Before this can be done to advantage a wider study of the
1 See Harvard Theological Review, XXIV, 1931, pp. 43 ff. This version was ap-
parently printed in 1711 at Constantinople in a rare volume of patristic treatises, con-
taining also Cyril of Alexandria's Scholia on the Incarnation. (See Tajezi, p. 394, n. 7;
F. C. Conybeare, Armenian Version of Revelation, London, 1907, pp. 166-167.)
Tajezi says that it was made from the Latin, but this is linguistically and historically
quite improbable.
2 Cf. N. Akinian, 'Eine neuentdeckte Schrift des Katholikos Johannes Odznetzi
De Incarnatione Verbi ' [in Armenian], in Huschardzan, Festschrift aus Anlass des
100-jiahrigen Bestandes der Mechitaristen-Kongregation in Wien, Vienna, 1911,
p. 336.
3 S. Athanasii Sermones, etc. [in Armenian], Venice, 1899, pp. 324-343. This ver-
sion is quoted in full in 'The Seal of Faith,' a seventh-century dogmatic catena, pub-
lished by Karapet Ter-Mekerttschian, Etschmiadzin, 1914 (cf. J. Lebon, 'Les citations
patristiques grecques du "Sceau de la Foi,"' Revue d'histoire eccl6siastique, 1929,
p. 8), and in part in Sahak's polemic against the Nestorians (Liber epistolarum, Tiflis,
1901, p. 452), composed about the same period, cf. E. Ter-Minassiantz, Die armenische
Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syrischen Kirchen, Texte und Untersuchungen,
N. F. XI, pp. 136-137.
* Harvard Theological Review, XXIV, 1931, pp. 53-54, 58.
6 G. Ludwig, Athanasii Epistula ad Epictetum (Jena dissertation), 1911.

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128 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
Greek manuscripts must be made,6 the Syriac version 7 should
be published and recollated, and account must be taken of the
Latin recently edited by Schwartz.8 Tajezi's text should be
supplemented by the variants from the 'Seal of Faith,' and an
investigation of the textual value of that loose and paraphrastic
version must be made.9 It will be seen from the collation that
the Vienna text offers no consistent agreement with any of
Ludwig's manuscripts, and in this respect agrees with Tajezi's
version. Unlike the latter, however, it is a smooth, literal ren-
dering of the Greek, presenting no special difficulties to the
collator.
6 Zeitschrift filr neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, 1931, pp. 49 ff.
7 British Museum Add. 14557, parchment, 7th century, pp. 154-161; Wright,
Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, II, p. 719. A collation by
Hilgenfeld and Lietzmann was used by Ludwig, p. 44. My thanks are due the British
Museum authorities for photographs of the manuscript.
8 E.
Schwartz, Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum, I, 5, pars altera, pp. xvii, 321 ff.
I I hope
shortly to publish a study of Tajezi's version.

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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 129
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Title A bjj•ywu B, cf. Liber Epistolarum p. 452. 26 bywLP

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and of Tajezi's mss., Tajezi p. 324 n. ,,nl,
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20 4~,=na B
m,•U•.ta

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130 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 131

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134 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 135
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 138 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
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 142 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 143

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COLLATIONOF ARMENIAN WITH GREEK

(LUDWIG'S EDITION)
Title: Of the same St. Athanasius to Epictetus, bishop of the
Corinthians, concerning the orthodox faith, a refutation of those
who have risen against the truly holy faith.

Ludwig p. 3.1 g&] 'thus,' probably no more than an emphatic

rendering of g~v. Tajezi agrees.
3.1 gtaratoXoyiav] plural, so Tajezi
2 avvobov]'great synod,' so Tajezi, 'holy synod' Syriac
4 aTri] 'was'
4 daclpeas] plural, cf. 3.1, similarly Tajezi
6
S&atSppwvY'vo/vwAe aVcrvb] 'synods occurred in different places.'
Tajezi similarly, •rL A J"JL ?/v"pW"i mbnUiL U but
neither implies an underlying Greek variant. b-nzlie,
6 om re
8 6q] IA, probably from U6X ywE but is unfortunate in the Ar-
menian since it separates grammatically qF
from 0,pimfkk n; cf. Tajezi r•, u,•,,1[yu
qlLrpu,,m5bu1J ,jwusr
9 O aXevra] 'Valentinus,' Tajezi l/j-jAh1umiu•u
9 IHavovias] Both Armenian versions and the Syriac agree in
reading 'Spain' for Pannonia.
14 om T6re
14 avvix0r] LthLE~'yvero(?)

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144 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
3.14 w n]
rolvvv U'then,' possibly agreeing with R which omits
or -,--
with
enL BVqMEA which read oiv and omit rtn,though
is a weak rendering of odv.
16 el]mul-/ 'for'
17 ~EXXnves]
,pwq_, Both Armenian versions and the Syriac translate by
'Pagans'.
17 &dKovores+ 'from us'
17 XPvloUv Kal Apyvplov
18 7yorvrac] imperfect
18 om Odeov with q
4.5 om 7
6 om bi
8 iIKovau] present as in Tajezi
8 rcdror-ewith BVqMEASL and Tajezi
c
9-10 IK . .. 'IepovUCaXott] literally 'for the Law, it says, out of Sion
will come and a word of the Lord out of Jerusalem.' The
order is curiously at variance with the Greek which is more
closely followed by Tajezi fi dbh "f
jI-b,,fg AjpkwL•u
,p "i"u..>
#b Ub]nty L&L-r opp b LL pwS Slb iwmi J n.>uuJ d-
The of the Vienna text is, like qj of
w,•"
an addition of the St/...0,u
but the text of the
Tajezi, translator,
quotation in both versions doubtless renders the form found
in LS Theod V6MtOS KCalX6yorKvupov.
10 raTra] 'this fire of bitterness', cf. Tajezi
,ju- 4-• p,•ip4-•L•W•F
10 q*ro0os with NS Leont. Tajezi, cf. 4.8
13 Kovaev] present, cf. 4.8
17 &vtvXc0]b possibly v 7r ~iX~ with Ep; Tajezi I
#/,,mbiS,
17 om aVrT
5.9. Xb'yos] 'the word of God,' the addition may equally well have
arisen in the Armenian or in the underlying Greek but is
unsupported by other evidence.
2.3 . . ra^ra] The Armenian translator appears to have
e•rot
lost the thread of his sentence and, forgetting that he has
.
left a dependent clause suspended in mid-air, concludes 'or
who is a Christian to say this?'
7 om ic Maplaswith S
8 om bi
8 . .. The order in the Armenian is 'aor rois
la•,v rpotpqr/votEs] but
d
&ukLetaP may be only the translator's
7rpo•pylots
caprice.

