Ḥadīth-Amālī Sessions: Historical Study of A Forgotten

Tradition in Classical Islam

Presented by:

Marzoug A M Alsehail

Supervised by:

Dr. Mustapha Sheikh

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of doctor

of philosophy

University of Leeds

School of Languages, Cultures and Societies

Department of Arabic and Middle Eastern Studies

September 2014
The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate
credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others.

“This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and
that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper
acknowledgement.”

ii
 Acknowledgement

In the name of God, the Most Gracious and the Most Merciful.

First and foremost, I thank God (subhanahu wa tacala) for endowing me the
strength, health, patience and knowledge to complete this thesis. Secondly, it would
not have been possible to write this doctoral thesis without the help and support of
the kind people around me, whose presence was indispensable through various
difficulties I am sure most endure on journeys of this kind. I begin by expressing my
sincere gratitude to my late mother Hind Al-Sardy who left this world too soon. Her
death came at a critical time of my writing up—I only wish she had lived to see her
son pass this final hurdle. I would like to express my appreciation to my father,
Ahmad Al-Sehail for his support and his encouragement to me totake up the study of
Ḥadīth.

I acknowledge, with deep gratitude and appreciation, the inspiration,encouragement,

valuable time and guidance given to me by my wife, Nabelah. Her encouragement,
support and sacrificehas been unwavering.I would also like to thank my daughters,
Yasmin, Rasha, Shahad, Linah, and my sons, Hamzah and Abdullah, for they have
inspired me in their own ways to finish my thesis; I also thank them for their
support and great patience throughout.

To all my dearest brothers, Zyad, Mohammed, Abdullah, Abdulmuhsen, and my

sister Maha, a big thank you for yoursupport and encouragement and for putting
colours in mylife - may God bless you all.

iii
My sincere thanks also to my friend, Dr. Mohammad Al-Shehry, for his support and
willingness to share knowledge on this topic.

My especial appreciation goes to my supervisor, Dr Mustapha Sheikh, for his

supervision and constant support. His invaluable help which came in the form of
constructive comments and suggestions throughout the research phase and thesis
write-up have contributed to the successful completion of this research.

Last, but by no means least, my thanks to the many friends and relatives, to whom I
am very grateful, for their emotional support, love, patience, encouragement and
prayers.

iv
 Abstract

This thesis is motivated by the shortage of research on the historical

phenomenon ofḥadīth dictation sessions (al-amālī). It is the first to investigate the
subject of ḥadīth dictation sessions, anextraordinary and highly-valued intellectual
phenomenon in Islamic cultural history. It focusses on the writings ofal-Khaṭīb and
al-Samcānī and compares them to other manuscripts on amālīheld in libraries in
various parts of the Muslim world. The study has tried to bring together a large
number of manuscripts to explore aspects of this area, imlā’ al-ḥadīth. The main
objective of this research is to shed light on this important genre and to uncover
itsmajor characteristics, structures and value, and ultimately to address the relative
neglect this area of research has suffered.

The major finding of this study is that amālī was the most highly-regarded and
most trusted method in transmitting, preserving and analysing ḥadīthwithin
scholarly cirlces. Alsothe study has demonstrated that al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī and al-
Samcānī’s approachesare descriptive and lack the precision in regards to the main
principles of imlā’, a method that was a particularlyrobustway of documenting only
valid ḥadīth. The study also revealthat the claimsof several scholars to reviving this
method are not accurate. Particularly, the study showsthat al-Suyūṭī did not lead a
movement to revive the ḥadīth dictation sessions after Ibn al-Ṣalāḥ.

This is the first dedicated study on imlā’ in either English or Arabic and should
be of paticular interest to students of ḥadīth and scholars interested in pedagogical
methods in the Medieval East and West.

v
 Table of Contents
Acknowledgement .................................................................................................... iii  
Abstract ...................................................................................................................... v  
Table of Contents ..................................................................................................... vi  
List of Tables ........................................................................................................... xii  
List of figures .......................................................................................................... xiii  
Arabic Transliteration System .............................................................................. xiv  
Declaration .............................................................................................................. xvi  
1.1.   Introduction ...................................................................................................... 1  
1.2.   Overview of Research ............................................................................... 4  
1.3   Rationale of Research ............................................................................... 5  
1.4 .   Research Objectives .................................................................................. 6  
1.5.   Research Methodology ............................................................................. 7  
1.6   Research Contribution............................................................................... 7  
1.7.   Research Value ......................................................................................... 8  
1.8.   Literature Review ...................................................................................... 8  
1.9   Structure of the thesis .............................................................................. 17  
2.   Chapter One: Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions (Amālī al-ḥadīth) ....................... 20  
2.1.   Introduction ............................................................................................. 20  
2.2.   Definition of Ḥadīth Dictation ................................................................ 20  
2.3.   Historical Development of Ḥadīth Dictation .......................................... 21  
2.3.1.   During the Prophet's Lifetime ............................................... 21  
2.3.2.   During the Companions’ Lifetime ........................................ 23  
2.3.3.   During the Successors’ Lifetime ........................................... 23  
2.4.   Phases of Development of Ḥadīth Dictation ........................................... 24  
2.4.1.   Formative Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation .................................... 24  
2.4.2.   Growth Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation ........................................ 26  
2.4.3.   Stagnation of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions ............................... 30  
2.5.   The Significance of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions....................................... 33  
2.6.   Methods of Ḥadīth Dictation (ṭara’iq al-imlā’) ...................................... 35  
2.6.1.   Dictation from Memory ........................................................ 35  
2.6.2.   Dictation from a Book........................................................... 36  
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 2.6.3.   Dictation from Both Memory and a Book ............................ 36  
2.7.   Dictation in Ḥadīth Learning .................................................................. 37  
2.7.1.   Position of Dictation in Ḥadīth Learning .............................. 37  
2.7.2.   Conditions of Ḥadīth Learning ............................................. 39  
2.7.3.   Methods of Ḥadīth Learning ................................................. 40  
.3   Chapter Two ................................................................................................... 46  
3.1.   Introduction ............................................................................................. 46  
3.2   Major Threats to Manuscripts ................................................................. 46  
3.3.   Importance of the Present Discussion ..................................................... 47  
3.4   al-Khazānah al-Shawishiyyah (Personal Libraries). ............................... 48  
3.5.   Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions in Printed Form ............................................. 50  
3.5.1.   Major Published Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions.......................... 50  
3.6.   Lone Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts ........................................... 55  
3.6.1.   Identification of the Lone Manuscript .................................. 56  
3.6.2.   Data Collection on Lone Manuscripts .................................. 56  
3.6.3.   List of Lone Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts ............. 57  
3.7.   Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts of More Than One Copy ........... 80  
3.7.1.   List of Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts of More
Than One Copy .............................................................................. 80  
Chapter Three: The Ḥadīth Scholar (al-mumli) ................................................ 124  
4.1 Introduction ............................................................................................ 124  
4.2.   Who is the Ḥadīth Scholar (al-mumli)? ................................................ 124  
4.2.1.   Prerequisites for the Ḥadīth Scholar ................................... 125  
4.3.   Categories of Ḥadīth Scholars............................................................... 125  
4.4 Distinction Between the Traditionist and the Ḥadīth Scholar............... 127  
4.5.   Moral Standards of the Ḥadīth Scholar ................................................. 128  
4.5.1.   Justice .................................................................................. 128  
4.5.2.   Expertise.............................................................................. 130  
4.5.3.   Sound Intention ................................................................... 133  
4.5.4 Truthfulness ......................................................................... 134  
4.5.5.   Respect for Discipline ......................................................... 135  
4.5.6.   To be Exemplary ................................................................. 136  
4.5.7.   Patience and Lenience ......................................................... 136  
4.5.8.   Justice and Equality for All students................................... 137  

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 4.5.9 Uprightness and Self-dependence ........................................ 137  
4.5.10 Awareness of Students' Aptitude ........................................ 138  
4.5.11.   Endeavours to Disseminate and Teach Ḥadīths Through
Travelling ..................................................................................... 139  
4.6.   Checking the Accuracy of a Ḥadīth Scholar’s Narration ...................... 139  
4.7.   Ḥadīth Accuracy Measures in Modern Time ........................................ 140  
4.8.   Procedural Rules of the Ḥadīth Scholar ................................................ 140  
4.8.1.   Time of the Session ............................................................. 140  
4.8.2.   Preparing the Teaching Material ......................................... 141  
4.8.3.   Taking Care of What to Wear ............................................. 142  
4.8.4.   Sitting in an Elevated Place ................................................ 143  
4.8.5.   Opening the Session with a Recitation of the Qur'an.......... 143  
4.9.   The Age of the Ḥadīth Scholar ............................................................. 145  
Chapter Four: The Repeater (al-mustamli or the assistant dictator) ............... 146  
4.10.   Introduction ........................................................................................... 146  
4.11.   Emergence of the Need for a Repeater ................................................. 146  
4.12. The Role of the Repeater ...................................................................... 149  
4.13.   Criteria required for the Repeater ......................................................... 152  
4.14.   The Role of the Repeater ...................................................................... 156  
4.15.   Major Repeaters .................................................................................... 157  
4.16.   Number of Repeaters ............................................................................ 158  
4.17. Procedural Rules of the Repeater .......................................................... 161  
4.18.   Can Ḥadīth be Taken from a Repeater or only from a Ḥadīth
Scholar? ................................................................................................. 164  
4.19.   Status of the Repeater Among Ḥadīth Scholars .................................... 166  
5.   Chapter Five: The Ḥadīth Student ............................................................. 167  
5.1. Introduction ........................................................................................... 167  
5.2.   The Ḥadīth Student's Moral and Academic Commitments ................... 167  
5.3.   Criteria of the Ḥadīth Student ............................................................... 168  
5.3.1.   Student's Respect for His Ḥadīth Teacher........................... 168  
5.3.2.   Genuine Intention and Devotion to Study........................... 171  
5.3.3.   Hastening versus Procrastination (al-Tacajjul wal-
Tā’jīl) ........................................................................................... 174  
5.3.4.   The Selection of Ḥadīth Scholars........................................ 175  
5.3.5.   Travelling in Search for Knowledge ................................... 177  

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 5.3.6.   Acting According to Ḥadīth's dictates ................................ 186  
5.3.7.   Time Management .............................................................. 191  
5.4.   Al-Wijādah in Ḥadīth Studies ............................................................... 194  
5.4.1.   The Self-Study Ḥadīth Student ........................................... 195  
5.4.2.   Acting According to al-Wijādah ......................................... 197  
6.   Chapter Six: Characteristics of the Teaching Material of Ḥadīth
Dictation Sessions ......................................................................................... 198  
6.1.   Introduction ........................................................................................... 198  
6.2.   What is the Teaching Material? ............................................................ 198  
6.2.1.  Criteria of the Teaching Material ................................................ 198  
6.3.   The Pedagogical Plan (al-khiṭṭah al-taclimiyyah) ................................. 199  
6.3.1.   Objectives of the Pedagogical Plan ..................................... 199  
6.4.   Major Features of the Teaching Material .............................................. 200  
6.4.1.   Digression (al-istiṭrād) ........................................................ 200  
6.4.2.   Isnād-based details (tawthīq al-khabar bil-isnād) .............. 201  
6.5.   Major Features of the Teaching Material in Terms of Chain of
Narration (Isnād) ................................................................................... 203  
6.5.1.   Reliance on the narration given by trustworthy narrators ... 204  
6.5.2.   Avoiding the narration given by weak narrators and
transgressors of a command (mukhalif) ....................................... 204  
6.5.3.   Explanation of ḥadīth defects (al-cilal) ............................... 205  
6.5.4.   Making sure that the soundness of a particular ḥadīth is
explained and the other categories of ḥadīth are mentioned ........ 210  
6.5.5.   Mentioning details when reference is made to isnād .......... 214  
6.5.6.   Paying attention to biographical details and to
impugnment and vindication (al-jarḥ wal-tacdil) ........................ 215  
6.6.   Major Features of the Teaching Material in Terms of the Content
of the Ḥadīth (matn) .............................................................................. 219  
6.6.1.   Paying attention to jurisprudential ḥadīths: ........................ 219  
6.6.2.   Paying attention to the virtues of the Companions ............. 219  
6.6.3.   Paying attention to ḥadīths on the virtues of good deeds
(faḍā'il al-acmāl) .......................................................................... 220  
6.6.4.   Paying attention to explaining ambiguous words in a
ḥadīth ............................................................................................ 220  
6.6.5.   Paying attention to the level of understanding of the
students......................................................................................... 222  

ix
 6.7.   Major features of the teaching plan in terms of anecdotes and
poetry .................................................................................................... 223  
6.7.1.   Anecdotes for the purpose of admonition ........................... 223  
6.7.2.   Verses of poetry for admonition purposes .......................... 226  
6.8.   Time of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions ....................................................... 229  
6.8.1 How Many Times a Week? ................................................. 230  
6.8.2.   Which Day and What Time During the Day? ..................... 231  
6.9. Place of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions ....................................................... 236  
6.9.1.   Mosques .............................................................................. 236  
7.   Chapter Seven: The Ḥadīth Student's Learning Aids .............................. 242  
7.1.   Introduction ........................................................................................... 242  
7.2.   The Paper Industry ................................................................................ 242  
7.3.   The Writing Tools Used in Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions ......................... 243  
7.3.1.   Factors Affecting Paper ...................................................... 244  
7.4.   Paper, Ink and Calligraphy.................................................................... 245  
7.4.1.   Features of Appropriate Calligraphy................................... 248  
7.4.2.   The Quality and Perfection of the Handwriting Style......... 249  
7.4.3.   Calligraphers’ Equipment ................................................... 252  
7.5.   Defining the Writing Rules ................................................................... 262  
7.5.1.   Setting the Ḥadīth in Terms of Vowelling (tashkīl) and
Dotting Consonants (icjām) .......................................................... 263  
7.5.2.   Connecting the Narrator to the Ḥadīth Scholar ................... 265  
7.5.3.   The Verification of ḥadīth (takhrīj al-hadīth) ..................... 266  
7.5.4. The Corrections ................................................................... 267  
7.5.5.   Incomplete Text of Ḥadīth(taḍbīb) and Ailment of
Ḥadīth (tamrīḍ) ............................................................................ 268  
7.5.6.   Deletion of Unwanted Content Detected in the Text of
the Muḥaddith .............................................................................. 270  
7.5.7.   The Circle Separating Two Ḥadīths .................................... 271  
7.5.8.   Recording What the Ḥadīth Student Heard......................... 272  
8.   Research Conclusions .................................................................................. 275  
8.1.   Recommendations for Future Research ................................................ 282  
Appendices ............................................................................................................. 284  
Appendix A: Amālī Ibn al-Ghūrī (Third Century) ......................................... 284  
Appendix B: Amālī al-khatli al-Sukkari (Fourth Century) ............................ 288  

x
 Appendix C: Amālī Ibn al-Banāni (Fifth Century) ........................................ 293  
Appendix D: Amālī Abu al-Qāsim al-Taīmi al-Faḍil (Sixth Century)........... 297  
Bibliography: ......................................................................................................... 304  

xi
 List of Tables

Table 1 Methods of ḥadīth learning and the expressions used in each

method………………………………………………………................24  

xii
 List of figures
Figure 1 The three major methods of ḥadīth dictation ....................................... 37  
Figure 2 the best method of ḥadīth learning........................................................ 45  

xiii
 Arabic Transliteration System

Throughout this thesis, the Library of Congress transliteration system has been
consistently employed whenever an Arabic expression is quoted. The following
table explains the Arabic transliteration system for Arabic consonants and vowels:

Arabic Transliteration Arabic Transliteration

‫ﺃأ‬ a ‫ﻁط‬ ṭ
‫ء‬ ’ ‫ﻅظ‬ ẓ
c
‫ﺏب‬ b ‫ﻉع‬
‫ﺕت‬ t ‫ﻍغ‬ gh
‫ﺙث‬ th ‫ﻑف‬ f
‫ﺝج‬ j ‫ﻕق‬ q
‫ﺡح‬ ḥ ‫ﻙك‬ k
‫ﺥخ‬ kh ‫ﻝل‬ l
‫ﺩد‬ d ‫ﻡم‬ m
‫ﺫذ‬ dh ‫ﻥن‬ n
‫ﺭر‬ r ‫ﻫﮬﮪھـ‬ h
‫ﺯز‬ Z ‫ﻭو‬ w

‫ﺱس‬ s ‫ﻱي‬ y
‫ﺵش‬ sh
‫ﺹص‬ ṣ

xiv
Arabic short - long vowels and case endings:

Arabic Transliteration Arabic Transliteration

‫ﺁآ‬ ā ‫ـ ًـ‬ -an

‫ﻭو‬ ū ٌ‫ــ‬ -un

‫ـﻴﯿـ‬ i ٍ‫ـ‬ -in
َ‫ــ‬ a
ُ‫ــ‬ u
ِ‫ــ‬ i

xv
 Declaration

I, the author of this thesis, declare that none of the material in this thesis has been
previously submitted by me or any other candidate for a degree in this or any other
university

xvi
 1.1. Introduction
Long before the advent of Islam Arabs were already known for excelling in
eloquent speech; for their ability toconstructlanguage in a way that best articulated
what was contained in their hearts.They competed in adapting language for different
uses and vied in regard to who had most mastery over this skill. Yet the primary
mode of communication for Arabs remained oral. It is undeniable that poetry was
one of the means of transferring both Arab tradition and news at that time. Rhythm,
rhyme and other figures of speech helped the Arab memory to preserve information.
According to James Monroe (1987: 4): “Muslims were the best to use regulation of
the oral narration that, later on, became independent disciplines known as sciences
of chain of narration (isnād), impugnment and vindication (jarḥ wa tacdīl)”.

On the other hand, writing was also a phenomenon in pre-Islamic Arabia.

The evidence for this is Labīd’s famous poem preserved among the Mucallaqātand
written in gold on the cloth covering of the Kacba at Mecca.In this poem, Labīd
mentioned the writing process on white stone and paper. Another example of the
use of written materials in the pre-Islamic era is the famous story of cAmr bin Hind,
who was satirised by Ṭarāfa bin al-cAbd, the famous poet. cAmr decided to get rid of
him along with his uncle, Al-Mutalāmis. In order to do this, he sent, with each one
of them a letter to his agent in Bahrain, in which an order of death was written on
the enclosed letter for the carrier. This was unknown to the poets,each of whom
thought that the letters contained an order of payment (Alzzouzna, 1990: 97-99).

Thus, it is clear that the king used the written form of instruction to convey
his message. The written form of instruction, furthermore, was used in trade. A good
example of this is the journey of the “Winter and Summer” which the Quraysh
would make (see Q2). Politicians and senior tribes used to write treaties among
them. Yet, these writings were few and far between because of lack and scarcity of
the written instruments.

Oral narration therefore remained the most common and the most adopted
method of transmission. Earlier Arabs used to send their children into the desert,
where they could find a pure environment that was free from distractions and

1
drawbacks. The desert tongue represented the purity of the Arabic language,
untarnishedby other languages. Bedouin depended on repetition of speech, talking
directly to young people, sitting with adults in their councils and listening to poems
in their councils, mentioning the “days of the Arabs of old” (ayyām al-cArab). Using
their memories from their earliest years of life, children received direct and indirect
amālī. Their memories, consequently, were trained well and became sharp. This was
known about Arabs when they sent their children to the Bedouin; this is what
happened in turn to the Prophet Muḥammad,who as a child was sent to be raised by
the Banī Sacīda (Ibn Ḥibbān, 6441).

With the advent of Islam, at the instruction of the Prophet, the writing of
ḥadīth was prohibited in order for it not to be confused with the Qur’an. The
Prophet’s Companions relied on oral narration for as long as the Prophet was among
them. When the Companions learnt of something from the Prophet they used to
circulate it among each other, hoping for it to inform behaviour.

It is important to state that in his book, Jāmic bayān al-cilm wa faḍlih, Ibn
c
Abd al-Barr, mentioned that the Prophet Muḥammad used to speak to his
companions and repeat it three times while his companions listened. However, some
companions were excluded from preventing writing ḥadīth. cAlī ibn ‘Abī Ṭalib,
c
Abd Allāh ibn cUmar and others were examples. Furthermore, Quraysh captives
were redeemed in the battle of Badr, on condition that that they teach Muslims
reading and writing. The Prophet’s letters to the kings and princes, his treaties with
Jews, and the Hudaybiyya treaty agreed between Madina and the Quraysh areall
examples of writing in early Islam.