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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 145
5.10 abrc ] The Armenian repeats 'the body'.
10 The Armenian repeats the infinitive.
19 -yeye•e•0at]
om hiv
12 7ri obv&dKaL4OekL] fAprL)#iw'p probably 7r
h l-bW•fp,
r7ioboti, although precision in the use of these terms
Cbf Kaal
is not always observed. Usually pirnL-)WbLItranslates
obaPs, though it sometimes renders oboia; can
render In the -nLa/slkS
properly only obtaa. present passage Tajezi's
version reads aurmp1rnLTbw/ (h) but at Lud-
17.19 the Vienna text -renders r^I
knsFlfbw•I
4~bee
wig pv Kal rVobiqT
by L •nL
k--F p, while Tajezi reads
pnA--abuj/,ip S omits obaLeand not,E-um
I fULf
&L as
phrLbLsumL.bb m"LgkuJ,.
Ludwig says, baent.
13 TarL post Aaoa5
13 bi] Both Armenian versions omit 5kbut repeat the preposition.
14 om k
15 rabv7raKali~ravpwTCpvov]rocavpw4Lvov Kal raObvra
18 Kal] AXXa
19 ro0 Oeo
X•yov] vUiv K al Xbyov. ORNCPQ Ep and Tajezi
r70oOeo0
read r0o Oeoivibv,the remaining Greek authorities supported
by the Latin read ro0-OeovXbyov The Syriac reads simply
X'yov, omitting ro0 though this is not noted by Ludwig.
6.1 KalaXXovdevacwith ORNEp O•eo,
3 ravra] 'all this'
3 om be
4 om ibvaCqvwith ORNCPOEp (not S)
4 Kali5bd, but joining two sentences in this way is not an uncom-
mon caprice of Oriental translators.
6 abyjaaba]'greatly wondered'
8 i post dKobaUavres
11 om ekTrv with BVqMEACP. (The reading of A t post
must be secondary.)
opkiwim•-L
11 C1KEVWV] roobrvwv
11-12 om cs elp?7ra
12 Y/v.CWsrerolljKa eyypa evaLwith Ep
15 rXov robrov
16 arl rXeZovuytpvaie
17 om &W
18 j7o0To Lb6ov] 'but only this'
19 r^fSKa0oXLK?^i The Mss. read a nominative erroneously.
krxKXnalas]
20 aZaXVVrov]alaXVVrLaswith ACP Theor

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146 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
7.1-2 6Xyiaante (K r&
4 wrhmXOv]'is', doubtless in agreement with ORN which omit

7 rCwv+ Ode~vwith CPQBVqMEA Theor

8 om ydcpwith M
8 Ev NLKabipost avUeX06vr'e
9 om avro6
9 roroY] aLnji abrvY (?)
9 rovrovj.&] The Armenian repeats 'they said'.
10 'they said'
11 W'yoX6y•vaav]
q] 'but'
12 om KaLante Wswith Ep a
13 Kali yap Kat]The Armenian reads merely 'for,' translating
neither Kal.
14 Erenvrw] rtrw
15 possibly6joobaos
C'
KaL
15 X'yos] The Armenian adds 'is'.
16 byoob~Los]The Armenian adds 'then in some way'.
18 vibv] Kbptov
18 om Kal
20 om Kai 7pLxas
20 Uov aowya] 'The whole nature of the body'; similarly Tajezi
b 'XM1w phn1Ft'eh
wApht-AiJ.
8.1 eidrev with CPQ
cav•epjs
2 yip] The Armenian adds 'is'.
6 om Xot7bv
10 om &iat s
10 om oib
10 om ab'r6s
11 r etbrtyla
7rs
0ro Xb'yovU
11 om I with Theor
13 om Kal
14 6XX'obbi] 'for not at all'
15 els
o~-yw/a rparets
15-16 The Armenian translates in the order ?rpoefylk Ovatav Kal
dav6v.
XvTp•bcraTat
19 om Kal
20 br6KeLTaL, 'was truly called.' This reading does not make
aXn0e&s]
particularly good sense, as there is nothing in what follows
to explain the name Mary. Tajezi's version gives a better
meaning, ,laU JUnp
, IL
, l QwfLm'altL(SIl
,_4 UAS.flLu4