It is essential to state that most Companions did not accept every ḥadīth from
the traditionists (muḥaddithūn) unless the carrier or narrator swore that he heard it
from the Prophet or brought a witness to assure the authenticity of his claim. An
example of this is a case in which a grandmother came to Abū Bakr Al-Siddīq
demanding her share of inheritance from the estate of her deceased grand-son. Abū
Bakr retorted that he could not find a verse in the Qur’an that would permit her this,
but that he would consult al-Mughīra, an expert in the law of inheritance. Al-
Mughīra explained that the Prophet used to give grandmothers one-sixth of
deceased’s estate in cases where there were no children. At this, Abū Bakr asked

2
him if he had a witness; Al-Mughīra brought Muhammed bin Maslama, who
confirmed this was indeed the case and so Abū Bakr (Al-Kholi, 1988: 35).cUmar ibn
al-Khaṭṭāb was particularly diligent about scrutinising ḥadīth that were reported to
him. He would refrain himself from reporting a ḥadīth if he found it had only one
one narrator supported it or had any cause to doubt it. There is an incidentreported in
which Abū Mūsā greeted cUmar three times from outdoors. When he got no
permission from cUmar to enter, he turned away. cUmar immediately sent for him,
asking him why he had doen this. Abū Mūsāreplied that he had heard the Prophet
saying that, if a man greets a person three times asking to enter his house without
getting an answer, he should turn to leave. cUmar demanded evidence be brought
for this or Abū Mūsā would face severe punishment.

As Islam spread, and the territories under Muslim control expanded,

religious diversity increased to the point where Islam itself was increasingly
susceptible to foreign influences. As the Prophet’s Companions dispersed across the
territories, it was the belief of some that the accuracy of ḥadīth was less certain. It is
said that this situation led to the necessity of writing and codifying ḥadīth. When
c
Umar ibn cAbd al-cAzīz became caliph in 100/718, he sent for his agent and judge
in Madina, commanding him tosearch out ḥadīths of the Messenger of Allah in order
to write them down (Ibn cAbd al-Barr, 1982).

The Prophet’s companions followed the same footsteps in various

educational and governmental activities. When the early Islamic scholarly revolution
started after Islam spread beyond the Arab world, and met with other nations,writing
was used for educational purposes and the documentation of the newsciences,
especially, the Sunnai.e. the normative practice of the Prophet. Soon after that, this
became the favorite way of the ḥadīth scholars in most Islamic territories after they
had started to develop that way of writing and its operational, formal and stylistic
practices (Ibn cAbd al-Barr, 1982). Writing became the most important way of
receiving and conveying ḥadīth. Resources that are concerned with preserving
ḥadīth in this historical era indicate that dictation was more widespread than other
ways of receiving and conveying ḥadīth, highlighted also by the fact that many
ḥadīth students refrained from accepting narrations from ḥadīth scholars except by
dictation. In addition to this, this way was publicly held and quickly the same

3
resources dictated by the ḥadīth scholars reached tens of thousands or even more.
Other ways of preserving ḥadīth did not have such position, to the degree that the
caliphs of the time desired to take control ofsuch gatherings. Those that did
thisensured people were gathered for them ready to write what they dictated.

In centuries to follow, dictation became an educational style with unique

features, and became a freestanding art adopted by many ḥadīth scholars, and aided
with the advancement of composition and the spread of education across the Islamic
territories. Studies indicate that dictation gatherings became cultural resources for
knowledge and a motive for scientific and cultural life for many centuries all over
the Islamic and Arabic world. They also showed that most scholars of the legal
sciences and sciences of ḥadīth held this method in high regards for its effectiveness
and liveliness, as students always accessed them and many major scholars graduated
from the dictation gatherings.Today ḥadīth dictation (al-amālī al-ḥadīthiyya) and its
many volumes are one of the most important references for a ḥadīth student and
researcher. It is not only among the pioneering forms of ḥadīth preservation, but also
subsumes many types of ḥadith sciences, such as the science of chains of narration
(isnād) and text (matn). It also contains a lot of ḥadīths, explanations of Qur’anic
verses, information about narrations and narrators, quotes and works of literature,
and analyses of various classical scholars – and above all, makes ḥadīth a treasure
worthy of studying.

This thesis draws from source material on the subject of imlā’in order to
present information on a hitherto understudied intellectual phenomenon in Islamic
cultural history. Furthermore, important questions are broached, such as why
amālīwas considered so highly, particularly in ḥadīth transmission.The hope is that
as a consequence of this study, more attention is given to research on amālīby
scholars of Islamic intellectual history.

1.2. Overview of Research

The present thesis provides an in-depth investigation into the subject of ḥadīth
dictation sessions known in Arabic as ḥadīth-amālī. The current work is a critical
and historical analysis of the development of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions. It provides a
detailed discussion of the vital educational role of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions from the

4
2nd/8th century to the 6th/12th century. It is important to note that the focus of this
study is the phenomenon of amālī in Sunni Islam. Therefore, excluded from it are
surveys of the same phenomenon in Shicī Islam or indeed other Islamicate cultures.

Although the study of ḥadīth has attracted some interest among Western
ḥadīth scholars in the last few decades(Wilferd Madelung, George Makdisi and Mez
Adam are examples),none has undertaken more than a cursory look at ḥadīth
dictation sessions.. Similarly, although many Arab and Muslim scholars have
written about ḥadīth dictation sessions, none of them has provided a consistent
research methodology that accounts for this discipline in a coherent manner similar
in rigour to what has been provided in this thesis. Most of them have tended to deal
with this matter either briefly or in a section as part of a book.

Some of the sources used for this study remain as manuscripts. These
manuscripts have been of significant value to the present study. It is hoped that this
work will provide a valuable contribution to our knowledge and understanding of
this unique discipline within ḥadīth studies, in general, and to ḥadīth dictation
sessions, in particular.

1.3. Rationale of Research

This is an original area of study that has not been previously investigated in
such detail. Amālī represents a system of instruction and transmission adopted by
ḥadīth scholars. It is concerned with the methods of documenting the ḥadīth’s chain
of narration. One may wonder why the chain of narrations is the focal point ofthe
ḥadīthamālī sessions. This is attributed to the fact that without the chain of
narrations, the ḥadīth heritage would have been lost, and forged ḥadīths would have
been even morecommon than they were. It is likely that without the
ḥadīthĀmālīsessions, Prophet Muḥammad’s tradition and standard practice would
have been forgotten. Furthermore, the ḥadīthamālī sessions are probably the most
authentic of the means used to document ḥadīth. The sessions were one of the most
important educational methods in the early centuries after the death of the Prophet
Muḥammad. The present study will provide an historical account of the various
stages through which the ḥadīthamālī sessions passed. It will also deal with the
educational role of the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumlī) and the relationship between the

5
ḥadīth scholar and his students. The study also provides details about the growing
need for the ḥadīthamālī sessions, the places atwhich they were held, the times of
these sessions, and the emergence of the repeater (al-mustamlī), a role created due to
the attendance of huge numbers of students who wouldnot all be within ear-shot of
theḥadīth scholar. The survey will also includeadiscussion of the ethics and
etiquettes of amālī.

Although amālī sessions constitute a very rich source of ḥadīth documentation,

they have not attracted muchinterest among researchers. There are still many
valuable manuscripts which have yet tobe edited and which are held in different
libraries in various countries. The primary objective of this study is to provide a
detailed critical analysis of the ḥadīth dictation sessions only. Therefore, other kinds
of amālī such as amālī in linguistics, history, politics and literature fall outside the
scope of this research. However, the last chapterwill provide a comparative analysis
of the various kinds of the amālī sessions according to al-Suyuṭī’s points of view.

1.4. Research Objectives

As a critical and historical analysis, the study aims to realisethe following

objectives:

1- Todelineate the phenomenon of amālī;

2- To provide an historical account of the development of the ḥadīthamālī
sessions;
3- To highlight the educational role of the ḥadīthamālī sessions;
4- To highlight the vital role of the ḥadīthamālī sessions in the preservation and
documentation of ḥadīth;
5- To highlight the important role of the ḥadīthamālī sessions in Islamic studies
in general and ḥadīth studies in particular;
6- To examine the reasons forthe lack of books based on hadīth dictation
sessions from the second and third Islamic centuries;
7- To provide a comparative analysis of the different kinds of amālī sessions in
addition to the ones on the ḥadīth; and
8- To provide a critical assessment of al-Suyuṭī’s claim that the ḥadīthamālī
sessions came to an end in the 6th/12th century.

6
 1.5. Research Methodology

This research adopts an historical-anthropological approach to the study of

ḥadīth-amālī.Thick description is a signature of the work presented,providing
informative details about the historical evolution of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions and
the different methods applied in them.The vital role of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions in
the preservation and documentation of ḥadīth has also been assessed.
The study examines historical details such as the respective roles of the
traditionists, students and other attendees at the ḥadīth-amālī sessions; the
organisational dimensions of such sessions and the locations where they took place.
The study also provides some critical insights into the historiography of the subject,
highlighting the importance of relevant manuscripts and published textual sources.
The vital role of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions in the preservation and documentation of
ḥadīth has also been assessed. An attempt is made to draw out the implications that
this historical phenomenon has for later Muslim intellectual heritage; here deductive
analysis will play an important role. The result, it is hoped, is a study that responds
to the key questions set out above as well as a foundation for future study of this
incredibly rich and important method of transmission.

Archive and field work in various international libraries and manuscript

centres has been undertaken in order to enrich the theoretical part of my research.
The libraries visited were the the Zahiriyyah in Damascus, the Sulaimaniyyah in
Istanbul, Alexandria library, the Manuscripts Library in Spain, Dār-al-Kutub al-
Maṣriyyah in Cairo, private libraries in Egypt, King cAbd al-cAziz Centre, King
Faisal Centre, manuscript sections in Saudi Universities, including al-Ḥaram
(Mecca) library. Through this field work, I wasable to compare some amālī
manuscripts and ḥadīth works in order to enrich the practical part of my research.

1.6. Research Contribution

It is hoped that this original study will make a valuable contribution to knowledge in
the following fields:

1. The present study will be a positive contribution to ḥadīth studies in terms of

ḥadīth documentation and chains of narrations;

7
 2. The present study will provide a detailed and methodological analysis of the
various historical stages of development of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions;
3. It will be a valuable contribution to the critical study of some manuscripts on
ḥadīth-amālī sessions;
4. Thisresearch will provide a detailed discussion of the vital educational role
of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions from the 2nd/8th century to the 6th/12th century,
and
5. Theresearch will provide useful recommendations to future researchers on
ḥadīthĀmālī sessions.

1.7. Research Value

The manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions represent the cream of ḥadīth

studies since such sessions are the core of ḥadīth literature which was dictated by
eminentḥadīth scholars to dedicated ḥadīth students. The study of manuscripts on
ḥadīth dictation sessions which are in printed or manuscript form demonstrates the
huge variancebetween the available manuscripts and those which are still in printed
form. The study of ḥadīth dictation sessions which are in printed forms and those
which are still in manuscript forms is of importance to:
(i) Researchers who are interested in the study of Arabic manuscripts, in
general, and ḥadīth manuscripts, in particular;
(ii) Researchers who are interested in editing and publishing such manuscripts;

(iii) Postgraduate research students who are interested in this field of research.

1.8. Literature Review

Although many studies have examined the history of ḥadīth, few have been
done on ḥadīth dictation sessions. The prominent studies are Madelung's
Encyclopaedia Islamica, George Makdisi's The Rise of Humanism in Classical Islam
and the Christian West andGregor Schoeler's The Oral and Wriiten in Early Islam.

8
 A) Madelung's Encyclopaedia Islamica

Encyclopaedia Islamica is clearer and more inclusive than other studies that
have attempted to clarify the meaning of amālī. It is more comprehensive in the
sense that it mentioned the main aspects of this uniquemethod according to the
Muslims. Madelung approached amālī in practical terms in the sense that it is a style
of education and a type of writing, especially in the field of modern jurisprudence
and Arabic literature. The study, then, defined the modern amālī and its full image,
i.e., dictation session, the shaykh who gives a lesson and then the students who
attend the lesson and write the information provided bythe shaykh in their notebook
and write down what is being dictated. In his approach to amālī, Faramarz Haj
Manouchehri (Wilfred Madelung: 2011, 653) defined it saying:

“A term referring to a specific method of instruction and genre of

writing, particularly in the field of Ḥadīth ,fiqh (jurisprudence) and
Arabic literature; by this method the sayings and teachings of a master
(shaykh) were recorded in writing by students and listeners.”

Yetthis definition is not special for ḥadīth science and its scholars. In point of
fact, it applies to all the sciences which used the method of amālī such as fiqh and
Arabic literature.

Madelung then proceeds to state that this technique was used for the Ars
Dictaminis in a certain period by Italians and they used them probably because they
might have got utility from transferring it from Muslims to their schools in the same
era when the term was predominantly used by Muslims. Citing Makdisi, who said
that amālī, “Was such a successful teaching method that it was later adopted as a
model for the ars dictaminis by scholars in early Renaissance Italy (see Makdisi ,
318,329-330).

Madelung then sheds light on contemporary amālī, mentioning its main

aspects which can be summarized in Kattani’s definition, as approached in the first
chapter of this study, where amālī, mumlī, mustamlī, the student and the material
dictated in amālī sessions are delineated. Furthermore, Madelung points out the
9
contents and locations of amālī sessions such as the common sayings, anecdotes,
ethics and asceticism. Commenting on these points, Faramarz Haj Manouchehri
states:

As regards dictation sessions in the field of ḥadīth al-Nawawi implies

that there was no requirement in such sessions to focus on a specific
subject. As the audience included both common people and the well
educated, the accounts and traditions were normally presented with a
short but reliable chain of transmission by the dictation (mumli). It was
common practice to have dictations from the different shaykhs who were
mumlis, and to cite traditions which were easy for the listeners. The
session often closed with parables and narratives, particularly on piety,
renunciation (zuhd) ethics and literature) […] On many occasions, a
mustamli (the assistant dictator) or even several mustamlis were needed,
in order to read out or dictate the master’s sayings to larger audiences
[…] This method of learning and transmitting knowledge, particularly
amongst traditionists, was established alongside other approaches […]
and played a vital role in both the oral and literary heritage of Islam.

InterestinglyMadelungdid not mention the places or times ofimlā’ sessions

there is only a simple reference to it without specifying and pinpointing the location
or the time as they should be. Mumlis used to specify the time and the place of Imlaa
sessions to enable students to prepare themselves, bringing with them their pens and
notebooks.

Madelung then deals withthe importance of oral instruction and the reliance
on themumlī in the process of memorisation, a phenomenon which was widespread
during early Islamic centuries. Pointing out the reasons for developing this aspect of
imlā’ , he says: “Such a method developed because the emphasis on oral instruction
in the early Islamic centuries led, in some cases, to the chain or text of a tradition
becoming corrupted or absent due to the inattentiveness or carelessness of students
in recording the lectures of a master. For example, Yaḥyā Nīsābūrī was only
confident that he had heard Mālik’s Muwaṭṭā’ correctly after he had heard it back

10
three times to his master, Mālik, himself. Such problems sometimes arose from the
particular way a Shaykh presented the material. In order to avoid such confusion in
recording, the imlā’ approach, refining the existing tradition of transmission, was
adopted.

Besides being students, mumliswere also critics and scholars. They did not
rely solely on their memory but also on imlā’.Here Madelung dates the existence of
this method of imlā’ back to the time of the Prophet, as he dictated tohis
Companions. They used to write and register what he said. Referring to this aspect,
Madelung states that the imlā’ approach “is rooted in the practice of the Companions
in relation to the sayings of the Prophet. As a number of Ḥadīth sources attest,
writing down the statements of the Prophet was common in many cases this being
done according to the direct instruction of the Prophet himself. References to the
Prophet’s imlā’ can be found in the sources. Similarly, according to certain reports,
because of the large audiences at the Prophet’s sermons, one or more individuals
would convey his statements to others, which, for al-Suyūṭī at least, established the
principle of imlā’”.

Madelung described early imlā’sessions, among which were that of Anas bin
Mālik,who dictated in the palace of the caliph, surrounded by his students. Ibn
c
Abbas was another good example of one who dictated while he was sitting on his
couch. Referring to this idea,Madelung states, “Imlā’was also practised among the
Companions themselves, and between them and the followers (tābicūn): for
example, Ibn cAbbās and Wāthila b. Aqsa held imlā’ and preaching sessions on
specific days of the week, and the earliest amālī works in Quranic exegesis are
attributed to Ibn Abbās”.

Madelung then proceeds to discuss the period in which amālī flourished,

mainly in the 2nd/8thcentury, an age in which science reached its peak and where
great scholars such asShucba b. al-Ḥajjāj and Wakīc b. al- Jarrāḥ appeared. “The
method of imlā’ reached a peak in the 2nd/8th century, when certain traditionist
figures such as Shucba b. al-Ḥajjāj (d. 160/776) and Wakī b. al- Jarrāḥ (d. 197/812)
laid particular emphasis on dictation session”. Madelung also mentions that
amālīwerenot the monopolyofthe traditionists but was alsoemployed by jurists.

11
AbūYūsuf (d. 182/798) and Muḥammad b. Ḥasan Al-Shaybānī (d. 187/803),two of
AbūḤanīfa’s brilliant students, were famous for their Āmālī.

As the genre of ḥadīth was being formulated, Madelung tells us,

compilations known as amālī were also being produced from the late 2nd/ 8th
century. In addition to imlā’ sessions being held by such masters as Yazīd b. Hārūn
al-Wāsiṭi (d. 206/821) and cĀṣim b. cAli al-Tamīmī d. 221/836), a large number of
amālī were composed. Of these only a few manuscript survive, including the amālī
of cAbd al-Razzāq al- Ṣancānī (d. 211/827), Abū al-Faraj Muḥmmad b. Aḥmad b.
al-Ghūrī (d. 239/827), Abū al-Qāsim al-Fasawī (late 3rd/9th century ) and Ibn
Dhḥaym (d. 303/916).However, this period was also characterized by the era of
authorship, in which segregation of amālī manuscripts were very rare. Amālī
manuscripts were merged with amālī of other sciences. Madelung mentions that
there were other schools apart fromtheSunnis. Twelver, Zaydi, Shicīs and Sufi
schools employedimlā’, and paid a considerable attention to developing it:

“The writing of amālī was popular not only amongst traditionists and
Sunni jurists, but also in a number of other schools and groups: for
example, among the Zaydi Imāms of Tabaristān, the Amālī of al-Nāsir li
al-Ḥaqq al-Uṭrūsh (d. 304/917)”. Likewise, Sufis, whose sessions were
appropriate place for such presentations, turned to writing amālī: that of
Abū Ūbayd al-Busrī (d. 245/859) dates back to this period. Several
outstanding figures in the field of Arabic literature also initiated a
movement in the direction of this method, resulting in the compilation of
the earliest collections of literary amālī by writers during this period.”

There is much to agree with Madelung about. However, he fails to identify

nuances which characterised different imlā’ styles, as existed among ḥadīth scholars,
linguists and others. His neglect to say much about imlā’ among the traditionists will
hopefully be rectified by this study. Madelung also ignores the pioneer of imlā’, who
wrote many books of great length about dictation, al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī. As al-
Suyūṭī’s most important reference, who is cited by Madelung, this is of surprise.
Similarly surprising is Madelung’s acceptance of al-Suyūṭī’s claim that he revived
imlā’ after the death of Ibn al-Ṣalāḥ. These gaps and assumption will be filled and

12
recitified in what follows. One gap that this thesis cannot fill is that left by
Madelung important but briefdiscussion ofamālīamong the Shīcis and Zaydīs.More
work here must surely be undertaken;unfortunately this does not fall within the
scope of the present study.

B) George Makdisi's The Rise of Humanism in Classical Islam and the

Christian West.