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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 147
j4nJou I ,dituq, ,d 1, uJI 4 tpInFAj p faJIph7s5u
•furpisA•flzpqflrm.'
w 'and, therefore, he rightly calls the Virgin
myk-,
Mary "mother ", for he took from her the body of our nature'.
The most likely explanation appears to be that the original
Armenian translator or his Greek MS. misread KaXeLTaL
for brOKeLTaLand that Tajezi's version attempted to improve
the sense by paraphrase. This, however, can only apply if
Tajezi's version is dependent on the Vienna text.
21 Kalrabr7v] 'whence on this account'
21-9.1 rpor77eno'v ibdKvve]'prophesied'
9.1 waapO'os - eL Kal TET7aLvlo'. S completes the quota-
+ v&ya7rpl
tion, 'and shall call his name Emmanuel'.
1 I7roaTr'XXeraL] The Armenian has an aorist.
9 obx dar"Xs]Both Armenian versions appear to have read c4
after adrX&w; cf. Tajezi '
2 om rpbs rap0'vorwith P n•u•Lu ,,ru,-un,," If"nL•)J.
2-3
6-7 ,a6pl,e/YE7(7TUJvYj77v
yvwp&'laparaante 7TLKro7'7S
7 da'CaX-s] 'prophetically' but this may be an error for
P , 'accurately' which is found in Tajezi.
10 om•p•fllt"fL
etvar
11 Kail 'and again'
14 om Kal ante 'v?ore
17-18 ro ... 'ypabrvros] 'and again Paul'
21 bX6yoro70N Oeo
21 '] 'is'
21 om brs
ao
9. om Kal
10.1 6+ KaL
2 om ydp
4 iropebiOr] oKe•ropebOrl
4 bi] ya'p
5 tvv roxyo0o] revp,rpeLqyacbroi,; ef. Tajezi /, .a altviLa.tw?,J
k
%nr7znxLpuj ,
I'
v roX'yoOL
6 om AXX.d .. X6yov v•egm trelwt
6 Owya^ post veKpwjv
8 om Kal,but the sentence has been recast in the Armenian.
9 'rwotaros+
10 &/XAe+ a-'ro
Kal
13 aro eA1.Lrv1.ACTWPwith BVqMEACPQL
13 a.. .laxbvs
rb AvOpcnrwov] rv ~vOpcnrwov i&.a

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148 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
10.13-14 ro avOp'nrwvov... 6byov]There is considerable minor varia-
tion in the text here but our version appears to go with A
v a$&uja
,roavOpTrwo iraaxe 7ro Xbyov. CPQread 7r6dvOp'nrwoV
iTraaxea&a, while the Syriac appears to presuppose r6
S&ia
70roD
X6&ov Tra•e.
15 rapd~boor]'extremely remarkable'
11.1 rdSdacOevelas]
The Armenian has the singular.
7 om 8vrws, probably omitted as redundant by the translator.
9 4avrraata +- .Lbrov
11 aTefeiTararov] aaeoeav
11 om IA'v
11 ob+ 'was.' The addition is almost certainly the translator's;
otherwise the Greek would read &XX' v avraaoa KrX.
obbK
13 om &vwith MCPQ
15 om iv post be
15 treL . ..7eipcp] 'since it was ours'
.
12.2 i + 'the same'
4 om lAov . .. . Xwv
4 ..yce ..wawr6s]
. 6'ycaTrbseLL
7 om rdaXw
8 diehv] The Mss. omit 'to say' but it should probably be sup-
plied, cf. Armenian apparatus.
12 t7L] T with CPQAN
rc
16-17 The Armenian adds 'and' after 7dp, before rabTirY,and before
KaOw's.
18 5vvar6v]iTaL
18 om ycdp
9O0 yeyow'vat Karapa
13.~ om Kaiante with CP
2 -,fyyove
aap ] avopwros
3 om 'taov. .. iyove. The translator's Greek may have read
for i7Yove13.3, making an omission by homoioteleu-
yeveTro
ton
5 &s] Kal
5 &XXa
XX'. . .T.Lv] Tajezi and the Syriac
'.bov els avOpcnrovs,
read similarly.
+ be
7 ElK6Orws
10 7yeEvPa~a3]'to be'
13 Kara ras ~paa's ante
-brip
13 om ante
14 om 5Aante
fctyiXws

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 ATHANASIUS'S LETTER TO EPICTETUS 149
13.15 om yiveae0a
16 om eJvac
17 with BVqMEA
14.3 etrw•ievCaalv
ylveaeax with RN
6 om 4 with ORNCPQEp Theor
6-7 7) &apa . .. Terp6~a. The Armenian modifies the construction
slightly but does not appear to have a variant text.
10 abrcs 6 X6,yos]The Armenian Mss. reads a genitive, which is
clearly wrong. The error may be an itacism of their arche-
type or an error of the translator's, - probably the former.
11 The Armenian repeats 'is said' after X6byov.
11 om abrn&,v
19 om KaL
13 XprLa?avol+ 'did they wish to be called'
15 ieavrw]krTLP
15.1 St
6 Tb w &arT
o'pa] rp a r~
3 om ial
4 obv47rXw
7 om ~worostararewith ORCPQS Theor
7 y&p] bk
8 om ao~panwith ORNCPQS Theor Ep Eustath Tajezi
8 pe'ychXl
7rpoaOJK?
12 o0651 eXo&XhA
16 om abr6v
16 om ai ante Kbpto
16.2 E
4v'V+ Kal
4 + r6atsL
retObver.ot
7-8 i1v . . . alpan] 'was unjustly and irreverently nailed to the
cross'
9 om5b
11 aveXbpevov] ob raaXb6pevov
13 e"avrod] Ovvrllv
17 i-yLvero+ SXb'yos
19 om Oiros
17.4 XkyerTa + E•rLepla
6 7i+ oTrwswith ORNCPQEp
&Lr
19 ,dytov] with BVqMEA
7rpoo7Tr&v
13 ecrOcV + KairLvw
14 ab'ro 6 aopa with OR. The order of the Armenian is actually
r
&wla avproV,but this is probably due to the translator.
16 KaL]6t

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150 HARVARD THEOLOGICALREVIEW
17.22 om al
24 e7yUw' aiUKOV7Tm]
iir-ayyOXXov7re
18.10-11 &'yaOs
avv•sb'a•ews
aov] i Kvpi
14 uc-rTd
14 &beX<obs + ayLovs a~,ny
15-16 om ua . .. 7roOevobraLe

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 AN EARLY ARMENIAN FRAGMENT OF LUKE xvi 3-25
Author(s): R. P. Casey
Source: The Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. 36, No. 141 (JANUARY, 1935), pp. 70-73
Published by: Oxford University Press
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 7<3 THE JOURNAL OK THEOLOGICAL STUDIES

wood. The prestigfe of Cluny, dazzling as for centuries it remained,

never conmletelv recovered from the haDDenines of the vear iiiq—
II20. Watkin Williams.