George Makdisi depicts the two methods of samāc. The first is to dictate
from shaykh to the student;the second is the process of offering the information
from student to shaykh. Concerning the first type, Makdisi describedimla’ in
accurate terms. A student in animlā’session takes the words from the shaykh as they
are without any modifications. Makdisi says: “Thus a person could be certain to
learn correctly the classical Arabic world only when he hears it correctly spoken,
and sets it down correctly in writing, along with its diacritical and its vowel-signs. In
his Adab al-imlā wa l-istimlā (The Technique of Dictation and Taking Dictation),
this is what Samcānī advises the student to do. The worlds, he says, should be
written as pronounced by the dictator (al-mumli); and while the assistant-dictator
(al-mustamlī) repeaets the words (for those seated beyond earshot of the dictator),
the consonants should be given their diacritical points and their vowel-signs)”
(1990: 119).

Makdisi further says, “Dictation was also the basic method in learning the
Prophetic Traditions (ḥadīth), as well as any field of knowledge wherein the
authoritatively correct from of the individual lexical item had to be
established”(1990, 324).

As for the second type, i.e., offering the information from the side of the
student to the shaykh, Makdisi believes that it is a weak and meagre method
because the student may commit mistakes in reading the text whilethe shaykh did
not pay attention to what is being read. Referring to this notion Makdisi says, “The
best method for the dictator is to dictate to you, and for you to write from his
formulation of the words. For if you recite the text to him, you may make

13
mistake{i.e. in vocalizing the words} which he may not hear; and if he reads to you,
something may distract you from hearing all what he says).(Makdisi: 1990, 324).

Makkdisi, furthermore, praised the process of dictating from the memory. He

considers it one of the characteristic features of Muslims. Arabs were known for
their ability of memorisation atan early age. They could memorise texts and
maintain them. He also states that great scholars were famous for their great capacity
of memorisation and dictating their students from their memories. Makdisi says,
“Memory played a crucial role in the process of learning. It was a tool in the service
of humanism[…]Memorisation involved great quantities of materials, their
understanding, and their retention through frequent repetition at close intervals of
time.When limited to mere transmission, memorisation was simply the attribute of
the common man among the men of learning , e.g. the ḥadīth scholars and the
lexicographers. Above this rudimentary level, the humanist, like the scholastic,
aimed at the higher level of emulation. The road to creativity called for progression
from authoritative reception and transmission (riwāaya), to understanding the
materials transmitted (dirāya)(Makdisi: 1990, 202).

Makdisi knew that imlā’ depends on comparing the students’ text to

theshaykh’s text to avoid mistakes. This process of comparison made the process of
documentation of the text as perfect as it should be. He says, “The adab student's
tools were the inkwell, maḥbare, and the notebook, daftar (pl. dafātir), or kitāb.
These were also the tools of the ḥadīth student. Students of both field shared the
same methodology of learning as well; i.e. dictation (imlā), memorization, (ḥifz),
instructive conversation, and memory contests (mudhākara) and disputation
(munāẓara) when Dinawari,passed his father-in-law Thaclab teaching outside his
home, on his way to study Sibawaih's grammar under Mubarrad,the tools he carried
were the inkwell and the notebook. The notebooks of Abu cli materials gathered
among the Arabians were said to have filled a room up to the ceiling(Makdisi: 1990,
236-7).

Makdisi furthermore dealt with the process of imlā’. He alsoidentifiedthe

first western scholar who employedimlā’, Adam Mez. He says: “In the chapter on

14
learned men ('Die Gelehrten'), in Die Renaissance des Islam, Adam Mez discussed
two technical terms relating to methods of instruction, imlā' and tadrīs. He stated
that imlā', dictation, was the highest phase of insrauction, and that in the ninth
century it was very much used by the theologians and philologists. In the tenth
century, however, according to Mes, the philologists Outgrew the theologian's
method of teaching, gave up dictation in favour for explaining a work, which one of
the students read, 'just as one explained compendiumes (mukhtaṣarāt). ‘Here the
author refers to a text in the Subki's Ṭabaqāt. 79Then relying on Suyūṭī, he goes on to
say , that Zajjājī was the last to dictate lexicography, and that, in the field of
theology, dictation continued to be the method of instruction. Mez explains that
through the prevalence of tadtīs, which he understands as explication ('Erklarung'),
the madrasas came into existence because disputation (munāẓara) , which went hand
–in-hand with the madrasa, was not fit as a method of study in the
mosque)”(Makdisi, 1990: 215).

Because of its importance, Makdisi traced the term and found out its
historical roots. Makdisi mentioned that Italians used imlā’in the contextof
education and documentation. Approaching this notion he stated, “It would be
helpful perhaps to consider the medieval Arabic sources which. I believe, have
something to offer by way of clarifying the so-called art of dictation, regarding its
origins, its designation and its contents. This“art" was native to classical Arabic. I
believe its parallel in the medieval Latin West preserved the original Arabic
designation, as well as its essential contents. If this be true, the medieval Arabic
sources would be a valuable addition to the fund of Medieval Latin sources, and the
more worthy of consideration since the origing of the ars dictaminis continue to
remain obscure”(Makdisi,1990: 318).

Makdisi mentioned the time when Italians used this term. He stated that it
was in the fifth Islamic century, i.e., the golden age of Islam. I will discuss the idea
that the best imlā’ manuscripts appeared in the 4th and 5th Islamic centuries being the
best of written materials since there is no mistakes and they are very accurate and
authentic. Makdisi says, “When the ars dictaminis first began to appear, around the
year 1100, the term dictation was, in my opinion, borrowed from the culture of

15
classical Islam, where it did indeed have the literal meaning of dictation, not
composition” (1990, 323).

To sum up, Makdisi approached all kinds of amālī—the Arabic language,

Jurisprudence and tradition. Yet, he focused on amālī in ḥadīth more than any other
Western writer.

C) Gregor Schoeler's The Oral and Wriiten in Early Islam

Gregor Schoeler sheds light on the great role ofimlā’in thetransmission

ofIslamic and Arabic sciences, through genuine style and accuracy. This style was
able to construct great sciences based on accurate documenting that enabled others
to defend their sciences. Concerning this idea, he stated, “Arabic scholars held the
view that a student should have heard the material being taught: ār riwayah al
masmūah, the heard or audited transmission (for the most part inaccurately
translated as oral transmission) was regarded by Muslims as the best method of
transmission” (Schoeler: 2006, 210).

Schoeler considered this style the best way to transmit in early Islam.
According to to him, transmission (riwāya) can be divided into two types: oral
transmission and written. He also referred to the accurate approach of the oral style
especially in poetry, epics and literature. He said,"On closer inspection, it seems as
if oral and written transmission, instead of being mutually exclusive, supplemented
each other. Thus, the question of either an oral or a written transmission of
knowledge in early Islam can easily result in a dispute about definitions. What we
do not have is in oral tradition in the sense of illiterate rhapsodies passing on their
epics and song.”(Schoeler: 2006, 210)

Furthermore, Schoeler praised the structure of Islamic samāc. He also stated

that it is similar to the lecture notes taken by students in Alexandria since there are
notebooks, a lecture, students and subject matter. He said, “In sum, the structure of
Islamic samā’ conforms in many details to that of late Alexandrian lecture courses.
The notebooks (dafātir) and " books" (kutub) Muslims used to record material
"heard" from their teachers ( cf. the frequent expression kataba an ) are similar to the

16
lecture notes apo phones produced by students in Alexandria. The closest parallel to
the exegetical teaching practices of the Alexandria in early Islam is to be found in
Quranic exegesis. In both cases, lectures were based on a fixed text, on which a
teacher commented. The students "heard" the commentary and took notes (Schoeler
2006: 210).

It is important to note thatimlā’ is part of the general methodof samāc. Both

are similar to the Alexandrian teaching lectures since,first, these is available space
for students, second, a lecturer in both sides who dictates his students, third, books
in the hands of both lecturer and his students.On this, Schoeler writes: “In that
context, Alexandrian teaching methods have been described as follows: The lecturer
had a copy of the work he was to comment on in his hand referred to it in each step
of his exegetical discussion” (2006: 211).The system in these imlā’ sessions was one
in which the shaykh would edit, add or modify his own book with his students in
audience and as part of the process of teaching. He mightconsult his book when he
forgets a piece of information or wants to join a piece of information to another and
consequently register all these modifications in his book. Schoeler approached this
method of samāc from a general perspective, not delving deeply into the specific
methodof imlā’, as is done in this study.

On the basis ofthisliterature review, it is clear that Western scholars have

shown no serious research interest in the ḥadīth dictation sessions. It is also clear
that only Schoeler treated the subject ofḥadīth dictation sessions, although even here
he only referred to these sessions while indexing ḥadīth. It is here that the present
study hopes to make its most important contribution.

1.9. Structure of the thesis

This studyis made up of an introduction, sevenresearch-based chapters, a

conclusion, recommendations, and a bibliography:

Chapter One: ḤadīthDictation Sessions (amālīal-ḥadīth). This chapter provides a

detailed definition and analysis of the ḥadīth-amālī sessions. It also provides details
of the three historical stages of the ḥadīthĀmālī sessions, and the three methods of
ḥadīth dictation. This chapter also provides a critical analysis of the claim made by

17
Jalal al-Din al- Suyuti that the ḥadīth dictation sessions ceased during the 6th/12th
century.

Chapter Two: Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions in Printed and Manuscript Forms. This
chapter investigates the ḥadīth dictation sessions in book form and those that are still
preserved in international libraries in manuscript form. It also deals with lone ḥadīth
dictation session manuscripts which are referred to in Arabic as (makhṭuṭat farīdah),
and the data collected on the lone manuscripts through using a number of different
research methods. The reader is also given a list of the ḥadīthdictation session
manuscripts which have more than one copy. The chapter also sheds light on the
danger encountering these valuable source of ḥadīth. The reader is told how
seriously the amālī manuscripts have been affected by theft, exposure to light, dust
and dampness. The chapter also provides information on the threat facing the
storage and preservation of manuscripts in international libraries and how the
manuscripts are reproduced on microfiche in some libraries.

Chapter Three: The Ḥadith Scholar (Mumli). This chapter discusses the role of the
ḥadīthscholar (mumli), his knowledge of ḥadīth, his methods of dictating ḥadīth, his
character, and the way he deals with his students. This chapter also deals with the
students, and the different ways they attain their ḥadīthlearning from their teachers.

Chapter Four: Mustamli or the assistant dictator. This chapter deals with the repeater
(mustamlī) who repeats what the ḥadīthscholar says during each dictation session.
The chapter investigates the role and characteristics of the repeater such as his voice
quality and how he is selected.

Chapter Five: The Ḥadith Student.

This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the ḥadīth student, including the

18
prerequisites of becoming one and his morals, etiquette and his good manners. It
also sheds tight on his genuin intention and devotion to study. It also investigates an
important point, which is whether the ḥadīth student was merely an ordinary person
who could take ḥadīth dictation sessions from a ḥadīth scholar. It then proceeds to
consider how the student had to choose a ḥadīth scholar and enrol in his ḥadīth
dictation sessions. The final part of this chapter focuses on a type of ḥadīth narration
called al-riwayah bil-wijadah (narration by a self-study person).

Chapter Six: Characteristics of the Teaching Material of Ḥadith Dictation Session

and the Time and places. This chapter provides a comparative contrastive analysis
between the ḥadīthamālī sessions and the other forms of dictation sessions for other
disciplines such as the linguistics amālī, literature amālī, history amālī, etc the chain
of narration is the best method which guarantees the authenticity of the ḥadīth. In
order to guarantee the accuracy of the content(matn) of any ḥadīth, to make sure that
the content of the ḥadīth is truthfully transferred by the narrator, and to maintain
academic consistency.Chapter five also deals with the places where the ḥadīth-amālī
sessions used to take place, such as mosques, schools, and palaces, as well as the
ḥadīth-amālī sessions' times of teaching which were usually every week on
Mondays and Fridays.

Chapter seven: The Ḥadīth Student's Learning Aids. This chapter accounts for the
relationship between the ḥadīth student and the tools (paper, ink, pen, eraser) he
needs during the recordation of ḥadīth or during the ḥadīth dictation sessions. It also
deals with paper and the paper industry. It also accounts for the relationship between
paper, ink and calligraphy, the quality of typeface and quality of the pen used in
writing, the problems of semantic misrepresentation (tasḥīf) and distortion of the
syntactic structure (taḥrīf). The rules of writing during the recordation of ḥadīth by
ḥadīth students are also discussed in detail.

19
2. Chapter One: Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions (Amālī al-ḥadīth)

2.1. Introduction

This chapter provides an informative historical account of the development of ḥadīth

dictation sessions. Before I deal with the historical development, I shall provide the
definitions of ḥadīth dictation sessions from a linguistic perspective and also from
the point of view of ḥadīth scholars (muḥaddithūn). This chapter provides an
informative account of three major historical phases of the development of ḥadīth
dictation starting from the 1st/7th century and ending in the 10th/16th century as the
last historical phase of ḥadīth dictation sessions. I shall also provide findings about
the impact of ḥadīth dictation sessions as a pedagogical approach to ḥadīth studies.

2.2. Definition of Ḥadīth Dictation

Ḥadīth dictation, referred to in Arabic as al-āmālī, or āmālī al-ḥadīth, is an

expression which usually occurs with the word majlis (session) or majālis, the plural
form. The expression al-Āmālī is the plural form of imlā’ (dictation). Haji Khalifah
(1982, 1:161) points out that jurists (fuqahā’), ḥadīth scholars (al-muḥaddithūn), the
Shāfīcs, and linguists customarily used the expression taclīq, and George Makdisi
(1990, 235) says "..as a method of taclīq" rather than "Āmālī" for the sessions of
ḥadīth dictation. In the view of al-Farrā’ (al-Razi 1985, 634), the root is amlala (to
dictate to someone) which is the dialect of the tribes of Ḥijāz and Bani Asad. The
word occurs in Q2:282 (falyumlil walīyyuhu – let his guardian dictate). However, the
verb form amlaya (to dictate to someone) represents the dialect of the tribes of
Tamim and Qaīs (al-Shehhri 2007, 118). This has occurred in Q25:5 (fahiya tumla
c
alaīhi – they are dictated to him).

According to themuḥaddithūn,the expression al-Āmālī refers exclusively to the

session in which a ḥadīth scholar dictates the ḥadīths to his students, and that after a
number of sessions, the students produce a book of the ḥadīths dictated to them

20
(Haji Khalifah 1982, 1:352). We are also informed by al-Kittāni (1986:19)of a
number of noteworthy facts: (i)that the ḥadīth memorisers (huffāẓ al-hadīth) used to
attend the ḥadīth dictation sessions in which the ḥadīth scholar dictated the ḥadīth to
them, (ii) that this ḥadīth scholar is called al-mumlī (the one who dictates to
someone else), (iii) that his students are called al-mustamlī (the ḥadīth student who
is being dictated to), (iv) that the ḥadīth student would write the date of each ḥadīth
dictation session he attended, (v) that the ḥadīth student mentions the full chain of
narrations of each ḥadīth (isnād) given to him by his teacher; that is, the ḥadīth
scholar who is al-mumlī, and (vi) that the ḥadīth student refers to the religious
benefits of each ḥadīth.

2.3. Historical Development of Ḥadīth Dictation

Historically speaking, the sessions of ḥadīth dictation would take place in the
mosque. Thus, the expression al-Āmālī is best translated as 'ḥadīth dictation sessions'
since the word al-Āmālī is always connected to a session in which the ḥadīth is
being dictated. In this section, I shall explore how ḥadīth dictation sessions
developed and the key historical phases of these sessions since the lifetime of the
Prophet Muḥammad.

2.3.1. During the Prophet's Lifetime

There has been no reference by any classical or modern Muslim historian or ḥadīth
scholar to any ḥadīth dictation sessions that have taken place during the lifetime of
Muḥammad.Therefore, I believe a distinction should be made between two
significant subject matters regardingḥadīth dictation sessions:

(i) The expression al-Āmālī (dictation) can be used as exclusive to the

dictation of ḥadīth. We are informed by one of Muḥammad’s ḥadīths in
which he told his companions not to write down his ḥadīths, so that they
would not become mixed up with the Qur’an: ( Muslim 2008, p1197,
ḥadīth no. 3004). We can, therefore, safely claim that Muḥammad did not
hold any ḥadīth dictation sessions for anyone.

21
 (ii) The expression al-Āmālī (dictation) can be employed with regard to:
(a) The dictation by Muḥammad to any of his companions, of a
revelation. It was a regularpractice for Muḥammad to dictate any
revelation (waḥī); namely, the Qur’ān, to one of his companions,
such as Mucāwiyah or Ubai b. Kacb.
(b) The dictation by Muḥammad to any of his companions of:
(1) correspondence (letters) to his contemporary kings, rulers, and tribal
leaders asking them to accept Islam, such as the letter he sent to
Kisra the Persian King, to Hercules, the Roman Emperor, and to al-
Muqawqas, the King of Egypt.
(2) correspondence to his governors (al-wulāt), judges, and tax
collectors, giving them advice about their assigned duties.
(3) agreements, such as theal-ḥudaībiyyah agreement (ṣulḥ al-
ḥudaībiyyah) (year 6) which he made with Quraish. Anas narrates
an anecdote about this agreement in which Muḥammad pronounces
the expression uktub (write down) when he asks cAli b. Abī Ṭālib to
write down the Hudaībiyyaagreement with Quraīsh in the presence
of their representative Suhail b. cAmr ( Muslim 2008,p 1197(ḥadīth
number 3004)).
(4) Useful notes explaining ambiguous matters to an uneducated
companion. For example, a companion from the Yemen attended a
Friday speech given by Muḥammad. However, this companion told
Muḥammad that he did not understand the Friday speech, and so
Muḥammad dictated useful notes to one of his companions,
explaining what he had said in his Friday speech, and gave them to
the Yemeni companion.

It is worthwhile to note two significant points:

(i) Although Muḥammad used to dictate to his companions either the

revelation, correspondence, agreements, or explanatory notes, he neither
dictated his ḥadīth to them nor held ḥadīth dictation sessions (al-Āmālī).

22
 (ii) Although some companions used to write down some ḥadīths for their
own personal use in a ṣaḥīfah (booklet), we cannot claim that ḥadīth
dictation sessions (al-Āmālī) were held by Muḥammad or any of his
contemporary companions. Some of the companions who wrote down
some ḥadīths (ṣaḥīfah) for their own personal use were cAli b. Abi Ṭālib
(d.40), cAbd Allāh b. cAmru b. al-cAṣṣ (d.65), Abu Hurairah (d.57), Sacad
b. cUbādah (d.14), and Mucadh b. Jabal (d.18). The ṣaḥīfah was called
aṣaḥīfah al-ṣādiqah (the truthful booklet) i.e. the booklet of authentic or
sound ḥadīth).

2.3.2. During the Companions’ Lifetime

Ḥadīth dictation sessions took place during the lifetime of some of the companions
who outlived other companions. The sessions in fact began to emerge during the last
decades of the 1st/7th century. For instance, Al-Acẓami (2005, 1:23) claims that 52
companions wrote down ḥadīth and that some of them held ḥadīth dictation sessions.
More examples will be given in the section on the formative phase of Ḥadīth
Dictation ( p 5)

2.3.3. During the Successors’ Lifetime

Ḥadīth dictation sessions prospered and grew rapidly across the Muslim states. I
shall explain from which year to which year.

Al-Acẓami (2005, 1:24) claims that 151 early successors wrote down ḥadīth and
each one of them held ḥadīth dictation sessions and that this discipline continued
until the second half of the 2nd/8th century. I will give a number of examples in the
section on the formative phase of Ḥadīth Dictation.

23
2.4. Phases of Development of Ḥadīth Dictation

Before I discuss the phases of development of ḥadīth dictation sessions, it is worth

noting that it is not possible to provide a specific year in which one phase starts or
ends. Therefore, historically speaking, the aim is to be as accurate as possible by
using historical periods which represent the beginning or end of a given phase.
Thus, ḥadīth dictation sessions (Āmālī al- ḥadīth) can be regarded as having
progressed through three major phases:

(i) a formative phase,

(ii) a growth phase, and
(iii) a stagnation phase.

2.4.1. Formative Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation

During this phase, ḥadīth dictation sessions began during the second half of the
1st/7th century and lasted to the end of the 2rd/8th century. Among the companions
who held ḥadīth dictation sessions during this phase were:

(i) Shaddād b. Aws b. Thābit b. al-Mundhir b. Ḥarām (d. 677), who held ḥadīth
dictation sessions for a number of young men in his area (al-Dhahabi 1992, 2:465).

(ii) cAbd Allāh b. cAmr b. al-cAṣṣ(d. 682), who held ḥadīth dictation sessions for
Abu Ṣibrah who in the end made a booklet (ṣaḥīfah) of ḥadīths; Ibn al-Athīr (1977,
3:349); al-cAsqalanī 1968, 2:351).

(iii) al-Bara’ b. cĀzib Abu cAmmarah al-Anṣāri (d. 691), who held ḥadīth dictation
sessions for his students (al-Khāṭib al-Baghdādi 1974:105).

(iv) Wathilah b. al-Asqac (d.704), who held ḥadīth dictation sessions for his students
(al-Samcani 1985, 1:428; al-Khāṭib al-Baghdādi 1994, 2:55). He was the last
companion and died in Damascus.

(v) Anas b. Mālik b. al-Naḍar Abu Ḥamzah al-Anṣari (d. 711), who held ḥadīth
dictation sessions for his students (al-Khāṭib al-Baghdādi 1997, 8:259).

24
Early successors (awā’il al-tābicīn) were contemporaries of the Companions and
they also held ḥadīth dictation sessions during the formative phase. Among them
were:

(i) Shahar b.Ḥushab al-Ashcari (d. 718), who held ḥadīth dictation sessions in Kūfah
for his student cAbd al-Ḥamīd b. Bahram al-Mada’ni (ibid, 11:59).

(ii) Ṭāwūs b. Kaiīsīn al-Yamani (d. 718), who held ḥadīth dictation sessions for his
students, such as Laith b. Abi Sālim (Ibn al-Madini 1980, 1:63).

2.4.1.1. Features of the Formative Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation

Among the characteristic features of the formative phase of ḥadīth dictation sessions
are:

1. Oral dictation:

Ḥadīth scholars used to dictate to their students orally without reading from a
book (al-Shehhrī 2007 : 139).

2. Dictation from the ḥadīth scholar’s own book:

Some ḥadīth scholars adopted the method of reading ḥadīths from their own book
and dictating them to their students. For instance, the ḥadīth scholar Shucaib b.
AbīḤamzah used to follow this method of ḥadīth dictation for his students (Abu
Zurcah 1996:433).

3. Dictation from a different book:

Some ḥadīth scholars adopted the method of reading ḥadīths from a book written
by another ḥadīth scholar and dictating the ḥadīth to their students (al-Shehhrī
2007: 139).

4. Revision (al-mucāraẓah or al-carẓ):

Some early successors, like cUrwah b. al-Zubaīr b. al-cAwāmm (d. 711) of

Madinah, used to urge students who attended the ḥadīth dictation sessions to
revise the ḥadīths they wrote down during the sessions they attended, in order to
25
 eliminate any typological mistakes or errors in the names of the chain of
authorities (al-isnād).

5.Limited number of students:

During the formative phase, the ḥadīth dictation sessions were not attended by
many ḥadīth students.

6. Tutorials:

In some ḥadīth dictation sessions, students discussed the ḥadīths with their ḥadīth
scholar in the form of question and answer tutorials.

7. Seminars:

At times, some ḥadīth dictation sessions were student-led. In other words, they
followed a seminar approach to ḥadīth dictation where the students read the
ḥadīths to their ḥadīth scholar and discussed their chain of authorities (al-isnād)
and meanings together.

8. Group work:

At times, ḥadīth students met together in some ḥadīth dictation sessions in order to
revise or discuss some ḥadīths.

2.4.2. Growth Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation

This phase began from the second half of the 2nd/8th century and was led by the late
successors (awākhir al-tabicin) and culminated during the 4th/10th and 5th/11th
century.

That imlā’,dictation, was the highest phase of instruction by the 9th century,
and that it was very much used by the theologians and philologists, is confirmed by
Mez(cited in Makdisi 1990, 215). In the 10th century, however, Makdisi (again

26
citing Mez) states that the philologists outgrew the theologian's method of teaching
and gave up dictation in favour of explaining a work, which one of the students
would read.

Among the major ḥadīth scholars who held ḥadīth dictation sessions during the
growth phase are:

(i) The 4th/10th century:

Ibrahīm cAbd Allāh b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Dimishqi (d. 915), Yaḥyā b.
Sacīd Abi Muḥammad (d.930), Abu Bakr al-Malḥami, Ḥamad b.

Muḥammad (d. 935), Abu Isḥāq, Ibrāhīm b. cAbd al-ṣamad (d. 936), Abu
Bakr, Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim (d. 939), al-MuḥĀmālī, al-Ḥusain b.
Ismācīl (d.941), al-cAṭṭar, Muḥammad b. Mukhlid b. Ḥafẓ (d. 942), al-
Buḥturi, Muḥammad b. cAmru (d. 950), Ibn al-Sammak, Abu cUmar
c
Uthmān b. Aḥmad (d. 955), Abu al-cAbbās al-Aṣam, Muḥammad b.
Yacqūb al-Naisābūri (d. 957), al-Najād, Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Salmān b.
Isra’īl (d. 959), al-Istarabadhi, Abu al-Ḥasan Nacim b. cAbd al-Mālik (d.
965), al-Qaṭṭan, Abu Sahl Ahmad b. Muḥammad (d. 961), al-Ṭābarāni,
Abu al-Qāsim Sulaimān b. Aḥmad (d. 970), Abu Isḥāq al-Muzki, Ibrāhīm
b. Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā (d. 972), al-Rudhbari, Abu cAbd Allāh Aḥmad
b. cAṭa’ (d. 979), al-Buḥīri, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Jacfar (d.985), al-
Miyanaji, abu Bakr Yūsuf b. al-Qāsim (d. 985), al-Ḥakim al-Kabīr, Abu
Aḥmad b. Muḥammad (d. 988), Ibn Dust, Aḥmad b. Yūsuf (d. 991), Abu
al-Ḥsan al-Dārqanti, cAli b. cAmru (d. 995), Ibn Shahin, Abu ḤafṣcAmru
b. Aḥmad (d. 995), al-Khatli al-Sukkari, cAli b. cUmar (d. 996), Ibn
Samcun al-Waciẓ, Abu Muḥammad b. Aḥmad (d. 998), Ibn al-Jarrāḥ, cIsa
b. cAli (d. 1000), Abu Ṭāhir al-Mukhllis, Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān
(d. 1002), Ibn Mundah, Muḥammadb. Isḥāq (d. 969), al-Ḍabi, al-Ḥusain
b. Hārūn (d. 1007), and Kaṭib Ibn Khanzabah, Abu Muslim al-Kaṭib
(d.1008 ).

27
 (ii) The 5th/11th century:

Muḥammad b. Maḥmash b. cAli (d. 1019), Abu Bakr b. Mardawaih, Aḥmad

b. Mūsā (d. 1019), al-Qāḍi Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān (d. 1020), Abu al-cAbbās,
Munīr b. Aḥmad (d. 1021), al-Naqqāsh, Abu Sacīd Muḥammad b. cAli (d. 1023),
Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Umar b.al-Muslimah (d.1024), Abu cAbd Allāh al-
c
Ḥusain b. Ali (d. 1026), Hibat Allāh b. Manṣūr al-Ṭābāri (d. 1027),
AbuMuḥammad Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān (d. 1028), Ibn Makhlad Abu al-
Ḥasan Muḥammad (d. 1028), Abu al-Ḥsan cAli Baṣir b. Jacfar (d. 1031), Ibn
Bashran, cAbd al-Mālik b. Muḥammad (d. 1038), al-Ḥāfiẓ Abu Nacim, Aḥmad
b.cAbd Allāh al-Aṣbahāni (d. 1038), Abu Sacīd, cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥamdān b.
Muḥammad (d. 1041), al-Buṣṭami, Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad (d. 1048), al-
c
Qizwīni, Abu al-Ḥusain Ali b.cUmar (d.1050), Abu al-Ḥasan al-Azdi
Muḥammad b. cAli (d.1051), al-Quḍāci, Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. salāmah
(d. 1062), al-Ḥasan b. cAli b. al-Ḥasan al-Shirazi al-Jawhari (d. 1062), al-
QāḍiMuḥammadb. al-Ḥusain b. Muḥammad (d.1065), al-Baṭarqāni, Abu Bakr
Aḥmad b. al-Faḍl (d. 1067), al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādi, Aḥmad b. cAli (d.1070), al-
Qushairi, cAbd al-Karīm b. Hawāzin b. cAbd al-Mālik (d. 1072), Ibn Muslimah,
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. cUmar (d. 1072), al-cAṭṭār, Abu Bakr Muḥammadb.
Ibrāhīm b. cAli (d. 1073), cAbd al-cAzīz b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Kittani
(d.1073), Abu Muḥammad, cAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad al-Ṣaraifini (d. 1076), Abu
al-Qāsim, cAli b. Aḥmad al-BanDār (d. 1081), Abu Bakr, Muḥammad b. al-
Ḥussain b. Finjuwaih al-ThaQāfi (d. 1085), al-Wazir al-Kabīr,Niẓām al-Mulk al-
Ḥasan b. cAli (d. 1092), Abu Bakr, Aḥmad b. cAli b. cUmar al-Shirazi (d. 1094),
Rizq Allāh, AbuMuḥammadb. Abi al-Faraj al-Tamīmī (d. 1095), Abu al-Fatḥ,
Naṣr b. Ibrahīm al-Nabulsi (d. 1097), Ṭarrad b. Muḥammad b. cAli b. Ḥasan al-
Baghdādi al-Zainabi (d. 1059), and Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. Aḥmad al-Madini (d.
1100).

2.4.2.1. Features of the Growth Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation

The most characteristic features of the growth phase of ḥadīth dictation sessions are:

28
1. Increase in student numbers:

The number of ḥadīth students went up considerably due to the large-scale interest
in ḥadīth studies among the Muslim communities. For instance, the ḥadīth scholar
c
Ali b. cĀṣim b. Ṣuhaīb al-Waṣiṭi (d. 816) used to have more than 30,000 students
in each of his ḥadīth dictation sessions. Due to this large number of students, he
used to sit on the roof of the mosque so that all his students could see him.

2. Dictation from the ḥadīth scholar’s own book:

Ḥadīth scholars adopted reading ḥadīths from their own book and dictating them
to their students.

3. Chain of authorities and details:

The ḥadīth scholars of this phase paid particular attention to the chain of
authorities of each ḥadīth and provided details about its defects (cilal), whether it
was sound (ṣaḥīḥ) or weak (ḍacīf), and details about the narrators of ḥadīth and
about the text (matn) of ḥadīth.

4. The repeater: (al-Mustamlī or the assistant dictator).

Due to the large numbers of students, repeaters were employed, where each one
repeated the ḥadīths narrated by the ḥadīth scholar so that it was audible to
students sitting at a distance.

5. The ḥadīths must be learned directly from the ḥadīth scholar:

Some ḥadīth students insisted that the only authentic way of collecting ḥadīths
was that the ḥadīths must be taken directly from their ḥadīth scholar.

29
6. Two sessions a week:

Some ḥadīth scholars used to hold two ḥadīth dictation sessions a week: one day
for dictating the ḥadīths to their students, and another day for only reading and
discussing the ḥadīths.

7. State-led support:

Governors in different parts of the Muslim state supported ḥadīth dictation

sessions and urged people to attend them, such as al-Manṣūr (d. 766), Hārūn al-
Rashīd (d. 809), al-Ma’mūn (d. 817) (al-Samcani 1985, 1:162-165).

Although there was a considerable amount of interest in attending ḥadīth dictation

sessions during this period, few ḥadīth books based on the ḥadīth dictation sessions
are extant. Indeed, the only books we have from the 3rd/9th century are the al-Āmālī
fi Athar al-Ṣaḥābaḥ of cAbd al-Razzāq b. Hammām al-Ṣancani (d. 835), the al-Āmālī
of Aḥmad b. Ibrahīm b. Sulaimān al-cAssal (d. 895), and the al-Āmālī of
Muḥammad b. Sulaimān al-Baghandi(1) (d. 896) (al-Dhahabi 1992, 6:16; al-Khāṭib
al-Baghdādi 1997, 1:270; al-Ṣafadi 1962, 2:41).

There are a number of reasons as to why there is such a lack of books

resulting from the hadīth dictation sessions ofthe second and third centuries: firstly,
they were written in what is known as the age of authorship, a period that produced
the most important collections in the history of Islam. Such books as the
ṣaḥiḥcollections of al-Bukhāri and Muslim, the musnads and major dictionaries all
found their way into dictation assemblies. These became relied upon as the
authoritative books of scholars for generations.

2.4.3. Stagnation of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions

This phase marks the decline in interest among both ḥadīth scholars and ḥadīth
students. It seems that the 10th/16th century, that is, after the death of Jalal al-Dīn al-
Ṣuyūṭi (d. 911/1505), marks the end of ḥadīth dictation sessions as a robust

30
academic activity,thus ending the phase which had begun from the end of the 5th/11th
century or beginning of the 6th/12th century.

Among the major ḥadīth scholars who held ḥadīth dictation sessions during the
stagnation phase are: Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad al-Baghdādi (d. 1135), al-Farawi,
Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl (d. 1109), al-Daqqāq, Abu cAbd Allāh
Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Waḥid (d. 1122), Hibat Allah b. MuḥammadcAbd al-Waḥḥāb
al-Baghdādi (d. 1130), cAbd al-Ghāfir b. Ismācīl b. cAbd al-Ghāfir (d. 1134), Abu
Ḥamid al-Shujāci Aḥmad b. Muḥammad (d. 1139), Abu al-Qāsim al-Tamimi, Ismācīl
b. Muḥammad (d. 1140), Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Bāqi b. Muḥammad (d. 1140),
Ismācīl b. Aḥmad b. cUmar al-Ashcath (d. 1141), Ibn Fakhir al-Aṣbahāni, Mucammar
b. cAbd al-Wāḥid (d. 1151), Abu al-Qāsim b. cAsakir, cAli b. al-Ḥasan (d. 1175),
Abu Ṭālib Muḥammad b. cAli al-Kattani (d. 1183), cAbd al-Laṭīf b. Muḥammad b.
c
Abd al-Laṭīf al-Aṣbahāni (d. 1184), Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr b. cUmar al- Aṣbahāni
(d. 1184), Abu cAmr cUthmān b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Kurdi, known as Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ
(d. 577/1181). Among late ḥadīth scholars who held ḥadīth dictation sessions are,
for example, al-Murtaẓa al-Zubaidi (d./1204179) who held about 400 ḥadīth
dictation sessions (al-Kittani 1982, 1:530), and Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. al-Ṣiddīq
al-Ghamari (d. 1960) who held ḥadīth dictation sessions in al-Kakhya mosque and
al-Ḥussain mosque in Cairo (Altalidi 1995, 210).

In the view of al-Ṣuyūṭi (d. 1505) (1994, 2:132), ḥadīth dictation sessions came to an
end after the death of al-Kurdi Ibn al-Ṣalaḥin 1181. I believe this is inaccurate, for
the following reasons:

(i) Abu al-Faḍl Zain al-Dīn cAbd al-Raḥim al-cIraqi (d. 1403) held more
than 400 ḥadīth dictation sessions (kharraja). This means, he chose
some ḥadīths, the forty ḥadīths of al-Nawawi and dictated the
mustakhraj on the mustadrak of al-Ḥākim.
(ii) It would have been more accurate if al-Ṣuyūṭi had stated something
like ‘this is true so far as I am aware’; in other words, implicitly
telling his readers that he might not have been accurate and that there

31
 might have been ḥadīth dictation sessions being held elsewhere in
some other parts of the Muslim world.
(iii) Due to a lack of good communication and transport facilities as well
as the political disintegration and weakness of the Muslim state, I
believe it was subjective for al-Suyuti to make an unverified claim
like this.
(iv) I have found some names of ḥadīth scholars who held ḥadīth
dictation sessions after the death of Abu cAmru cUthmān al-Kurdi Ibn
al-Ṣalaḥ, such as: JĀmālī al-Dīn Yusūf al-Mazzi (d. 1341), Aḥmad b.
Abu al-Faḍl Zain al-Dīn cAbd al-Raḥim al-cIraqi (d. 1403), Abu cAbd
Allāh Muḥammad b. Abi Bakr known as Ibn Naṣir al-Dīn (d.
c
752/1351), Taqiy al-Dīn Abu al-Faḍl Abd al-Raḥmān al-
Qalqashandi (d. 851/1447), Aḥmad b. cAli b. Ḥajar al-cAsqalāni (d.
852/1448) who held ḥadīth dictation sessions in Damascus, al-Sham
and Cairo, and Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sakhawi (d.
902/1496) who held ḥadīth dictation sessions in Makkah and Cairo.

I would also like to point out that al-Ṣuyūṭi’s (d. 1505) (1994, 2:139) claim that he
was the first one to revive the ḥadīth dictation sessions after the death of Ibn Ḥajar
al-cAsqalāni in 1448, I believe, is an inaccurate claim, for the following reasons:

(i) al-Sakhawi (d. 902/1496) held ḥadīth dictation sessions on the 10th of
Jamadi al-Ula of 864/1459, while al-Ṣuyūṭi held his ḥadīth dictation sessions
during the beginning of 872 as he himself has claimed (ibid:132).

(ii) In the month of Dhi al-Qacdah of 871, al-Sakhawi received a letter from
the well-known ḥadīth scholar al-Ṣanbaṭi (d. 891) urging him to hold ḥadīth
dictation sessions as soon as possible, due to the pressing needs for this
activity in Makkah.

(iii) Ibn al-Shuḥannah al-Saghīrah Abu al-Faḍl Muḥammad b. Muḥammad

al-Ḥalabi (d. 1485) held ḥadīth dictation sessions in al-Mu’aiyidi school and
Mosque in Damascus, Syria 70 sessions, starting from the month of Dhi al-
Qacdah of 871 until his last session on Sunday in the month of Dhi al-Qacdah
of 1472 (manuscript no. 26/1, 119 leaves, Istanbul, Milit library).

32
2.4.3.1. Features of the Stagnation Phase of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions
The most characteristic features of the stagnation phase of ḥadīth dictation sessions
are:

1. Lack of interest:

There was lukewarm interest among both ḥadīth scholars and ḥadīth students. I
believe this was due to a number of factors such as:

(i)The spread, during this period, of Muctazili and Shici theological views
during the rule of the Buwayhids after the 6th/12th century onwards and
Fatimids after the 6th/12th century onwards in North Africa and some parts of
Sham region where anti-Sunni rulers practised a systematic politico-religious
policy of undermining the Sunni-led ḥadīth dictation sessions and Sunni
theological views. In this period, the ḥadith scholars were involved in
polemics with the Mu'tazilis as well as with the Shi’ites, and this led to less
attention being paid to dictation.

(ii) The crusade campaigns against the Muslim states during the early 6th/12th
century led the majority of ḥadīth scholars and ḥadīth students to become
preoccupied with defending their land against the Crusaders’ invasion. For
more detail, see Abn Kthir (1990) and Norman Stillman (1998).

2.5. The Significance of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions

Among the benefits of ḥadīth dictation sessions are:

(i) Ḥadīth dictation sessions played a significant role in the development of

ḥadīth studies throughout the centuries.
(ii) These sessions provided a primary but rich and varied material which
was of great significance to ḥadīth scholars and ḥadīth students in the
past, in terms of the ḥadīth text (matn) and its chain of authorities.