AN EARLY ARMENIAN FRAGMENT OF

LUKE xvi 3-25
A final classification of Armenian manuscripts of the gospels will

be complicated by the necessity of collecting fragmentary texts which

can be assigned with some assurance on palaeographical grounds to a

relatively early date. With the exception of one manuscript in the

British Museum which bears the date 633 a.d.,1 which may go back to

its archetype, the earliest dated manuscript of the Armenian gospels is

that of the Lazarevski Institute, 887 a.d., and codices of the ninth and
tenth centuries are rare.2 The Armenians, however, frequently employed
in binding the leaves of gospel manuscripts which they had discarded,
and some of the oldest specimens of Armenian palaeography are to be

found as fly-leaves of much later codices. In this way a considerable

body of gospel text has been preserved, the classification and investiga
tion of which will be an indispensable part of a critical edition of the

Armenian version.
Two such ancient leaves are bound up in an Armenian gospel
manuscript of the Staatsbibliothek at Berlin, Cod. Arm. 8. The

manuscript is dated 1432 a.d. and is of paper, but the two parchment
fly-leaves are written in a clear, bold erkarthagir which suggests a ninth

century hand.3 The text includes Lk. xvi 3 gorcel oc . . . xvi 25

mxiiari. The following is a collation with Zohrab's edition, Venice

1805.

(1) Lk. xvi 4 arariç-.gorceçiç.

(2) 4 liniçim: linim.
(3) 5 . . . . tapanaç, par illegible.
(4) 5 iwroy + ew.
(5) 6 Yissown (sic).
(6) 7 darje . . ., al illegible.
(7) 7 cmiwsn.
1 Add. '
19727 ; cf. F. C. Conybeare Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts in the
British Museum' J.T.S. xxx p. 361. Merk, who has collated portions of this
manuscript, has found that it corresponds in the main with the vulgate text. Cf.
A. Merk, Biblica iv p. 369.
2 Cf. F. Marier ' Le Texte de l'Évangile '
d'après Matthieu et Marc (Annales du
Musée Guimet Bibliothèque Études, xxviii, Paris 1919) p. 2, A. Merk 'Armenische
und griechische PalaeographieStudi e Testi, xl p. 4.
3 Cf N. Karamianz Verzeichniss der armenischen Merk
Handschrften p. 7 ;
Armenische und griechische Palaeographie p. 4.

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 71

7 hariwr.
"
7 k'or : k'owr.
7 core?ioy : ew + na.
8 Ter.
8 . ... esn anirawowfean, ztnt illegible.
9 mamonat.
10 aniraw + e.
11 mamonaen.
11 hawatarim.
12 yawtari.
12 tayçé : ta.
12 om. jez.

13 oëok' + cafa.

13 eft zminn.

13 sirê : s trice.

13 kam zminn.

13 mecarici : mecaresçê.

13 zmiwsn.

13 arhamarhesçë.
13 mafnonaçi (sic).
14 ankosënin : angosnein.

15 dowte +ek'.
16 orënk'n : awreniï.
16 . ... ëk' ... . çyovhan . . ; margar, miniew illegible.
17 yawrinaç.
17 mioy : miayn.
18 s nay : ïna.

19 om. ew before aganër, added by a later hand above

the line.

(36) 19 hanap . ., az illegible.

(37) 21 Inowl zorovayn iwr-.yagel.

(38) 21 ankanein i i (sic), repeated at turn of the page.

(39) 22 add ew before etew.

(40) 22 hrstakaç (sic).

(41) 22 mcatownn (sic).
(42) 23 dzoxsn-.dzowxsn.

(43) 23 ambarjs.
(44) 23 om. zals.
(45) 23 add ew before etes.
(46) 24 om. ew before na.

(47) 24 rak'ea, a omitted but added by same (?) hand above

the line.
(48) 25 mxifari-.mhifari.

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 72 THE JOURNAL OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES

To make the nature of these variants plain to the reader who is not
familiar with Armenian, I have numbered them consecutively for dis
cussion and comparison with the Greek text. Nos. (5), (7), (8), (9),
(15). (25). (27), (28), (34), (40), (41), (42), (47). (48) are merely cases
of alternative or erroneous spelling. Nos. (11), (17), (21), (23), (30),
(32), (40), and (43) involve the use or omission of the Armenian definite

particles η and s. (r) presents synonymous equivalents of ποιήσω.

(2) substitutes a present indicative for the aorist subjunctive of the

Greek and Zohrab. (4) adds καί before IXcyiv with some other
Armenian manuscripts1 and in agreement with the Syriac versions.

(10) adds a demonstrative

λcyei which is probably before
a purely
Armenian variant. (14) adds ίστιν after ό iv ϊλαχίσπω άδικο s, a reading
which may have arisen in either the Armenian or the Greek. (16) gives
a singular form where a plural is required by erroneously omitting the
final k'. (18) substitutes a present for the future πιστινση. (19)
erroneously omits νμΐν after δώσ-«. (20) adds with some other Armenian

manuscripts οίκίτ-ης after ονδίίς in agreement with the Greek. Zohrab

omits under the influence of Mt. vi 24. (22) renders a-yamjo-ci with the
corresponding future, in agreement with some Armenian manuscripts
but against Zohrab. (24) and (26) present alternative grammatical
forms. (29) follows the Greek and some Armenian manuscripts in

supplying Ιστί after υμάς against Zohrab. (33) reads an adverb

(Gr. μόνον) for μίαν. This may be a corruption from an original mioyn.
(35) omits και before iveSιδνσκιτο, probably inadvertently. (37) reads
with some other Armenian manuscripts 'to fill himself' (χορτασθψαι)
'
against Zohrab's to fill his belly ', which agrees with the Syriac both
of the Peshitto and of the Evangelion da-Mepharreshe but not the
Palestinian Syriac (casein rd_Lsa-ll). (39) agrees with some other
Armenian manuscripts against Zohrab in rendering δ« after iyivtro.
(44) carelessly omits the word for τους οφθαλμούς. (45) adds 'and'
before opâ with the Syriac. This is indicated by the Armenian and

Syriac rendering of ΐπάρας by a finite verb. (46) omits και before

αυτός, probably carelessly, as there appears to be no other Armenian

support.
None of these variants is of intrinsically great value and they may
seem hardly worth notice. They are, however, not without importance,
for they illustrate the urgent need for a critical text of the Armenian

vulgate and display the familiar translational variants within the version
and the divided affinities with the Syriac and Greek traditions. In
spite of the general uniformity of text prevailing in the known manu

1 The ' some other Armenian

phrase, manuscripts \ refers to various readings
noted without indication of their source in Zohrab's apparatus.

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 73

scripts,1 the relatively minor variants found in the oldest manuscripts

deserve most careful study and classification. Until this is done little
sure progress can be expected in dealing with the larger problems of the

history and transmission of the Armenian version.2 R. P. Casey.

GLORIA PA TRI: TEXT AND INTERPRETATION

Apparently from the sixth century there have been two forms of
the Gloria Patri in common use, viz. the two forms which are in use

to-day in the Greek and Latin Churches respectively.

These two forms are the same, except that the Greek form has nothing

corresponding to the clause : sicut erat in principio, which the Gallican

Church adopted in the sixth century.
If we confront the Latin with the Greek we see this :—

Δό£α Πατρι και Υίω και άγιω ΤΙνεύματι και νυν

Gloria Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto Sicut erat in principio et nunc

et semper et in saecula saeculorum.

The Latin form, which appears in English dress in the Book of

Common Prayer, seems to have won its way in the course of the fifth
and sixth centuries throughout the West, except in Spain, where, in the
seventh century, the doxology at the end of all the psalms was Gloria
et honor Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto in saecula saeculorum.
The XHIth and XVth canons of the Fourth Council of Toledo in

633 give this form of the doxology and make no mention of sicut erat...,
and the same form survived in the Mozarabic Rite {Missal, Migne P.L.
lxxxv 109 ; Breviary, Migne P.L. Lxxxvi 47 sq.).
The Vth canon of the Second Council of Vaison (the Provincial
Council of the Metropolis of Aries) in 529 accepted the sicut erat. . .
with the object of refuting heresy and on the ground of its use elsewhere
—in Rome and in all the East (which must be a mistake), in Africa and
in Italy.
This type of doxology, however, runs back very far. The Egyptian

anaphoras have ώστηρ ην και terrlv και terrai tk yevtàs yevtûiv και tk τους
σνμπαντας αΙωνας των αιώνων (Brightman Liturgies Eastern and Western

pp. 134, r8o, 190, 233).

A Greek version (Century XV) of the Roman Mass has ώσ-irtp ψ iv

apyfl και Ιστιν και tarai και tk τους αιώνας των αιώνων in the Introit

(Oriens Christianus iv 11).

1 Merk Biblica iv p. Cf. R. P. Blake Harvard Review xxi
356. Theological
p. 307 ff.
2 Cf. xxx p. 36 t.
J.T.S.

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The Armenian Marcionites and the Diatessaron
Author(s): Robert P. Casey
Source: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Jun., 1938), pp. 185-194
Published by: The Society of Biblical Literature
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 THE ARMENIAN MARCIONITES AND THE
DIATESSARON
ROBERT P. CASEY
BROWN UNIVERSITY

of the best known pieces of early Armenian theological

ONE
literature is the and controversial treatise of
apologetic
Eznik of Kolb, bishop of Bagrewand. The work was composed
445-448 A.D. and survives in a single manuscript of the late
thirteenth century and has passed through successive editions
since the first printing at Smyrna in 1762. Its original title is
unknown and its printed divisions rest on critical conjecture,
but its general place and purpose are clear enough and an ingen-
ious analysis of both has recently been made by Professor Louis
Maribs of the Institut Catholique in Paris. It contains an expo-
sition of Christian theology with special reference to the problem
of theodicy and a detailed refutation of the current theological
errors with which the author was especially familiar.'
The fourth book of this work deals with Marcionite theology
and begins with a brief exposition of the system to the refuta-
tion of which the bulk of the discussion is devoted. Scholars
have for the most part been interested in this section as a pos-
sible clue to Marcion's own thought, though it has been generally
recognized that the system as a whole represents a later sectarian
development. The main points of difference between it and the
evidence of Tertullian and others who knew Marcion's writings
at first hand have been adequately stated by Harnack in his
monograph of Marcion.2 There remain, however, some critical
'L. Maries, Le De Deo d'Eznik de Kolb connu sous le nom de "Contreles
Sectes,"Paris, 1924.
2 A.
Harnack, Marcion:Das EvangelicumvomfremdenGott(Texteund Unter-
suchungen,45), 2te Aufl., Leipzig, 1924, *372.
185