33
(iii) This material is still of great value to modern ḥadīth scholars, in general,
and to comparative-contrastive ḥadīth studies.
(iv) It marks the beginning of a well-structured scholarly activity that aims to
preserve Muḥammad’s biography (al-sīrah) and his stanDārd practice
(al-Sunnah).
(v) Ḥadīth dictation sessions have given us an insight into the recording of
the stanDārd practice of Muḥammad, as well as an insight into the
recording of ḥadīths in the formative and growth phases.
(vi) The ḥadīth material collected during the ḥadīth dictation sessions are well
selected by the ḥadīth scholar al-Mumli; thus, I would argue that the
ḥadīths he dictates can be regarded as sound or acceptable, since he used
to pay special attention to their selection.
(vii) The well-selected ḥadīths that are dictated and discussed in the ḥadīth
dictation sessions have become vital research sources to students of
ḥadīth in particular, and to students of Islamic studies in general.
(viii) The ḥadīth books that have come out of the ḥadīth dictation sessions can
be considered the best sources in the interpretation of ḥadīth (takhrīj al-
ḥadīth) and in narration.
(ix) Ḥadīth dictation sessions represent the ideal method of preserving the
narration link (ittiṣāl al-sanad) between the ḥadīth scholar and the ḥadīth
student, which is a major requirement in Islamic studies.
(x) Ḥadīth dictation sessions have made a vital contribution to the
development of human knowledge in general, and to Islamic religious
education, in particular.
(xi) Ḥadīth dictation sessions were tutorial-based. Thus, thanks to the method
of extensive dictation, discussion, and consultation with the teacher, a
new pedagogical approach in teaching and learning evolved.
(xii) Ḥadīth dictation sessions provided a good scholarly tool to eliminate al-
ṣaqṭ, the absence of a narrator at any given point in the chain of
narration, and the text of ḥadīth ( al-Ṣaqaṭ Fi al-Sanad).
(xiii) In addition, they provided a tool in differentiating between old and new
narrations.

34
 (xiv) They provided good scholarly insight into the abrogating and abrogated
ḥadīths.
(xv) In addition, they offered insight by pinpointing the unauthentic names
(al-muhmal) of ḥadīth narrators when similar narrator names were
encountered. Ḥadīth scholars pointed out to their students the authentic
names of ḥadīth narrators.
(xvi) Through ḥadīth dictation sessions, any unknown names of narrators in
the text and in the chain of authorities of the ḥadīth were marked and
eliminated.
(xvii) Such sessions provided scholarly insight into how to eliminate additions
to the text (matn) of the ḥadīth.
(xviii) They provided detailed comments about the semantic ambiguity (gharīb)
of ḥadīth expressions.
(xix) Thanks to the ḥadīth dictation sessions, specific procedures were set up
to eliminate strange narrations (gharīb al-sanad).
(xx) During the ḥadīth dictation sessions, unknown causes (cilal) of ḥadīth
were explained.

2.6. Methods of Ḥadīth Dictation (ṭara’iq al-imlā’)

There were three major methods that were adopted by ḥadīth scholars in the
dictation of ḥadīth to their students: (i) dictation from memory, (ii) dictation from a
book, and (iii) dictation from both memory and a book. These methods are discussed
below:

2.6.1. Dictation from Memory

This was the most common method of ḥadīth dictation among ḥadīth scholars, who
were well-known for their sharp memory and their skill in memorising both the
Qur’ān and the two canonical books of ḥadīth, Sahih Muslim and Sahih Bukhāri.
This method was also common during the early centuries of ḥadīth dictation,
namely, the 2nd/8th, 3rd/9th and beginning of 4th/10th centuries when the chain of
narrations was not long; in other words, it included only three or four names of
narrators that were not difficult to remember and put them in the right order.

35
However, some ḥadīth students did not favour this method, due to the fact that a
ḥadīth scholar might at times lack concentration or his memory might fail him,
which would lead him to dictate an inaccurate chain of narration (isnād) or confuse
one ḥadīth with another. This method was therefore abandoned during the 4th/10th
and 5th/11th centuries (al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:136). Among the ḥadīth scholars who had
adopted this method were: 1. Macmar b. Rashid al-Azadi (d. 770) (Ibn cUdai 1988,
1988, 4:107; al-Dhahabi 1995, 1:235), 2. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Maḥdi (d. 813) (al-
Baghdādi 1997, 10:247; al-Dhahabi 1995, 1:33), 3. Isḥāq b. Ibrāhīm al- Ḥanẓali (d.
869) (Ibn Ḥajar 1907, 1:218; al-Khaṭīb 1997, 6:354).

However, it is worthwhile noting that some of the ḥadīth scholars also used to read
their book(s) before their sessions of ḥadīth dictation; that is, before teaching their
students, so that they provided accurate ḥadīth details (al-Khaṭīb 1989:164), Ibn
Sacad 1983, 7:2).

2.6.2. Dictation from a Book

This method was favoured by both ḥadīth scholars and students in order to achieve
accuracy in ḥadīth narration. For instance, the ḥadīth student Yaḥyā b. Macin (d.
847) refused to write down ḥadīths from his teacher cAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣancāni (d.
826) (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:655). Similarly, Ibn Ḥanbal (d. 855) always used to dictate
ḥadīths through reading them from a book, as we are told by his student and friend
c
Ali b. al-Madini and by his son cAbd Allāh (ibid:666; al-Aṣbahāni 1989, 9:165; al-
Khaṭīb 1989, 14:11).

2.6.3. Dictation from Both Memory and a Book

This method, which combined the other two methods, was considered the best
method of ḥadīth dictation. It was adopted by Sufyān al-Thawri and al-Ṣuyūṭi.
Sufyān used to dictate ḥadīths from memory but also used to refer to a ḥadīth book,
although only when he was not sure about the ḥadīth text (matn) or its chain of
narration (isnād) (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:667). We are also informed by cAffān b.
Muslim (d. 831) that the ḥadīth scholar Abu cAwānah Waẓẓaḥ al-Yashkuri also used

36
to adopt the method of dictating ḥadīths from both memory and a book, especially
with regard to long ḥadīths (Ibn Sacad 1983, 7:20).

There were some ḥadīth scholars, such as al-Ṣuyūṭi, who would select particular
ḥadīths and write them down in a booklet. This group of scholars used to dictate
ḥadīths from memory but after they had finished, they compared the ḥadīths which
were dictated with the same ḥadīths written in their booklets, in order to achieve
maximum accuracy (al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:139). This method was widely used during
al-Ṣuyūṭi’s lifetime and afterwards.

Methods of Ḥadīth Dictation

dictation from a book

dictation from memory dictation from both memory and a book

Figure 1The three major methods of ḥadīth dictation

2.7. Dictation in Ḥadīth Learning

It is important to discuss the position of dictation in the process of ḥadīth learning

(taḥammul al-ḥadīth). The learning of ḥadīth means the acquisition of ḥadīth from a
ḥadīth scholar. There are several methods of ḥadīth learning which will be discussed
below (see section 1.7.3). It is also important to discuss what position the dictation
of ḥadīth holds among the eight methods of ḥadīth learning.

2.7.1. Position of Dictation in Ḥadīth Learning

Sharaf al-Qudat (2003:36) refers to two expressions: al-taḥammul (learning) and al-
ada (teaching), and explains that the expression al-taḥammul is related to the
meaning of ‘something valuable being carried by someone’; in other words, the
37
ḥadīth is something valuable and the ḥadīth student is entrusted to carry this as
anamānah (trust). I have also noticed that, in the literature, I often find the method
of dictation employed in both learning and teaching.

Dictation, however, has always been interrelated with the learning process of
ḥadīth simply because there can be no teaching of ḥadīth without the willingness to
learn on the part of ḥadīth students, and there will be no learning on the part of
ḥadīth students without listening to their teacher. The method of dictation can thus
be claimed to be the best method of ḥadīth learning and some students used to study
with more than one ḥadīth scholar to achieve accuracy in both text and narration (al-
matn wal-isnād). For Ibn Ḥajar al-cAsqalāni, the method of dictation occupies the
highest position in the learning and teaching of ḥadīth (Ibn Ḥajar 2000, 79). Among
the reasons that place the method of dictation of ḥadīthabove others are:

(i) The teacher who follows the method of dictation is more careful and
accurate because he is aware that his students are being dictated to by
him (Ibn cUthaimin 2002:331). However, the teacher who gives a talk,
for instance, does not pay much attention to the accuracy of details in
terms of text and narration, and thus he may drop some names from the
chain of narration (tadlīs), or add a word or two, unintentionally, to the
text of the ḥadīth.
(ii) The teacher who dictates may adopt the method of dictation from a book
or from both memory and a book which makes his teaching of ḥadīth
more accurate because he refers to a booklet when in doubt, and also at
the end of the session, he compares the ḥadīths dictated with the ḥadīths
written in his booklet, as al-Ṣuyūṭi(1994, 2:239) used to do.
(iii) The teacher becomes well prepared before his dictation session starts, by
reading ḥadīth books and learning the ḥadīths he has selected. Thus,
through the method of dictation, errors in text and narration are
eliminated.
(iv) Through the ḥadīth dictation method, the student is always in direct
contact with his teacher where direct supervision to the student can be
provided. In other words, there is no gap and no intermediary in learning
between the student and his teacher (Ibn cUthaimin 2002:331).

38
 (v) In the view of Ibn Ḥajar(2000, p 47) the expressions used in ḥadīth narration
such as samictu (I heard) and ḥaddathani (X told me) are the most reliable
expressions in the sound narration of ḥadīth Ibn Ḥajar (2000, p 47). These
expressions can be available in the narration of ḥadīths that have been
learned through the method of dictation. However, these expressions can also
be found in the narration of ḥadīths that have been collected by a student
through meeting a ḥadīth scholar in a place such as a mosque or a market, or
when a student accompanies a scholar on a journey. Thus, these two
expressions do not involve an intermediary in the narration of a ḥadīth. They
indicate a sound narration of ḥadīth. The occurrence of the expression can
(on the authority of) indicates the existence of an intermediary; that is, there
was no direct link between the original narrator of ḥadīth and the student.

2.7.2. Conditions of Ḥadīth Learning

There is some disagreement among scholars about the age from which a person can
attend ḥadīth dictation sessions. Most scholars agree that mental maturity (tamyīz) is
the major criterion for an individual to attend ḥadīth dictation sessions. For scholars,
mental maturity cannot be decided by a specific age, but can be the age by which a
person can distinguish between ‘a cow and a donkey’, no matter how young the
person is, even if he is five years old (Shakir 1995:100). Although some scholars
mention the age of five, it is important to note that individuals are different in terms
of mental maturity and memorisation. Sufyān and Wakic, for instance, were very
young when they were attending ḥadīth dictation sessions (Shakir 1995:100). For
Ibn Kathīr (Shakir 1995:100), any person who attends ḥadīth dictation sessions is
regarded as only attending, not learning the ḥadīth. However, the majority of
scholars claim that a young person who has not reached puberty can be mentally
mature and attend ḥadīth dictation sessions. Other scholars argue that mental
maturity starts at the age of twenty, while still others mention the age of thirty
(Shakir 1995:100).

It is worth noting that faith is not a criterion in the learning of ḥadīth or attending
ḥadīth learning sessions. In other words, a non-Muslim is allowed to attend ḥadīth
learning sessions. However, the narration of any ḥadīth by a non-Muslim can be

39
accepted only after he accepts Islam. Also, the teaching of ḥadīth must be practised
by a Muslim teacher only (al-Qudat 2003:36).

2.7.3. Methods of Ḥadīth Learning

There are eight methods of ḥadīth learning. Each method of learning has its own
specific expression(s) used by the student and usually placed before the text (matn)
of the ḥadīth. These methods are discussed below, in order of priority:

(i) Listening (al-samāc): This is the major method of ḥadīth narration and is the
method which was adopted by all the companions (al-Qudat 2003:37). It also refers
to ḥadīth dictation (cAiyad 1970:69). In this method, the ḥadīth scholar narrates to
his students while they listen to him and write down the narrated ḥadīths. This
applies to whether the teacher narrates; that is, dictates, from memory or from his
booklet. It also applies to whether the student only listens to his teacher and learns
the ḥadīth by heart or writes down the ḥadīth.

The expressions used in this method are samictu (I heard), ḥaddathana (X told us),
and ḥaddathani (X told me).

(ii) Reading to the teacher (al-carẓ or al-qira’ah): The student reads the ḥadīths to
his teacher orally or from a booklet he has made. In the view of al-Bukhāri,
narration from this method of ḥadīth learning is acceptable (Ibn cAbd al-Birr 1992,
2:304; Ibn Ḥajar 1959, 1:137-138). However, for Iraqi ḥadīth scholars, this method
of ḥadīth learning is unacceptable: the student cannot be a qualified ḥadīth scholar.
Nonetheless, I believe that reading ḥadīths to the teacher is as good as listening to
ḥadīths from the teacher, and Shakir (1995:103) has a similar point of view to mine.
The expressions used in this method are akhbarana (X informed us) and qara’tu
c
ala fulan (I read to X).

(iii) Licence (al-ijāzah): The ḥadīth teacher gives his permission to a ḥadīth student
to narrate ḥadīths on his behalf. This applies to the narration of ḥadīth orally or in a
booklet (al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:214). The main reason for adopting this method of

40
ḥadīth learning was due to the fact that a ḥadīth scholar did not have the time to
listen to so many students reading the ḥadīths to him or revising their booklets (al-
Qudat 2003:39). Instead, the ḥadīth scholar used to give his licence to reliable good
students to narrate ḥadīths or to write a ḥadīth booklet (Shakir 1995:110). Set
expressions were used in this method. Among them were anba’ana (X informed us)
and ajazani fulan (X gave me the licence).

(iv) Handing over (al-munāwalah): This means the ḥadīth scholar hands over to his
student some of the ḥadīths that he knows either in writing or by just narrating them
to him. Then the ḥadīth scholar gives a licence to the student allowing him to narrate
these ḥadīths or read them to people (al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:285). This form of handing
over of ḥadīths with a licence is an acceptable method of ḥadīth learning to the
majority of early scholars such as Imām Mālik, al-Ḥāfiẓ al-Ḥakīm and Ibn Kathīr,
who consider this method of ḥadīth learning as equivalent to the method of listening
(al-samāc) (Shakir 1995:113). For other al-samāc scholars, this method of ḥadīth
learning is the best method of licence (al-ijāzah) (al-Qudat 2003:38). It should also
be noted that this method of ḥadīth learning is better than the method of writing (al-
mukātabah) without licence (al-Qudat 2003:38). The expressions used in this
method are anba’ana (X informed us) and nāwalani fulan (X handing over me).

(v) Writing (al-mukātabah): This means the ḥadīth scholar either writes down some
ḥadīths himself or asks a student to write them down for him. There are two types:

(a) writing without a licence (mukātabah mujarradah can al-ijāzah), which does not
allow the student to narrate any of the ḥadīths written down. This was an acceptable
method of ḥadīth learning to many early and late ḥadīth scholars.

(b) writing with a licence (mukātabah maqrunah bil-ijāzah) which allows the
student to narrate any of the ḥadīths written down (al-Sakhawi 1992, 13:284-303; al-
Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:44; Ibn Ḥajar 1959, 13:138).

For Shakir (1995:115), the method of writing (al-mukātabah) does not have to be
with a licence but it is better if it is. Additionally, he claims that (a) the method of
41
writing with and without a licence is better than the method of handing over (al-
munāwalah) with a licence, and that (b) the method of writing with a licence is
better and more reliable than the method of listening (al-samāc) Shakir (1995:115).
The expressions used in this method are kataba ilaiyah fulān (X wrote to me) and
akhbarani fulān (X informed me).

(vi) Informing (al-iclām): This means the ḥadīth scholar informs the student that a
particular ḥadīth is narrated by him or that the scholar has listened to a book without
giving a licence to the student to narrate the ḥadīth (cAiyad 1970:108). The
expression used in this method is aclamani fulān (X informed me).

(vii) Making a bequest (al-waṣiyyah): This means that a ḥadīth scholar on his death
bed gives his authorisation to a student to write down a ḥadīth book and gives him
the license to narrate or read the ḥadīths (al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:60). For Shakir (1995:
116)this method of ḥadīth learning is licensed and is therefore acceptable and is
much better than the method of licensing (al-ijāzah).

The expression used in this method is awṣa ilaiyah fulān (X authorised me / made a
bequest to me / gave me a licence).

(viii) Finding (al-wajādah): This means that someone finds a ḥadīth with its full
chain of narration (isnād) or finds a book of ḥadīth written by someone and the
ḥadīths are narrated by the same person. For Ibn Kathīr, this method allows the
person who finds such ḥadīths to narrate them. This case applies to the ḥadīth book
by Imām Aḥmad which was found by his son cAbd Allāh (Shakir 1995:117). The
expression used in this method is wajadtu bikhaṭṭi fulān (I found ḥadīth written
down by X).

42
Methods of Ḥadīth Expressions Used in Each Method
Learning

listening (al-samāc) samictu (I heard), ḥaddathana (X told us), and

ḥaddathani (X told me)

reading to the teacher akhbarana (X informed us), qara’tu cala fulān (I read

(al-carẓor al-qirā’ah) to X)

license (al-ijāzah) anba’ana ( informed us) and ajazani fulān (X gave

me the licence)

handing over anba’ana (X informed us) and nāwalani fulān (X

(al-munāwalah) handing over me )

writing (al-mukātabah) kataba ilaiyah fulān (X wrote to me) and akhbarani

fulān (X informed me)

informing (al-iclām) c
alamani fulān (X informed me)

making a bequest awṣā ilaiyah fulān (X authorised me / made a bequest

(al-waṣiyyah) to me / gave me a licence)

finding (al-wajādah) wajadtu bikhaṭṭi fulān (I found ḥadīth written down

by X)

Table 1Methods of ḥadīth learning and the expressions used in each method

2.7.3.1. The “Best Method of Ḥadīth Learning”

Ḥadīth scholars have different opinions as to which method of learning ḥadīths is
bests. Some believe that listening (al-samāc) and reading to the teacher (al-carẓor al-
qirā’ah) are the best methods of ḥadīth learning. However, scholars have different
opinions with regard to which of these two methods is better, and there are three
major points of view:

43
(i) Reading to the teacher is a better method of ḥadīth learning than listening
(taqdīm al-qirā’ah): This view is held by Imām Abu Ḥanifah and Ibn Abi
Dhi’b (al-Khaṭīb 1989:310-314; al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:14; al-Sakhawi 1992,
2:147).
(ii) Both reading to the teacher and listening are equally good (al-musāwat
bainahuma): This is the view of Imām Mālik and his students as well as
the majority of scholars in Ḥijaz and Kūfah (al-Suyuti 1994, 2:14; al-
Sakhawi 1992, 2:147; al-Ramaharmazi 1984:420; Ibn Ḥajar 1959,
1:150).
(iii) Listening is a better method of ḥadīth learning than reading to the teacher
(taqdīm al-samāc): This is the view of scholars from the eastern regions
of the Muslim Empire and those of Khurasān (al-Khaṭīb 1989:307-309;
al-Samcani 1995, 1:122-134; Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ 1986:142; al-cIraqi 2008:186;
al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:14; al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:147; cAiyad 1970:73). Among
the scholars who support this view are Aḥmad b. cAli b. Thābit al-Khāṭib
al-Baghdādi (d. 1070), Abu Sacad cAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad al-
Samcāni (d. 1166), and Abu cAmru b. al- Ṣalaḥ (d. 1244) (Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ
1986:142). Other ḥadīth scholars who supported this view are Muḥyi al-
Dīn al-Nawawi (al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:15), Abu al-Faḍl Zain al-Dīn cAbd al-
Raḥim b. al-Ḥusain al-cIraqi (d. 1403) (al-cIraqi 2008:186), Jalal al-Dīn
al-Ṣuyūṭi (d. 1505) (al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:15), Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad
b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sakhawi (d. 1496) (al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:147). For
al-Samcani (1995, 1: 122-134), the method of ḥadīth dictation; that is,
listening to the teacher, is the most acceptable one because the ḥadīth text
and narration (matn wa isnād al-ḥadīth) are free from corruption.
Similarly, for al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:55), the ḥadīth dictation sessions are the
best means of learning ḥadīth and the best way of narrating the ḥadīth
(riwāyāt al-ḥadīth).

44
Which Method of Ḥadīth Learning is Best?

both reading to the teacher Listening

reading to the teacher
and listening

Figure 2 the best method of ḥadīth learning

45
 3. Chapter Two

ḤadīthDictation Sessions in Printed and

Manuscript Forms

3.1. Introduction

This chapter investigates the ḥadīth dictation sessions in book form and those that
are still preserved in international libraries in manuscript form. It also deals with
loneḥadīth dictation session manuscripts which are referred to in Arabic as makhṭ
uṭat farīdah, and the data collected on the lone manuscripts through using a
number of different research methods. The reader is also given a list of the
ḥadīthdictation session manuscripts which have more than one copy. In addition,
the chapter sheds light on the danger encountering these valuable sources of ḥadīth.
How seriously theĀmālī manuscripts have been affected by theft, exposure to light,
dust and dampness is also discussed. The chapter provides information on the threat
facing the storage and preservation of manuscripts in international libraries and
how manuscripts in some libraries are stored on microfiche.

3.2. Major Threats to Manuscripts

Manuscripts represent the intellectual heritage of the nation. Because of their

intellectual and historical value and the material they are made of, manuscripts are
vulnerable to theft, loss and damage. Damage to a manuscript can be either from the
dampness of the place it is stored in, or from fire, dust, too much sunlight, or, most
seriously, insects. However, with the technological advancement, the preservation of
manuscripts is easier nowadays. Today, manuscripts can be stored in the form of
microfilms or microfiche.

46
The greatest threat to the Islamic heritage of manuscripts was the burning of Islamic
libraries which included rare and valuable manuscripts in Andalus (Spain and
Portugal) after the collapse of the Muslim Empire in the 16th century. More than
three million manuscripts were burnt in public squares and continued burning for
several days. Those salvaged were minimal and are no more than 300,000
manuscripts which are now kept in the Escorial Library in Spain. Despite this, they
have been neglected for too long and have been poorly stored in corridors in open
carton boxes. Thus, they have been seriously affected by exposure to light, dust and
dampness, so two years ago these manuscripts were reproduced on microfiche ago
and are kept in the Dār al-Kutub al-Maṣriyyah Library in Cairo, the Alexandria
Library for Manuscripts, The Islamic University Library in Madinah, Saudi Arabia,
and the Istanbul Library.
Another major threat to rare manuscripts is theft. I was informed by someone
that he found a rare manuscript on sale. He said that he bought it and then returned it
to the same library from which it had been stolen. A few months later, he saw some
more manuscripts on sale. One of them was the same manuscript he had just bought
and returned to the library.

3.3. Importance of the Present Discussion

The manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions represent the cream of ḥadīth studies,
since such sessions are the core of ḥadīth literature which was dictated by top ḥadīth
scholars to dedicated ḥadīth students. The study of manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation
sessions which are in printed or manuscript form will demonstrate the huge
difference between the manuscripts that are still available and those which are in
printed form. The study of ḥadīth dictation sessions which are in either printed or
manuscript form, are of great importance to:
(i) researchers who are interested in the study of Arabic manuscripts, in general, and
ḥadīth manuscripts, in particular,
(ii) researchers who are interested in editing and publishing such manuscripts, and
(iii) postgraduate research students who are interested in this field of research.

47
Ḥadīth dictation sessions are a major source for the stanDārd practice of Muḥammad
(Sunnah). They also represent the selfless teaching effort by ḥadīth scholars over so
many past centuries. However, what we have today of available ḥadīth literature in
either published or manuscript form is very little compared to the long history of
ḥadīth dictation sessions over the centuries and the very large number of ḥadīth
dictation sessions which were given by ḥadīth scholars for several centuries in
different Muslim countries. I believe it is impossible to collect all the manuscripts
written by ḥadīth scholars and their students since the beginning of ḥadīth dictation
sessions in the second century. My claim is verified by the fact that what is available
of ḥadīth literature in manuscript or published forms in today's libraries is very little
compared to what has been lost or damaged over the centuries.
It is also worth noting that what is available of ḥadīth dictation sessions in
printed form is also very little compared to what is still available in manuscript form
in many international and private libraries. Based on my visits to many international
and private libraries, I can claim that there are several manuscripts on ḥadīth
dictation sessions which are waiting to be investigated and brought to light in printed
form to readers interested in ḥadīth studies.

3.4. al-Khazānah al-Shawishiyyah(Personal Libraries).

Personal libraries have played a major role in the preservation of rare

manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions and have provided a magnificent service to
researchers. Owners of such libraries have also exerted selfless efforts in the
preservation, maintainenance, historical arrangement, indexing, and transporting of
ḥadīth manuscripts. A unique example is the al-Khazānah al-Shawishiyyah in the al-
Maidān area in central Damascus. The owner of this library was a ḥadīth scholar
called Zuhair al-Shawish who had a tremendous interest in collecting rare ḥadīth
manuscripts. In 1949, Zuhair al-Shawish started the collection of ḥadīth manuscripts
from different sources. He used to buy them from those of his ḥadīth scholars who
kept rareones. Ḥadīth manuscripts used to become part of the inheritance of the
family members after the scholar had passed away, and the inheritance of ḥadīth
manuscripts could continue in the inheritance chain for several generations. It used
48
to be divided among the wife, sons, daughters, grandsons, and grandaughters of the
ḥadīth scholar. However, due to lack of space at home, the danger of bookworms,
mice and insects, lack of care, lack of sunlight, accumulated dust, and most
importantly, the need for cash, people sold their personal library manuscripts.
Referring to the endless and delicate effort required to look after such
manuscripts, Zuhair al-Shawish spoke of the problems which personal library owners
face and the endless hours he spent in the preservation of his manuscript personal
library. He mentioned the use of powder chemicals to fight bookworms, insects and
mice, but also spoke about the health hazards and infections caused by such powder
chemicals, such as different chest infections. He referred to his wife and children
who take care of the family's manuscript library and who believe that these
manuscripts are part of the heritage of the Muslim nation. However, after he moved
home to Beirut, he divided his personal manuscript library into two parts. He kept
some of his personal library with him in Beirut while the rest of it was sent to his
daughter in Amman (Rashid 2011:12).
It is interesting to note that the al-Khazānah al-Shawishiyyah of Zuhair al-
Shawish has provided an invaluable service to researchers in ḥadīth studies. This
personal library receives a large number of visitors, including MA and PhD students,
and specialist research centres have also benefited from it.
This personal library is characterised by its rare ḥadīth manuscripts, some of
which date back to the 7th/13th century, and include Ottoman decorations, the Awqāf
documents of the two Holy mosques in Makkah and Madinah, and the manuscript
Bilād al-cArab (The Arab land) of al-Aṣfahāni (d. 310 /922) which was copied
during the 12th/18th century. This manuscript was sent by Zuhair al-Shawish to the
ḥadīth scholar Ḥamād al-Jasir for editing. The latter managed to edit it in 1968 with
another ḥadīth scholar called Ṣaliḥ al-cAli and was it published by Dār al-Yamāmah
in Riyadh in 1968 (Rashid 2011:22). According to Rashid b. Muḥammad b. cAsakir,
the al-Khazānah al-Shawishiyyah of Zuhair al-Shawish is classified as the personal
library with the largest collection of manuscripts in the Muslim world (Rashid
2011:19).

We can thus argue that personal libraries have played a major role in the preservation
of manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions and in the provision of valuable research

49
service to ḥadīth researchers. That said, we believe that there is an apathetic attitude
towards ḥadīth manuscripts. This can be attributed to two factors:
(i) Ignorance among people, including the educated, of the value of manuscripts in
general, and
(ii) The lack of effort among scholars to make people aware of the great value of
ḥadīth manuscripts. We believe that it is necessary to raise such awareness, through
the media.

3.5. Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions in Printed Form

Compared to the volume of ḥadīth dictation sessions over so many centuries,

there is a considerable gap between the number of that have been published of
manuscripts on these sessions and the number of the actual ḥadīth dictation sessions
that took place. In other words, there are many rare manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation
sessions that are still unpublished. It is worthwhile noting that ḥadīth dictation
sessions represent a valuable asset to ḥadīth studies such as the ḥadīth chain of
narration (isnād al-ḥadīth), the biography of ḥadīth scholars, the sound ḥadīths
attributed to reliable ḥadīth scholars, ḥadīth defects (cilal al-ḥadīth), and the odd
ḥadīths which are explained by ḥadīth dictation sessions.

3.5.1. Major Published Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions

Among the manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions that have been edited and
published are the following:

1. al-Āmālī fiAthar al-Ṣaḥabah of cAbd al-Razzaq b. Hamam b. Nafic al-Ṣancani (d.

220/844), edited by Majdi al-Saiyid Ibrāhīm and published in 1989 by Maktabat al-
Qur'an in Cairo (144 pages).

2. Āmālī al-Baghandiof Muḥammad b. Sulaiman b. al-Ḥārith al-Baghandi (d.

283/896), edited by Muḥammad Ziyad Taklah within a 19-volume ḥadīth series
called "Jamharāt al-Ajzā' al-ḥadīthiyyah" and published in 2001 by al-cUbaikan in
Riyadh.

50
3. Āmālī Abi Isḥaq of Ibrāhīm b. cAbd al-Ṣamad (d. 325/937), edited by cAbd al-
Raḥim b. Muḥammad al-Qashqari and published in 2001 by Dār al-Rushd in Riyadh
(84 pages).

4. Āmālī al-Maḥamli of al- Ḥusain b. Ismacil b. Muḥammad (d. 330/942). This is

edited by Ibrāhīm b. Ṭaha al-Qaisi as a PhD thesis in al-Imām University, Riyadh
(1986) and published in 1991 by al-Maktabah al-Islāmiyyah. This manuscript is
narrated by Ibn Yaḥya al-Baiyic. It is worth noting that there are other published parts
of this manuscript and that they are narrated by Abu cUmar cAbd al-Waḥid b. Maḥdi
al-Farsi.

5. Āmālī al-cAṭṭarof Muḥammad b. Mukhlid b. Ḥafs al-Khaṭīb (d. 331/943). This is

edited by Nabil Sacd al-Dīn Jarrar and published in 2001 by Dār al-Bashā’ir al-
Islāmiyyah in Beirut.

6. Āmālī Ibn al-Sammak of Abu cUmar cUthman b. Aḥmad b. cAbd cUbaid Allāh
al-Daqqāq (d. 344/955). This was published in 2004 by Dār al-Bashā’ir al-
Islāmiyyah in Beirut and was in the narration of Abu cAbd al-Raḥman al-Salami.
This manuscript was edited by Nabil Sacad al-Dīn jarrar.

7. Āmālī al-Miyanjiof Abu Bakr Yūsuf b. al-Qāsim b. Yūsuf b. Faris Ibn Suwar (d.
375/985)1. This is edited by BadriMuḥammad Fahad and is published in 2005 by Dār
Jarir lil-Nashr in Jordan.

1Abu Bakr Ibn Suwar was also nicknamed as al-Qaḍi, al-Ḥafiẓ, and al-Muḥaddith al-
Kabīr. His biography is found in al-Dhahabi 1992, 16:361, and in Ibn al-cImād
1988, 3:86.

51
8. Āmālī Niẓām al-Mālikof al-Wazir al-kabir Niẓām al-Mālik al-Ḥasan b. cAli (d.
485/1092). This is edited by Abu Isḥaq al-Ḥuwaini al-Athari and is published in
1993 by Maktabat al-cIlm in Saudi Arabia.

9. Āmālī al-Buḥairi of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Jacfar b. Nuḥ b. Buḥair al-Naisabūrī

(d. 375/987)2 It is worth noting that this is still in manuscript form and is a lone
manuscript in the Copreli Library in Turkey (525/10). This manuscript includes a
number of other manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions. However, the Āmālī al-
Buḥairi manuscript of Aḥmad b. Buḥair al-Naisabūrī goes from page 90A-92A.
Additionally, this manuscript is written in 623/1226, and I have managed to edit it
and it is now awaiting publication.

10. Āmālī Ibn Samcun al-Waciẓ of Muḥammad b. Ismacil al-Baghdādi (d. 386/998).
this manuscript is edited by cAmir Ṣabri and published in 2004 by Dār al-Bashā'ir in
Beirut.

11. Āmālī Abu Ṭāhir al-Mukhlis of Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Raḥman b. al-cAbbas

(d. 393/1003). This manuscript is edited by Ghalib b. Muḥammad al-Ḥamdi and is
published in 1998 by Dār al-waṭan in Riyadh. The same manuscript is also edited by
Muḥammad b. Naṣir al-cAjmi and is published in 2004 by Dār al-Bashā'ir al-
Islāmiyyah in Beirut (143 pages).

12. Āmālī Ibn Murdawaīh of Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Mūsa (d. 410/1019). This
manuscript is edited by Muḥammad Ziya' al-Raḥman al-Acẓami and published in
1990 by DārcUlum al-ḥadīth in the United Arab Emirates (366 pages).

2Aḥmad b. Buḥair al-Naisabūri is also nicknamed as al-Shaikh and al-Imām. His

biography is found in al-Dhahabi 1992, 16:366, and in Ibn al-cImād 1988, 3:84.
It is also worth noting that Abu cAbd Allah b. Muḥammad b. cAbd Allah b. al-
Baic was the repeater of Aḥmad b. Buḥair al-Naisabūri although Abu cAbd
Allah b. al-Baic was a well-known ḥadīth scholar (al-Dhahabi 1992, 16:366).

52
 c
13. Ḥadīth Ibn Mukhlid An Shiyukhih of Abu al-Ḥasan Muḥammad b.
Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Ibrahīm al-Baghdādi (d. 419/1028). In this manuscript,
al-Baghdādi narrates from his four ḥadīth scholars: al-Khaldi, Abu Bakr al-Najjār,
Abu Bakr al-Shafici, and Abu cAmru al-Daqqāq. It is edited by Nabīl Sacd al-Dīn
Jarrar and was published in 2001 by Dār al-Bashā'ir in Beirut. This manuscript is
published within a number of other manuscripts and goes from page 183 to page 250.

14. ĀmālīIbn Bushrānof cAbd al-Mālik b. Muḥammad b. cAbd Allah b. Bushrān(d.

430/1039). This manuscript falls into two volumes. Volume one (496 pages) is edited
by Abu cAbd al-Raḥmān cAdil b. Yūsuf al-cAzzazi and published in 1997 by Dār al-
Waṭan in Riyadh. Volume two (408 pages) of this manuscript is edited by Aḥmad b.
Sulaiman and published by Dār al-Waṭan in Riyadh.

15. Āmālī al-Ḥāfiẓ Abu Nacim of Aḥmad b. cAbd Allah al-Aṣbahāni (d. 430/1039).
This is edited by Sacid b. cUmar b. Ghāzi and published in 1984 by Dār al-Ḥadīth in
Beirut (80 pages).

16. Āmālī al-Qāḍi Abu Yuclaof Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusain b. Muḥammad b. al-Farra'

(d. 458/1066). This manuscript is edited by Muḥammad b. Naṣir al-cAjmi and
published in 2004 by Dār al-Bashā’ir al-Islāmiyyah in Beirut.

c c
17. Āmālīal-Daqqaqof Abu Abd Allah Muḥammad b. Abd al-Waḥid (d.
516/1122). This is edited by Ḥatam b. cArif al-cUni and published in 1997 by
Maktabat al-Rushd in Riyadh. This manuscript is published within a number of other
manuscripts and goes from page 303 to page 333.

18. ĀmālīIbn Fakhir al-Aṣbahāni of Macmar b. cAbd al-Waḥid b. Raja' al-Qurashi

(d. 546/1151). This manuscript is edited by Nabil Sacd al-Dīn Jarrar and is published
53
in 2001 by Dār al-Bashā’ir in Beirut. This manuscript is published within a number
of other manuscripts and goes from page 455 to page 481.

19. ĀmālīIbn Naṣir al-Dīn of al- Ḥāfiẓ Abu cAbd Allah Muḥammad b. Abu Bakr
known as Ibn Naṣir al-Dīn (d. 752/1351). Only the first ḥadīth dictation session of
this manuscript has been edited by cAbd Allah Mahmūd b. Muḥammad al- Ḥaddād
and it was published in 1987 by Dār al-cĀṣimah in Riyadh (78 pages).

20. ĀmālīAbu al-Qāsim b. cAsākir3 of cAli b. al-Ḥasan b. Hibat Allah al-Shāfici (d.
571/1175)4. This manuscript has several volumes, each one representing a ḥadīth
dictation session. Among such sessions that have been edited and published are the
following:

(i) The ḥadīth dictation session on dispraise of the person who does not act according
to what he/she preaches. This is edited by Muḥammad Muṭic al-Ḥāfiẓ and published
in 1978 by Dār al-Fikr in Damascus.

(ii) The ḥadīth dictation session on dispraise of accompanying the wrong-doers. This
is the 53rdḥadīth dictation session. This is edited by Muḥammad Muṭic al- Ḥāfiẓ and
published in 1978 by Dār al-Fikr in Damascus.

(iii) The ḥadīth dictation session on the virtues of Ramadhan. This manuscript is
edited by Abu cAbd Allah Mishcil b. Bani al-Jibrin al-Muṭairi and published in 2001
by Dār Ibn Ḥazm in Beirut. This manuscript is published within a group of other
manuscripts.

3Abu al-Qāsim b. cAsākir gave 408 ḥadīth dictation sessions (al-Dhahabi 1992,
20:652).
4cAli b. al-Ḥasan b. Hibat Allah al-Shāfici is also well-known for his book Tā'rīkh
Dimishq and his biography is given in Kitaā al-Mustafad min Dhail Tā'rīkh
Baghdād of al-Dumyaṭi (1988:186-189) and also in al-Dhahabi (1992, 20:554).

54
(iv) The ḥadīth dictation session on repentence. This is edited by Abu cAbd Allah
Mishcil b. Bani al-Jibrin al-Muṭairi and published in 2001 by Dār Ibn Ḥazm in
Beirut. This manuscript is published within a group of other manuscripts. This
manuscript has also been published by cAbd al-Razzaq b. Khalifah al-Shaiji in al-
Dhakha'ir Journal, volumes 17 (2003) and 18 (2004).

(v) The ḥadīth dictation session on the hypocritical person. This manuscript is the
127th volume within a group of 21 other manuscripts bearing the manuscript library
label 'General 3759' , with the index letter Qāf 261-276. This manuscript is edited by
Abu cAbd Allah Mishcil b. Bani al-Jibrin al-Muṭairi and published in 2001 by Dār
Ibn Ḥazm in Beirut. This manuscript is published within a group of other
manuscripts.

21. ĀmālīIbn Ḥajar of Taqiyyu al-Dīn Abu al-Faḍl cAbd al-Raḥman b. Aḥmad b.
c
Ali b. Ḥajar al-cAsqalāni (d. 852/1448)5. This is edited by Ḥammdi al-Salafi and
published in 1995 by al-Maktab al-Islāmi in Beirut.

22. al-Āmālī al-Ḥalabiyyah of Taqiyyu al-Dīn Abu al-Faḍl cAbd al-Raḥman b.

Aḥmad b. cAli b. Ḥajar al-cAsqalāni (d. 852/1448). This manuscript is edited by
c
Awwad Khalaf and published in 1995 by al-Riān in Beirut.

3.6. Lone Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts

The expression "lone manuscript" is referred to in Arabic as makhṭuṭah faridah. In

other words, there is no other copy of this manuscript in any personal or international
library. Thus, a lone manuscript can be classified as a rare manuscript. Most lone

5Ibn Ḥajar al-cAsqalāni used to hold his ḥadīth dictation sessions in Aleppo and a
number of his other ḥadīth dictation sessions in Cairo. In total, he held more
than 1100 ḥadīth dictation sessions.

55
ḥadīth dictation session manuscripts are the master copies that belonged to the ḥadīth
scholars themselves. Such manuscripts require preservationin special manuscript
cases and need to be maintained regularly to avoid damage.

3.6.1. Identification of the Lone Manuscript

There are two methods through which we can identify whether a manuscript is lone
or not. These methods are:

(i) A researcher who refers in his/her published work to a manuscript as "lone",

(ii) A manuscript index which refers to a manuscript as "lone". The major Arab
manuscript indexes are: al-Muntakhāb min Makhṭuṭāt al-Ḥadīth(1970) by
Muḥammad b. Naṣir al-Albani, al-Ẓāhirīyyah Majāmic(1983) by Yasin Muḥammad
al-Sawwas, al-cUmariyyah (1987) by Yasin Muḥammad al-Sawwas, al-Ḥadīth al-
Sharīf (2006) by Wizārat al-Thaqāfah in Syria, and al-Ḥadīth al-Nabawī al-Sharīf
(1991) by Mu'assasāt Āl al-Bait.

(iii) A researcher who through his/her field work in personal and international
libraries refers to a manuscript as "lone".

3.6.2. Data Collection on Lone Manuscripts

We have collected our data on lone manuscripts through a number of research
methods, including:

(i)visiting a number of international manuscript libraries in different countries, such

as Istanbul, Damascus, Cairo, Riyadh, Makkah and Madinah.

(ii) consulting manuscript sources, such as:

(a) al-Muntakhab min Makhṭuṭāt al-Ḥadīth(1970) by Muḥammad b. Naṣir al-Albani.