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186 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

problems in Eznik's brief exposition which are worth further

consideration and it is proposed here to examine some of these
and to direct attention to the system as it stands rather than
to its possible implications for earlier stages of Marcionite
theology.
Eznik's account contains a description of the powers which
control the universe and the way in which the world and man
were created and the problem of salvation and its solution. The
world is made up of the earth or matter, personified as Hyle,
and three heavens. In the topmost of these heavens lives the
Stranger, the deity who ultimately saved mankind. In the second
lives the God of the Law; and in the third the "hosts" of the
God of the Law. Hyle inhabits the earth and is called the Power
of the Earth.
The world was made by the God of the Law in union with
Hyle, but after it was finished the god returned with his hosts
to rule the heaven, leaving Hyle with her sons to govern the
earth. After his return, however, he observed that the world
he had created was beautiful and it occurred to him to create
for himself a man. So he went back to Hyle and said, "Give me
of thine earth and of myself I am giving soul, and let us make
man in our likeness." Hyle gave him earth and he breathed
soul into it and Adam emerged a living and breathing creature
and received his name from the fact that he was fashioned from
earth. The creator then made Adam's wife and placed them in
the Garden and they received his commands as children.
Here difficulties arise, and the first act of the drama of redemp-
tion opens. Having made Adam, the creator perceived that he
was a noble and worthy creature and considered how he might
steal him from Hyle and attach him to himself. He therefore
took him on one side and said, "I am God and there is no other
and thou shalt have no other god but me. But if thou shouldst
have any other god but me, know that thou shalt die." At the
mention of death Adam was terror-stricken and began gradually
to separate his soul from matter, i. e. to withdraw from Hyle's
influence.
Hyle soon observed that Adam no longer heeded her custom-
ary advances and realized that she had been betrayed by the

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 CASEY: MARCIONITES AND THE DIATESSARON 187

creator. So she said to herself, "The water of the spring has been
troubled at the source. What is this? Adam has not yet repro-
duced and he has been stolen from me in the name of his deity.
Since then he has ceased to keep pact with me, I shall make
many gods and fill up the world with them so that he may inquire
which is God and not find out." She then made many idols
which she called gods and the name of the Lord of Creation was
lost in the number and his worship neglected in favour of Hyle's
creations. This angered the god so much that he seized each
soul as it departed from the body and cast it into the pit of hell.
Adam was consigned to Gehenna for eating of the Tree of Knowl-
edge and his descendants similarly for 2900 years.3
At this point a new act begins. The Stranger, the good god
of the topmost heaven, looked down and observed the torments
to which men were subjected and resolved to help them. He
therefore resorted to a strategy to beat the God of the Law at
his own game and sent his son to earth in the likeness of a servant
(Phil 2 7) and in the form of a man. He did all manner of good
works, healing the sick and raising the dead, and in this way
roused the envy of the Lord of Creation who crucified him.
After death he passed into hell and rescued those who were
there, because hell was not accustomed to receive the living,
and the death of the good god's son was simulated, not real, so
that he could break down hell's gates and lead the imprisoned
souls to his father in the third heaven. This angered the Lord
of Creation greatly and he rent his garment and tore the veil
of his temple and darkened his sun and clothed his world in
darkness and sat in mourning.
Then Jesus descended again, but this time in the form of his
divinity, and accused the Lord of Creation of his death. The
god was dismayed as he had not known until then that any other
god existed, but Jesus said to him, "I have a case against thee
and no one shall judge between us but thine own law which thou
has written ... Didst thou not write in thy Law that he who

3 "Diese Vertauschung von 3000 JJ. mit 2900 kann doch nur aus der Tendenz
entsprungen sein, die fiberlieferten 3000 JJ. auf das Erscheinen Marcions zu
deuten mit und nach dessen Auftreten das Weltende kommt." Harnack,
*23 n. 1.

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188 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

kills shall die and they shall shed the blood of him who sheds
blood? ... Now thou hast delivered thyself into my hands so
that I may kill thee and shed thy blood as thou didst kill me and
shed my blood. For I am more righteous than thou and I have
done great kindness to thy creation." And he recounted all the
kindnesses he had done. At this the Lord of Creation was con-
founded, and, pleading ignorance of the Stranger's existence,
offered as amends to give Jesus all those who would believe in
him to go wherever he wished. Jesus then departed and appointed
Paul to proclaim the news that "we are bought with a price
(1 Cor 6 20) and that all who believe in Jesus have been sold by
the Righteous to the Good God."
However diverse the influences may have been which affected
Eznik's polemical discussion of Marcionite theology and practice,
there can be no-doubt this initial statement was derived in one
piece from an anterior source. Eznik himself marks it off by the
observation at the close of his exposition that all Marcionites
were not familiar with this system, and though all would claim
that the Stranger had bought them with a price, some did not
know how or why. Furthermore the manner of quotation and
the character of the quoted bit is unambiguous. Like Hippolytus
and Clement of Alexandria, Eznik attributes the reported theol-
ogy to the founder of the sect, but quotes it indiscriminately by
"he says" or "they say." The sense and sequence of construc-
tion is also not perfectly smooth or consistent so that the gram-
mar has sometimes to be understood from the general sense
rather than the particular context. Finally there can be no doubt
that the charge to Jesus by the Good God is quotation and not
summary, for there is a sudden change to direct discourse and
the god says, "Thou shalt cure their lepers and quicken their
dead and open the eyes of their blind," etc. From these indica-
tions it may be assumed that the underlying document was one
of those brief but systematic statements of sectarian theology
which were popular among Gnostic theologians of the second and
third generations and of which there are several examples in
Hippolytus V and Irenaeus I.
There can also be little doubt that the language of this source
was Syriac. In his introductory essay to Mitchell's edition of

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 CASEY: MARCIONITES AND THE DIATESSARON 189

St. Ephraem's Refutations Burkitt remarked: "It is very likely

that Eznik's account is not so much an original description of
the Armenian Marcionites known to him as a translation from
some early Syriac writer."4 An examination of the Armenian
text completely confirms this conjecture. Apart from several
minute but suggestive points of style two facts are decisive.
(a) In the story of creation Adam's name is explained from
the circumstance that he was created from the earth. The
Armenian reads, "For this reason Adam received his name, be-
cause he was made from earth" (i kawoyn), which brings out the
point no better than the English. But the Syriac doubtless read
that Adam received his name because he was created men
adamtha.
(b) We know from Burkitt's study of St. Ephraem "that the
Syriac-speaking Marcionites used a different transliteration of
the name 'Jesus' from the orthodox. The ordinary Syriac for
'Jesus' is i?o (pronounced 'Isho' by Nestorians but 'Yeshu' by
Jacobites) which is simply the Syriac form of the Old Testament
name Joshua. This form oz. was used not only by the orthodox
but also by the Manichees. It was therefore a surprise to find
that Ephraim in arguing against Marcionites, and certainly in
part quoting from their books or sayings, uses the form oz., a
direct transcription of the Greek 'IJroD^(or 'Iroo0s)." A similar
argument can be applied mutatis mutandis to the text of Eznik
which in this section presents, instead of the usual ObunLu, the
singular form bhunL, a transliteration of Syriac-Marcionite

The rationale of Eznik's Marcionite myth is transparent. The

notion that the universe was divided into three heavens and the
earth was not a characteristic of any sect but was one of a num-
ber open to adoption by various theologies. Its choice by the
Marcionites was doubtless determined by 2 Cor 12 2. The story
of creation is, as Eznik himself notes, an adaptation of the
cosmology of Genesis, which means in practice an alteration of
Gen 1-2 to fit a somewhat different theory of the origin of

4 C. W. Mitchell, S. Ephraim's Prose Refutations3 (Text and Translation

Society), cxviii.

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190 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

things. The figure of the Stranger is familiar from the earlier

sources. Marcion called him 6 &YaObsand 6 evos, and these
characteristic designations recur in both Ephraim and Eznik.
The Just God or Lord of Creation and God of the Law, as he
was called, is likewisean integralpart of Marcion'sown theology.
The question of Hyle is more complicated. Marcion appar-
ently regardedmatter as an impersonalsubstance, evil by nature
but devoid of personal qualities, and his disciples in general fol-
lowed his opinion, so that when an evil personality was intro-
duced, it was either by importing the devil with the scheme (as
with Megethius, Adamantius Dial. I, 3) or by regarding the
creator as evil. Among the Marcionites known to Eznik and
Ephraim, however, Hyle was a mythological figure, based to be
sure on an abstraction, but possessed of individual character
and temperament. She was called the "Powerof the Earth" for
she reigned over it and the world was made through union with
her. She supplied the earth from which Adam was made and
operated through his fleshly nature, tempting him to lust, a
temptation which he suppressedat the creator'sthreat of death.
Enraged at being cheated of Adam she invented idols and orig-
inated polytheism. After this the struggle with the creator for
the control of human destiny passed from her hands to the
Stranger's,but in the early stages of the myth she is the Lord of
Creation's principal rival. Like the Valentinian Sophia, how-
ever, her character is ambiguous, for she is not fundamentally
a creatureof the imaginationbut of philosophyand is not really
mythology at all but symbolism. This confusion of genres ap-
pears clearly in Eznik's meaningless observation that she was
associated with the creator in essence and in the point of her
story. Her conflict with the God of the Law represents man's
struggle with the flesh and perpetuates Marcion's distaste for
sexuality and prejudice against it. In religion preoccupation
with matter leads to gross idolatry; hence Hyle is the inventor
of images and of the notion that they are gods.

s F. C. Burkitt, "Notes on Valentinian terms in Irenaeus and Tertullian,"

JTS, XXV, 64; R. P. Casey, "Two Notes On Valentinian Theology," HTR'
XXIII, 282, 287.

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 CASEY: MARCIONITES AND THE DIATESSARON 191

The account of redemptionis differentboth in plot and moti-

vation from earlierMarcionitesystems. For Marcionthe theory
of the two gods was an answer to the problem of theodicy and
he includedamong the evils occasionedby the creator'sstupidity
and "righteousness" a large number of the difficulties and
injustices of human life. The theory in Eznik's source is much
simpler and much inferior. The creator's wrath is caused by
idolatry with its covert return to Hyle's control and is expressed
by his indiscriminatingedict of damnation. The moral and
speculative issues which so deeply concernedMarciondrop from
view and are replacedby a crude and pointless invention.
Jesus' appearanceon earth was "in the likeness of a servant
and in the form of a man" (cf. Phil 2 7). Jesus' death was a real
though not an ordinary death and did not interfere with the
continuance of his life. His father, the Good God, said to him
when sending him to earth, "At thy death thou shalt descend
into hell, and shalt releasethem thence, for hell is not accustomed
to receive the living in its midst; but after the crucifixion'thou
shalt be like the dead'." In his accusation of the creator Jesus
also remarks,"Now hast thou given thyself into my hands that
I may kill thee and shed blood as thou didst kill me and didst
spill my blood."
The most curiousfeatureof Eznik'saccountis the deviceby
which salvationis effected. In the Apologistsof the second
centurysalvationconsistedprimarilyin the victory of Christ
over the demonswho troubledmankind,and from Origenon
the notion was popularamongGreektheologiansthat Christ
had deceivedthe devil into supposinghim a humanbeingand
thus stole awaythe soulshe had imprisoned.This view appears
to have beentakenoverby the SyrianMarcionites and adapted
to their scheme. Like Marcionthese hereticsappearto have
held no peculiarviews about the devil but to have assimilated
a popularchapterof demonologyfromtheirorthodoxenviron-
ment. The dialoguebetweenJesusand the God of the Law in
which the superiorrighteousnessof Jesus is emphasizedand the
Torah evoked as the judge in the case is novel and ingenious.
The notion that all who believe in Christ were releasedby the
creator and taken to the realm of the Good God is a constant