This is the index of the manuscripts in Dār al-Kutub al-Ẓāhirīyyah in Damascus.

(b) al-Ẓāhirīyyah Majāmic(1983) by Yasin Muḥammad al-Sawwas. This is the index

of the manuscripts in Dār al-Kutub al-Ẓāhirīyyah in Damascus.

(c) al-cUmariyyah (1987) by Yasin Muḥammad al-Sawwas. This is the index of the

56
manuscripts in al-Madrasah al-cUmariyyah in Dār al-Kutub al-Ẓāhirīyyah in
Damascus.

(d) al-Ḥadīth al-Sharīf(2006) by Wizarāt al-Thaqāfah in Syria. This is the index of

the manuscripts in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus.

(e) al-Ḥadīth al-Nabawī al-Sharīf(1991) by Mu'assasāt Āl al-Bait, Amman, Jordan.

This is the index of all the Arabic manuscripts on ḥadīth and ḥadīth studies.

3.6.3. List of Lone Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts

The lone manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions include the following:

1. Āmālī al-Laith b. Sacad: This is by al-Laith b. Sacad b. cAbd al-Raḥman al-Fahmi

al-Maṣri Abu al-Ḥārith (d. 175/791)6. This manuscript has 5 leaves (Qāf 152-156). It
is of one ḥadīth dictation session and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It was
most probably copied in the 6th/12th century, has some samāc, the oldest of which is
in 556/1161, and is written in the Naskh script. The manuscript's number in the al-
Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus) is 3851/Tā’/15.

2. Majlis min Imla' Ibn al-Ghuri: This manuscript belonged to Muḥammad b.

Aḥmad Abu al-Faraj Ibn al-Ghuri (d. 239/853). It has 10 leaves (Qāf 36-45), and is
part of a group of other manuscripts. It was most probably copied in the 7th/13th
century. There are corrections to this manuscript and the copier has also included
notes based on his comparison with other related manuscripts (makhṭūṭah
mushhahah wa muqābalah). This manuscript also has a copyright label (waqf) in the
name of cAli al-Ḥasni which gives all readers the right of access to it and shows that
no one has the authority to keep this manuscript for himself in his personal library.

6al-Laith b. Sacad was also known as al-Imām, al-Ḥāfiẓ, the Shaikh al-Islam, and
c
Ālim al-Diyār al-Maṣriyyah. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992,
8:136), in Ibn cAbd al-Hadi (1989, 1:330), and also in Ibn al-cImād (1988, 1:285).6

57
However, this right of access is limited to Muslims only. As for the non-Muslim
reader, he/she has to obtain permission from the manuscript holder. This manuscript
also has many samācāt. The expression "samācāt" is derived from the verb "samāca"
(to hear someone, to listen to someone) which means the ḥadīth scholar has several
students attending his ḥadīth dictation sessions, listening to his lectures and writing
down what he explains to them. Thus, when a manuscript is described as having
many samācāt, it means that the manuscript is found in different information forms
by different students about the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the
same ḥadīth scholar. However, the information in each manuscript varies from one
student to another depending on:

(i) how much note-taking a student did,

(ii) how many days he missed, and

(iii) whether he arrived on time and did not miss any details from the ḥadīth scholar.

Some of the samācāt of this manuscript were written by the copier of the manuscript,
and the oldest copying dates back to 633/1236 in Damascus in the Naskh script. I
have noticed that this copy suffers from some damp damage7. The manuscript's
number in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus) is 3756/Tā’/4.

3.Āmālī al-Qāḍi al-cAssal: This lone manuscript is by Aḥmad b. Sulaiman b.

Muḥammad, known as al-cAssal (d. 282/895)8. This is kept in the Copreli Library in
Turkey within a group of other manuscripts whose number is 252/1/2.

4. ĀmālīIbrāhīm b. cAbd al-Raḥman b. Ibrāhīm al-Dimishqi (d. 303/915): This

7I believe the Egyptian government made the wrong decision in moving the Dār al-
Kutub al-Maṣriyyah lil-Makhṭūṭāt Library from its old place in central Cairo to
its present place in the Kornish by the Nile, as the high level of humidity near
the Nile will seriously damage the manuscripts.
8The biography of Aḥmad b. Sulaiman b. Muḥammad al-cAssal is found in al-
Khaṭīb (1997, 16:11) and in al-Ṣafadi (1962, 2:41).

58
is a lone manuscript in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known
as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) (General 9400) which includes the first and second
ḥadīth dictation sessions. There are details missing from the first and the last parts of
the manuscript (Qāf 1-28).

5. Āmālīal-Nasā’i: This is by Abu cAbd al-Raḥman Aḥmad b. cAli b. Shucaib al-

Nasā’i (d. 303/915). This is a lone manuscript of 10 leaves (Qāf 53-62) and is part of
a group of other manuscripts. It is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 954/ Tā’/4. There
are corrections on it and the copier has added comparative notes on it taken from
other manuscripts. It also includes many samācāt, the oldest of which is from
442/105; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth
students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same
ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript has serious damp damage.

6. Āmālī Abu Bakr al-Malhami: This lone manuscript is by Ḥamād b. Muḥammad

b. Mūsa (d. 324/936). It is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as
al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus) and the library details are: Group 79, General
3815, from leaf 144 to leaf 152. Its number in the al-Asad National Library is
3815/Tā’/12. It is worthwhile noting that the expression "Group" means that a
manuscript is kept with a number of other manuscripts within a group.

7. Āmālī Abu Bakr: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim b. Bashshār (d.

328/940)9. This lone manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), Group 88, and is of one ḥadīth
dictation session and part of a second ḥadīth dictation session. This is from leaf 139
to leaf 196 (Qāf 139-196) .

9Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim b. Bashshar was a well-known linguist and reciter.

Hisbiography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 3:181-186), Ibn Abu Yucla (1952, 2:6-
73), and in al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:274).
59
8. Āmālī Abu al-cAbbas al-Asamm: This lone manuscript belongs to Muḥammad b.
Yacqūb b. Yūsuf al-Naisābūri (d. 346/958)10. This manuscript includes some
corrections, and comparative notes are added on it which are taken from other
manuscripts. Such a manuscript is called Mūsaḥḥaḥāh wa muqābalah. It has three
leaves (Qāf 255- 257) and is part of a group of other manuscripts. This manuscript
has some details on the margins and has many samācāt, the oldest of which is from
631/1234; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different
ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by
the same ḥadīth scholar. The manuscript is written in the Naskh script and suffers
from damp damage. Its number in the Asad National Library (formerly known as the
al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus) is 3825/Tā'/16.

9. Āmālīal-Khuldi: This lone manuscript belongs to Abu MuḥammadJacfar b.

Muḥammad b. Nāṣir al-Khawwās al-Khuldi (d. 348/959)11 and has 9 leaves (Qāf
177-185). However, the first four leaves are smaller in size than the rest. It is part of
a group of other manuscripts and has many samācāt, the oldest of which dates from
519/1125; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different
ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by
the same ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript includes some corrections, and comparative
notes are added on it which are taken from other manuscripts. Such a manuscript is
called Mūsaḥḥaḥah wa muqābalah. This manuscript also has a copyright label
(waqf) in the name of al-Madrasah al-Ḍiyā'iyyah. The expression "waqf" means that

10Muḥammad b. Yacqūb b. Yūsuf al-Naisābūri was a well-known jurist and was

known as the Sheikh of Iraq. His biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 7:189-
192), Ibn Abu Yucla (1952, 2:7-12), and in al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:502).
According to al-Khaṭīb (1997, 7:189-192), al-Naisābūri used to have a session
on giving legal judgements (fatwa) before Friday prayer and a ḥadīth dictation
session after Friday prayer.
11Abu Muḥammad Jacfar al-Khawwāṣ al-Khuldi is also nicknamed al-Sheikh, al-
Qudwah (exemplary model), the traditionist (al-muḥaddith), the Sheikh of
Sufis, and al-Baghdādi. His biography is found in al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:560)
and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:80).

60
every Muslim reader has the right to have access to it without needing anyone's
permission.

10. Āmālī Abu Sahl al-Qaṭṭān: This manuscript is by Abu Sahl Aḥmad b.
Muḥammad b. cAbd Allāh al-Qaṭṭān (d. 350/961). It has one leaf only (Qāf 218)12and
a hole in the lower end. It is part of a group of other manuscripts written in 7th/13th
century. It also has one samāc in 741/1340; in other words, this manuscript has other
details taken from a different ḥadīth student who attended the same set of ḥadīth
dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. The owner of this manuscript
is Abu al-Fatḥ Burhān al-Dīn Yūsuf b. Muḥammad b. Muqlid al-Dimishqi. The
manuscript is written in the Arabic Naskh script and suffers from damp damage
which has led to the obliteration of some of its words. Its number is 3771/Tā'/18 in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus).

11. Āmālī al-Shāfici: This manuscript is by Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. cAbd Allah b.
Ibrāhīm al-Bizzaz al-Baghdādi al-Shāfici (354/965)13 and has 7 leaves (Qāf 1-7). It is
part of a number of other manuscripts and has a copyright label (waqf) in the name of
al-Ḥāfiẓ Ḍiyā' al-Dīn al-Makdisi who made the waqf for his school in Damascus. Al-
Ḥāfiẓ Ḍiyā' al-Dīn al-Makdisi also wrote a note at the end of this manuscript: "al-
Ḥāfiẓ Ḍiyā' al-Dīn al-Makdisi heard these two ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by
Abu Bakr al-Shāfici Abu Manṣur al-Khaiyaṭ and Abu Yasir Ṭāhir Asad al-Ṭabbākh

12Abu Sahl Aḥmad al-Qaṭṭān is also nicknamed al-Imām, the traditionist (al-
muḥaddith), the trustworthy, al-Baghdādi and the Musnid of Iraq (al-musnid)
means the scholar who is able to narrate the ḥadīth with its chain of narrations,
which means he is lower in status than al-muḥaddith (the traditionist)). His
biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 5:45), al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:521) and
Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:2).
13Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. cAbd Allāh b. Ibrāhīm al-Bizzāz is also nicknamed al-
Imam, al-Ḥujjah (the conclusive evidence), and the traditionist of Iraq. His
biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 5;456), al-Dhahabi (1992, 16:39), and
Ibn cAbd al-Hadi 1989, 3:72).

61
in 430/1039". The first leaf of this manuscript is badly torn, the last part of the page
is missing, and the writing is damaged. It also suffers from damp damage. It is
written in the Arabic Naskh script, and its words have been written with full case
endings. However, the copier has made little effort to differentiate between the three
letters (jim, ha', and kha'). Its number is Tā' 3778 in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

12. Āmālī al-Astarabādhi: This lone manuscript is by Abu al-Ḥasan Nacim b. cAbd
al-Mālik b. Muḥammad (d. 354/965), has two leaves (Qāf 160-161), and is kept in
the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library within a group of other manuscripts (majmuc - Group 46).

13. Āmālī al-Ṭabarāni: This manuscript belongs to Abu al-Qāsim Sulaiman b.

Aḥmad al-Ṭabarāni (d. 360/971)14. It includes four ḥadīth dictation sessions, has 5
leaves (116 alif – 120 alif), and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It is kept in
the Copreli Library in Turkey and its number is 252/13.

14. Āmālī al-Mazkī: This manuscript is by Abu Isḥāq Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad b.

Yaḥya al-Naisāburī al-Mazkī (d. 362/973), has four leaves (Qāf 58-61), and is part of
a group of other manuscripts. It includes one ḥadīth dictation session. It has
corrections and many other samācāt written in the margins; in other words, this
manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who attended the
same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. One of
these students was called Ibn Ṭabarzad (d. 525/1131). The manuscript is written in
the Arabic Naskh script and has suffered from damp damage. Its number is 3790/

14Abu al-Qāsim Sulaiman b. Aḥmad al-Ṭabarāni was nicknamed al-Imām, al-

c
Allāmah, al-Ḥafiẓ al-Kabīr, the Musnid of this life, al-Musnid (as mentioned in
footnote 12, al-musnid means the scholar who is able to narrate the ḥadīth with
its chain of narrations – which means he is lower in status than the muḥaddith
(the traditionist)), and al-Thabt. He was well-known for his dictionaries (al-
Kabīr), (al-Awsaṭ), and (al-Saghīr). His biography is found in al-Dhahabi (1992,
16:119), Ibn cAbd al-Hadi (1989, 3:107), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:30).

62
Tā'/3 in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library
in Damascus).

15. Āmālī Abu al-Ḥasan al-Azdi: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. cAli b.

Muḥammad b. Ṣakhar al-Baṣri (d. 443/1015), has 4 leaves (Qāf 15-17), is part of a
group of other manuscripts, and has a hole in the lower end. It includes some
corrections, and comparative notes are added to it which are taken from other
manuscripts. It includes five ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by Abu al-Ḥasan al-
Azdi. The manuscript has many samācāt, the oldest of which is from 897/1492; in
other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students
who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth
scholar. This manuscript is written in the Arabic Naskh script and has suffered from
serious damp damage which has led to the disappearance of some words at the end of
the manuscript. Its number is 3764/ Tā'/1 in the al-Asad National Library (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

16. Āmālī al-Qaṭīci: This manuscript is by Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Jacfar b. Ḥamdān al-
Baghdādi al-Qaṭīci (d. 368/979), has 3 leaves (Qāf 7-9), and is part of a group of
other manuscripts written in the 5th/11th century. It has many amacāt, the oldest of
which is from 494/1101; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from
different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions
delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. It is written in the Arabic Naskh script and has
suffered from damp damage. Most of the words of this manuscript are written
without dots. Its number is 3778/ Tā'/1 in the al-Asad National Library (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

63
17. Āmālī al-Rudhbari: This manuscript belonged to Abu cAbd Allāh b. Aḥmad b.
c
Aṭa' b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad (d. 369/979)15. It is kept in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus) within a group
of other manuscripts (Group 26) dated 1263. It includes three ḥadīth dictation
sessions starting from Qāf 116-208. Its number is 3763/ Tā’/17 in the al-Asad
National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

18.Āmālī al-Ḥākim al-Kabīr: This manuscript is by Abu Ahmad Muḥammad b.

Muḥammad b. Isḥāq al-Naisābūry (d. 378/988)16, has three leaves (Qāf 87-89), is
part of a group of other manuscripts, and is kept in the Copreli Library in Turkey.

19. Āmālī Abu al-Ḥasan al-Dārquṭni: This manuscript is by cAli b. cUmar b.

Aḥmad b. Maḥdi Ibn Sucud al-Baghdādi (d. 385/995)17. It is kept in the Imām
Muḥammad b. Sucud al-Islāmiyyah University in Riyadh and its number is 2098 Aff.
One of its ḥadīth dictation sessions was narrated by al-Maḥdi Abu al-Ghanā'im
Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad. It has five leaves (Qāf 103-107) and is part of
a group of other manuscripts.

c c
20. Āmālī al-Khatli al-Sukkari: This manuscript is by Ali b. Umar b.

15Abu cAbd Allāh b. Aḥmad b. cAṭā' b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad was nicknamed al-
c
Ārif (the knowledgeable), al-Zāhid (the ascetic), and the Sheikh of Sufis. His
biography is found in al-Aṣbahāni (1989, 10:383-384), al-Khaṭīb (1997, 4:336-
337), and al-Dhahabi (1992, 16:227).
16Abu Aḥmad Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Isḥāq al-Naisābūry was also known as
the traditionist of Khurasān, the Imām, the Ḥāfiẓ, the critic, and the author. His
biography is found in al-Dhahabi (1992, 16:370), Ibn cAbd al-Hadi (1989,
3:168), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:93).
17cAli b. cUmar b. Aḥmad b. Mahdi Ibn Sucud al-Baghdādi was nicknamed al-Imām,
the Ḥāfiẓ, the Sheikh of Islam, and the scholar of scholars. His biography is
found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 12:34-40) and al-Dhahabi (1992, 16:449).

64
Muḥammadb. al-Ḥasan al-Ḥarbi (d. 386/996)18, is in good condition, has six leaves
(Qāf 175-180), and is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 55). It is kept in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is General 3791/Kamm/Qāf.

21. Āmālī Kātib Ibn Khanzābah: This manuscript belongs to Abu Muslim al-Kātib
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. cAli al-Baghdādi (d. 399/1009)19, has four leaves (Qāf 258-
261), and is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 104, General 1340), and is
kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus). The number of this manuscript is 3840/Tā’/22.

22. Āmālī Abu al-Faḍl al-Kawkabi: This manuscript is by Abu al-Faḍl Muḥammad
b. cUmar b. Aḥmad al-Kawkabi (d. 410/1019), has three leaves (Qāf 193-195) and
includes one ḥadīth dictation session only. This manuscript includes some
corrections, and comparative notes are added on it which are taken from other
manuscripts. The manuscript has many samācāt, the oldest of which dates from
612/1215; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different
ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by
the same ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript is written in a good Arabic Naskh script but
has suffered from damp damage which has led to the disappearance of some words at
the end of the manuscript. Its number is 3844/ Tā’/8 in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

18cAli b. cUmar b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Ḥarbi was also known as the Sheikh,
the scholar, and the Musnid of Iraq (as mentioned in footnotes 12 and 14, al-
musnid means the scholar who is able to narrate the ḥadīth with its chain of
narrations – which means he is lower in status than al-muḥaddith (the
traditionist)). His biography is found in al- Khaṭīb (1997, 12:40-41) and al-
Dhahabi (1992, 16:583). According to al-Khaṭīb (1997, 12:40-41), he used to
give his ḥadīth dictation sessions in the al-Manṣur mosque in Baghdad.
19Abu Muslim al-Kātib Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. cAli al-Baghdādi was also
nicknamed the Sheikh and the reciter. His biography is found in al-Khaṭīb
(1997, 1:323), al-Dhahabi (1992, 16:558), and al-Ṣafadi (1962, 2:52).

65
23. Āmālī Ibn Shadhan al-Ṣaidalāni: This manuscript is by Abu al-Ṣādiq
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Shādhān al-Ṣaidalāni (d.
415/1022)20, has nine leaves (Qāf 6-14), is part of a group of other manuscripts. We
are told on the first page that the author of this manuscript is Ismācīl b. cAli al-
Naisaburi. However, I believe this is an error made by the copier of the manuscript.
This manuscript includes some corrections, and comparative notes are added on it
which are taken from other manuscripts. The manuscript has many samācāt, one of
which is by Ibn al-Mubarrad Yūsuf b. Ḥasan, and at the end of this manuscript (on
leaves 12-15), there is another (amac which dates back to 536/1141, aswell as many
other samācāt, the oldest of which is from 689/1290; in other words, this manuscript
has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of
ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript is
written in an Arabic Naskh script, its number is 3806/ Tā’/1, and it is kept in the al-
Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

24. Āmālī Ibn Muslimah: This manuscript is by Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. cUmar b.

al-Muslimah (d. 415/1024)21, has 4 leaves (Qāf 118-121), and is part of a group of
other manuscripts (Group 104, General 3840). Its number is 3840/ Tā’/5 in the al-
Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).
However, according to The Comprehensive Index of Arabic and Islamic Heritage in
Manuscript Form (al-Fihras al-Shāmil lil-Turath al-cArabi wal-Islami), this
manuscript has three other copies. When I was searching for it, I discovered this
claim is incorrect and I believe the error is caused by the confusion between the

20cAli b. cUmar b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Ḥarbi was also known as the Sheikh,
the scholar, and the Musnid of Iraq (as mentioned in footnotes 12, 14 and 18, al-
musnid means the scholar who is able to narrate the ḥadīth with its chain of
narrations – which means he is lower in status than the muḥaddith (the
traditionist)). His biography is found in al- Khaṭīb (1997, 12:40-41) and al-
Dhahabi (1992, 16:583). According to al-Khaṭīb (1997, 12:40-41), he used to
give his ḥadīth dictation sessions in the al-Manṣūr mosque in Baghdad.
21Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. cUmar b. al-Muslimah was also called Abu al-Faraj al-
Baghdādi and was nicknamed 'the exemplary Imām'. He used to have one
ḥadīth dictation session each year (al- Khaṭīb 1997, 5:67-68). His biography is
found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 5:67-68) and al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:341).