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 192 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

feature in Marcionite thought, as well as Paul's predominant

role in proclaiming the good news. "We are bought with a price,"
seems to have been the most common expression of this hope
among Eznik's sectaries, known to many who were ignorant of
the theological refinements of particular systems.
One point is worth raising in connection with the Scriptural
authority recognized by the Syrian Marcionites. Burkitt in his
study of Ephraim's quotations remarked that there is no trace
of Marcion's peculiar edition of Luke in his writings and that
his quotations were most probably derived from the Diatessaron.6
This seems to have been the case among the heretics themselves.
In Eznik's account when the creator becomes angry at man's
defection to idolatry he tears his garment and the veil of his
temple, darkens his sun and cloaks his world with darkness.
All these gestures contain patent references to the Passion nar-
rative. In Luke, however, the high priest does not tear his gar-
ment nor is the Temple veil rent, but the eclipse of the sun is
peculiar to Luke.7 All these features, however, occur in the
Diatessaron. The quotations must belong to Eznik's source for
their exegesis is quite peculiar to its system. We must, therefore,
reckon in the East with a form of Marcionism which found the
popularity of Tatian's harmony too great to be set aside. That
this was not true of all Syrian Marcionites appears from the
Syriac spurium on the Parables extant in an Armenian version
and attributed to St. Ephraim.8 It may be that a Marcionite
version of the Diatessaron was issued to meet the need of Eznik's
group,9 but it is at least certain that the Diatessaron and not
Marcion's much mutilated version of Luke was the starting
point.
6
S. Ephraim's Prose Refutations 2, cxviii.
7 Eznik's text xawarecaw zaregakn implies the reading rKoTlerO?7
6XLos,
in agreement with the Diatessaron and with Marcion's Luke. Harnack, *236.
8 J. Schtifers, Eine altsyrische antimarkionitische Erkldrung von Parabeln
des Herrn, (Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen, 6, 1-2), Miinster 1917, 208.
9 Strong arguments for the existence of an Armenian version of the Diates-
saron have been advanced by F. C. Conybeare, "An Armenian Diatessaron?"
JTS, XXV, 232, and P. Esabalean, Tatian's Diatessaron and the First Trans-
lation of the Armenian Gospels (The National Library, 142) (In modern Armen-
ian), Vienna, 1937; cf. JBL, LVII, 95.

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 CASEY: MARCIONITES AND THE DIATESSARON 193

The later portions of Book IV are devoted mainly to a refuta-

tion of Marcionite theology, but occasionally points of teaching
or practice are raised which do not appear in the earlier section.
It is by no means certain that these notices were derived from
the Syriac source underlying IV.1, but some agree sufficiently
with it or with Ephraim to make it probable that they apply to
the same sect. Eznik knew of Marcion's edited gospel,Io but this
is not proof that the Marcionites of IV.1 employed it. The
penitential discipline of the Marcionites he found particularly
objectionable," as well as their vegetarianism.12 They proposed,
"From the time of our baptism we abstain from flesh-food and
from marriage,"'3 but like other Christians they found theory
simpler than practice and solved the problem of sin after baptism
by penance. Eznik, however, finds this inconsistent with their
theological premises, for the Good God who saves them will in
no case punish, so why engage in useless attempts to appease a
wrath which ex hypothesi could not arise in the divine breast?'4
Abstinence from meat, he says, is absurd among people who
continue to drink wine,'s and the motive for sexual ascetisicm is
wrong. Among Catholics it applies only to religious, and arises
not from any depreciation of marriage as such.'6 But the Mar-
cionites object to marriage and reproduction in principle. Some
of this detailed information may have come from Eznik's source
in IV.1, but it is unlikely that all of it did. It is more probable
that the scattered notes on Marcionite exegesis were derived
from it. This is especially true of the list of contrasted passages
from the Old and New Testaments in IV. 12, for the latter are
found with one exception in Matthew and the Diatessaron but
not in Luke.
The result of this investigation has been to discover in Eznik
IV clear evidence for the use of a Syriac Marcionite source
emanating from the circles with which St. Ephraim was ac-
quainted and agreeing in all essential points with their theology
and usage. Their myth is a modification of the Marcionite
lo 11
iv, 3. iv, 14.
12iv. 12. '3 iv. 14.
14 iv. 14. '15iv. 12.
'6 iv. 16.

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194 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

system of a kind characteristicof epigoni and sectariandevelop-

ment. The speculative freshness and sensitiveness of the early
phase of thought has been lost, and a cruder, simpler, more
pictorial view has replacedit. Like the earlier Marcionitesthey
appeared as practicing Christians with peculiar ascetic notions
and habits, but unlike them they followed the traditional Scrip-
tural authority of theirsurroundingsand retainedthe Diatessaron
as their gospel. It would seem natural that the group had gained
some ground in Armenia, since they are treated by Eznik as a
living issue, but if so the probabilitiesare that they, like many
Armenian Catholics of their time, employed Syriac as their
theologicallanguage.

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