66
Āmālī of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. cUmar b. al-Muslimah (d. 415/1024) and that of
his son Abu Jacfar Muḥammad b. cUmar b. al-Muslimah (d. 465/1073) who also has
an Āmālī in the same library in Damascus. Therefore, the librarians, I believe, have
wrongly thought the two manuscripts belong to the same scholar (Aḥmad b.
Muḥammad b. cUmar b. al-Muslimah (d. 415/1024)).

25. Āmālī Ibn al-Naḥḥās: This manuscript belonged to Abu MuḥammadcAbd al-
Raḥman b. cUmar b. Muḥammad al-Maṣri al-Bizzāz al-Māliki Ibn al-Naḥḥās (d.
416/1025)22, has 9 leaves (Qāf 151-159), and includes the 9thḥadīth dictation session
narrated by cAli b. al-asan b. al-Ḥusain al-Faqih al-Ḥalabi. It is part of a group of
other manuscripts. It also has a copyright (waqf) by Ibn al-Ḥajib, is written in the
Arabic Naskh script, and most of its words are left without dots. It has many
(samācāt, the oldest of which is from 537/1142; in other words, this manuscript has
other details taken from different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth
dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. The number of this
manuscript is 3747/ Tā’/11, and it is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

26. Āmālī Ibn al-Muslimah: This manuscript is by Abu Jacfar Muḥammad b.

Aḥmad b. cUmar al-Baghdādi Ibn al-Muslimah (d. 465/1073)23 and has four leaves

22Abu MuḥammadcAbd al-Raḥman b. cUmar b. Muḥammad al-Maṣri al-Bizzāz al-

Māliki Ibn al-Naḥḥās was also nicknamed al-Sheikh, the Imām, al-Musnid of
Egypt (as mentioned, al-musnid means the scholar who is able to narrate the
ḥadīth with its chain of narrations – which means he is lower in status than the
al-muḥaddith (the traditionist)), the jurist, and the trustworthy. His biography is
found in al-Dhahabi 1992, 17:313), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:204).
23Abu Jacfar Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. cUmar al-Baghdādi Ibn al-Muslimah (d.
465/1073) was also nicknamed al-Sheik, the trustworthy, the dignified, the virtuous,
and al-Musnid (the scholar who is able to narrate the ḥadīth with its chain of
narrations – which means he is lower in status than al-muḥaddith (the traditionist)).
His biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 1:356), al-Dhahabi (1992, 18:213), and
Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:323).

67
(Qāf 10-11 and Qāf 21-22). It includes two ḥadīth dictation sessions and is part of a
group of other manuscripts. It includes some corrections, and comparative notes are
added on it which are taken from other manuscripts. The manuscript has a samāc
which dates back to 459/1067, as well as another samāc from 463/1073, and at the
end of this manuscript, there are other samācāt, the oldest of which is from 523/1129;
in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students
who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth
scholar. This manuscript is written in an Arabic Naskh script, and has decorations on
its cover and also on the edges of the cover.

27. Āmālī Ibn al-Banāni: This manuscript is by Abu cAbd Allāh al-Ḥusain b. cAli b.
Aḥmad Ibn al-Banāni (d. 417/1026), and has four leaves (Qāf 166-169). It has one
samāc which dates back to 535/1140, and there are also other samācāt, the oldest of
which is from 610/1213; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from
different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions
delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript is written in an Arabic Naskh
script and there are decorations on its cover. This manuscript's number is
3774/Tā’/13, it is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group
37, General 3774).

28. Āmālī al-Lalkā'i: This manuscript is by Abu al-Qāsim Hibat Allāh b. al-Ḥasan
b. Manṣūr al-Ṭabari al-Rāzi al-Shāfici al-Lalkā'i (d. 418/1027)24. It has three leaves
(Qāf 112-114), is part of a group of other manuscripts, and has one samāc which
dates back to 617/1220 that was done in Damascus. There are some notes added to it
in the margins. It is written in the Arabic Naskh script and only some of the words

24Abu al-Qāsim Hibat Allāh b. al-Ḥasan b. Manṣūr al-Ṭabari al-Rāzi al-Shāfici al-
Lalkā' was also known as al-Imām, al-Ḥafiẓ, al-Mujawwid (the reciter), and
the jurist. His biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 14:70-71), al-Dhahabi
(1992, 17:419), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:211).

68
are written with dots. This manuscript has suffered from damp damage. Its number is
3774/Tā’/13, and it is kept in al-Asad National Library (formerly known as al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus). Abu Tahir Muḥammad b. cUmar b. Qaidas has
also written a manuscript in which he included one ḥadīth dictation session given by
Abu al-Qāsim al-Ḥarfi and another ḥadīth dictation session given by Abu al-Qāsim
Hibat Allāh al-Lalkā'i. This manuscript is part of a group (Group 63) and has 10
leaves (Qāf 120-129). The manuscript was copied by cAli b. Fāḍil b. Sacd Allah b.
Ḥamdūn al-Sūri who copied the details from the manuscript of his teacher Abu Ṭāhir
al-Salafi.

29.ĀmālīMuḥammad b. cAmru al-Bukhtari wa Aḥmad b. Sulaiman al-Najād

wa Jacfar b. Muḥammad b. Naṣir: This manuscript belonged to Abu al-Ḥasan
Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Ibn Ibrāhīm b. Mukhlid al-Baghdādi al-Bizzāz (d.
419/1028)25, has 95 leaves (Qāf 67-594), is part of a group of other manuscripts, and
is most likely copied during the 5th/11th century. This manuscript has one samāc
which dates to 417/1206. It is written in the Arabic Naskh script and only some of
the words are written with dots. The manuscript suffers from damp damage, its
number is 3826/Tā’/5, and is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known
as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

30. Āmālī Abu Sacad al-Naṣrawi: This manuscript is by cAbd al-Raḥman b.

Ḥamdān b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri al-Naṣrawi (d. 433/1041)26, has 12 leaves (Qāf
141-152), is part of a group of other manuscripts, and is most likely to have been

25Abu al-Ḥasan Muḥammad b. Muḥammad Ibn Ibrāhīm b. Mukhlid al-Baghdādi al-

Bizzāz was nicknamed al-Sheikh, the elderly, the trustworthy, and the Musnid
of his lifetime (the scholar who is able to narrate the ḥadīth with its chain of
narrations, which means he is lower in status than al-muḥaddith (the
traditionist)). His biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 3:231), al-Dhahabi
(1992, 17:370), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:214).
26cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥamdān b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri al-Nasrawi was
nicknamed the Honourable Sheikh and his biography is found in al-Dhahabi
(1992, 17:553), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:250).

69
written during the 5th/11th century. This manuscript includes parts 34, 37 and 38, and
some of part 39, is written in a fine Arabic Naskh script, and suffers from damp
damage. Its number is 3763/Tā’/12, and is kept in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

31. Āmālī al-Iswāri: This manuscript belongs to Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. Muḥammad
b. cAli al-Iswāri (d. 434/1042), has 4 leaves (Qāf 120-123), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and is likely to have been written in the 5th/11th century. According to
the Ẓāhirīyyah Manuscript Index, this manuscript includes a ḥadīth dictation session
given in 434/. This manuscript includes some samācāt, the oldest of which dates back
to 632/; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth
students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same
ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript has a copyright label in the name of Muḥammad b.
Hāmil al-Ḥarrāni of al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is written in an Arabic
Naskh script, is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and its library number is 3834/Tā’/12.

32. Āmālī al-Bisṭami: This manuscript is by Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusain

(d. 440/1048), is kept in the Berlin State Library (1570), and two of its ḥadīth
dictation sessions have 12 leaves. This manuscript was written in 642/1244.

33. Āmālī Ibn Millah: This manuscript is by Abu Sacid Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b.
Jacfar Ibn Millah (d. 436/1044), has 3 leaves (Qāf 3-5), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and is probably written in the 6th/12th century. This manuscript includes
some corrections made in 436/1044 and also some corrections and additional notes
written in the margins. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and has some
(samācāt, the oldest of which dates back to 599/1203 in Aṣbahān; in other words,
this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who attended
the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. It
also suffers from some damp damage. The manuscript number is 3817/Tā’/1 and it
is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Zahiriyyah Library
in Damascus).

70
34. Āmālī Abu al-Muẓaffar, or Āmālī Ibn Shabīb: This manuscript belongs to
Abu al-Muẓaffar cAbd Allāh b. Shabīb b. cAbd Allāh al-Muqri' (d. 451/1059), has 8
leaves (Qāf 64-71), is part of a group of other manuscripts, and was probably written
in the 6th/12th century. The manuscript has a samāc which dates to 511/1117, as well
as another samāc; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from
different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions
delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. This manuscript is written in a poor quality
Arabic Naskh script and suffers from damp damage. Its number is 3804/Tā’/8, and it
is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library
in Damascus).

35. Āmālī al-Qaḍaci: This manuscript is of Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. Salamah
b. Jacfar b. cAli al-Shāfici (d. 454/1062)27 and is kept in the Copreli Library in Turkey
(252).

36. Āmālī Abu al-Ḥasan al-Azdi: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. cAli b.

Muḥammad b. Ṣakhar al-Azdai al-Baṣri (d. 443/1051)28 who gave five ḥadīth
dictation sessions. This manuscript is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 27,
General 3764), has 4 leaves (Qāf 15-18) and includes only the first ḥadīth dictation
session given by Muḥammad b. cAli b. Muḥammad b. Ṣakhar al-Azdai al-Baṣri. The
first ḥadīth dictation session was selected by Abu Naṣr cUbaid Allāh b. Sacid Ḥātim
al-Sajistāni. It includes comparative notes with the original manuscript from which it

27Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. Salāmah b. Jacfar b. cAli al-Shāfici was nicknamed
the jurist, and the knowledgeable, and his biography is found in Ibn Mākūlā
(1991, 7:147), al-Dhahabi (1992, 18:92), and al-Ṣafadi (1962:116-117).
28Muḥammad b. cAli b. Muḥammad b. Sakhar al-Azadi al-Baṣri was also known as
the Trustworthy, the Imām and the traditionist. His biography is available in al-
Dhahabi (1992, 17:638) and al-Ṣafadi (1962, 4:129-130).

71
is copied, is written in an elegant Arabic Naskh script, and there is a hole on the end
of its leaves. The manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

37. Āmālī al-Qushairi: This manuscript is by Abu al-Qāsim al-Ṣūfi cAbd al-Karīm
b. Hawāzin b. cAbd al-Mālik al-Shāfici al-Naisābūri (d. 465/1073)29, is part of a
group of other manuscripts (New 443/3849), and includes 12 leaves (Qāf 107-118).
The manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus) number 1135/Tā’/2.

38. Āmālī al-cAṭṭār: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm
b. cAli al-Aṣbahāni (d. 466/1047)30, is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group
252/12), includes two leaves (Qāf alif – Ba'), and is kept in the Koprely Library in
Turkey.

39. Āmālī al-Ṣaffār: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim Muḥammad b.

Muḥammad Abu Bakr al-Ṣaffār (d. 468/1075) and is narrated by Abu al-Wafa'
Ahmad b. cUbaid Allāh b. Aḥmad al-Nahshaki of the 5th/11th century. This
manuscript has corrections and includes some samācāt, the oldest of which dates
from 569/1173 in Alexandria; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken
from different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions
delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. It also has decorations on the cover and the
edges of the cover. The manuscript's number is 3849/Tā’/4 and it is kept in the al-
Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

29The biography of Abu al-Qāsim al-Ṣūfi cAbd al-Karīm b. Hawazin b. cAbd al-
Malik al-Shāfici al-Naisābūri is available in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 11:83), Ibn
Khalkan (1990, 3:205-208), and al-Dhahabi (1992, 18:227).
30Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm b. cAli al-Aṣbahāni is also nicknamed al-Imām,
the Memorizer (al-Ḥāfiẓ), and the Trustworthy). His biography is available in
al-Khaṭīb (1997, 1:417), al-Dhahabi (1955, 3:1159-1160), and al-Dhahabi
(1992, 18:338).

72
40. Āmālī Ibn Hazzār Mard al-Ṣarīfīni: This manuscript is by Abu
MuḥammadMuḥammad b. cAbd Allāh b. Hazzār Mard al-Ṣarīfīni (d. 469/1076), has
22 leaves (Qāf 158-179), and includes one ḥadīth dictation session. It is part of a
group, and was probably written during the 7th/13th century. This manuscript includes
some samācāt, the oldest of which dates back to 688/1289 in Alexandria; in other
words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who
attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth
scholar. It also has decorations on the cover and the edges of the cover. In addition, it
has two copyrights on it; the first is in the name of the al-Ḍhiyā'iyyah School in
Damascus, and the second is in the name of the al-cAmriyyah School. The
manuscript is owned by cAbd al-Wahhāb b. Yūsuf cAbd al-Wahhāb. It is written in
the Arabic Naskh script and suffers from damp damage. The edges of the manuscript
have golden decorations. The manuscript's number is 3787/Tā’/13 and it is kept in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus).

41. Āmālī al-Baṣri: This manuscript is by Abu ak-Qāsim cAli b. Aḥmad b.

Muḥammad al-Bandar al- Baṣri (d. 474/1081), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, includes the 24thḥadīth dictation session only, and was copied during
the ,8th/14th century. This manuscript includes some corrections and some samācat)
the oldest of which dates back to 717/1317 in Cairo; in other words, this manuscript
has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of
ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. The manuscript is
written in a very good Arabic Naskh script and the copier has included all the case
endings of words. The manuscript's number is 3856/Tā’/14 and it is kept in the al-
Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus).

42. Āmālī b. Abu al-Ṣafar: This manuscript is by Abu Ṭāhir Muḥammad b. Aḥmad
b. Muḥammad al-Anbāri Ibn Abu al-Ṣafar (d. 476/1083), has six leaves (Qāf 9-140,
is part of a group of other manuscripts, and is likely to have been written during the

73
5th/11th century. This manuscript includes some notes in the margins of the leave and
some samācāt, the oldest of which dates back to 473/1080 in Baghdād; in other
words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who
attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth
scholar. The manuscript is written in the Arabic Naskh script and all the words are
written with the required dots. It suffers from damp damage, is kept in the al-Asad
National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and its
number is 4531.

43. Āmālī Ibn Fanjawaih: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusain b.

Fanjawaih (d. 478/1085), has six leaves (Qāf 142-147), includes one ḥadīth dictation
session on the virtues of Ramaḍān, and was probably copied during the 7th/13th
century. This manuscript has corrections and includes some additional notes on the
edges of its leaves. It also includes some samācāt, the oldest of which dates from
670/1271 in Baghdād; in other words, this manuscript has other details taken from
different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions
delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. The manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and its number
is 3821/Tā’/10.

44. Āmālī al-Timīmi: This manuscript is by Abu Muḥammad Rizq Allāh b. cAbd al-
Wahhāb b. cAbd al-cAzīz (d. 488/1095)31, has four leaves (Qāf 51-54), is part of a
group of other manuscripts, includes some corrections, and has some additional notes
on the edges of its leaves. The manuscript is written in a very good Arabic Naskh
script and edges of its leaves are torn. It suffers from damp damage, and kept in the
al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 3428/Tā’/1.

31Abu Muḥammad Rizq Allāh b. cAbd al-Wahhab b. cAbd al-cAzīz al-Timīmi was
the Jurist of Naisabur and his biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992,
18:437) and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:317).

74
44. Āmālī al-Madini: This manuscript is by Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. Aḥmad b.
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad (d.494/1101), is kept in al-Azhar Library in Cairo, is part of a
group of other manuscripts (Number 305/ Group/ 9936), and includes 23 leaves (Qāf
73-95).

45. The Ḥadīth Dictation session given by Muḥammad al-Nahawandi in the al-
Baṣrah Mosque in 500/1107: This is the manuscript of Abu Ṭāhir Muḥammad b.
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Nahawandi (born in 500/1107), has two leaves (Qāf 154-
1550, is part of a group of other manuscripts, and was probably written during the
6th/12th century. This manuscript includes some samācāt, the oldest of which dates
back to 541/1146 in Alexandria; in other words, this manuscript has other details
taken from different ḥadīth students who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation
sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. It also has a copyright in the name of
the al-Ḍhiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is written in the Arabic Naskh script, is
kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 3815/Tā’/13.

46. Āmālī Ibn Mandah: This manuscript belongs to Abu Zakariyyā Yaḥyā b. cAbd
al-Wahhāb b. Muḥammad al-cAbdi al-Aṣbahāni Ibn Mandah (d. 511/1117)32, is of
four leaves (Qāf 253-256), is part of a group, and includes threeḥadīth dictation
sessions. The manuscript was probably copied in the 6th/12th century and includes a
samāc which dates to 565/1170, as well as another samāc; in other words, this
manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who attended the
same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. It suffers
from serious damp damage and is written in tacleeq(the writing was very fast) script.

32Abu Zakariyyā Yaḥyā b. cAbd al-Wahhāb b. Muḥammad al-cAbdi al-Aṣbahāni Ibn

Mandah was also known as the Imām, the trustworthy, the orator (al-Khaṭīb),
and the orator of Ṣarfīn of Iraq. His biography is available in al-Khaṭīb (1997,
10:146), al-Dhahabi (1992, 18:330), and Ibn al-ImādcImād (1988, 3:334).

75
47. Āmālī al-Yūnārti: This manuscript is by Abu Naṣr al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b.
Ibrāhīm al-Yūnārti (d. 527/1123)33, has one leaf (Qāf 236), and is part of a group. It
includes an additional page that has been inserted by someone else, and the
manuscript has a hole. It is written in tacleeqscript and all the words are written with
full case endings. It is kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the
al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and its number is 1024/Tā’/4.

48. Āmālī Abu al-Ḥasan al-Fārsi: This manuscript belonged to Abu al-Ḥasan cAbd
al-Ghāfir b. Ismacil b. cAbd al-Ghāfir al-Naisābūri al-Shāfici al-Fārsi (d. 529/1135)34,
has seven leaves (Qāf 18-24), is part of a group of other manuscripts, has some
corrections, and is likely to have been written in the 7th/13th century. This manuscript
includes some samācāt),the oldest of which dates back to 632/1235 in Damascus; in
other words, this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students
who attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth
scholar. It also has a copyright in the name of al-Ḍhiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It
has decorations on the cover and is written in the Arabic Naskh script. It is kept in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 3775/Tā’/1.

49. Āmālī al-Ghāzi: This manuscript is by Abu Naṣr Aḥmad b. cUmar b. cAbd Allāh
al-Asbahāni al-Ghāzi (d. 532/1137)35, has five leaves (Qāf 72-76), and includes one

33Abu Naṣr al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm al-Yūnārti was also known as the
Sheikh, the Imām, the useful (al-mufid), and the memorizer. His biography is
available in al-Dhahabi (1992, 19:621), Ibn al-ImādcImād (1988, 4:80).
34Abu al-Ḥasan cAbd al-Ghāfir b. Ismacil b. cAbd al-Ghāfir al-Naisābūri al-Shāfici
al-Fārsi was nicknamed the Imām, the scholar, and the memoriser. His
biography is available in Ibn Khalkan (1990, 3:225), al-Dhahabi (1992, 20:16),
and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 4:93).
35Abu Naṣr Aḥmad b. cUmar b. cAbd Allāh al-Aṣbahāni al-Ghāzi was nicknamed the
Sheikh, the Imām, the memorizer, the accurate (al-mutqin), the specialist in the
chain of narration (al-musnid), the virtuous (al-ṣāliḥ), and the traveller (al-
76
ḥadīth dictation session. The manuscript is part of a group of other manuscripts and
has a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍhiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is kept in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 1178/Tā’/8.

50. Āmālī Abu Ḥamid al-Shujaci: This manuscript is by Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b.

Muḥammad al-Sarkhi (d. 534/1139), has eight leaves (Qāf 42-49), and is part of a
group of other manuscripts (General 3798, Group 62). It is narrated by Abu Bakr
Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim b. al-Muẓhir al-Shaharzawri. It is kept in the al-Asad
National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and its
number is 3798/Tā’/4. This manuscript includes some samācāt and is written in a
good Arabic Naskh script.

51. ĀmālīQāḍi al-Maristān: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Muḥammad b.

c
Abd al-Bāqi b. Muḥammad al-Bazzāz al-Anṣāri al-Kacbi al-Baghdādi al-Ḥanbali,
the jurist of Māristān (d. 535/1141)36. This manuscript has 14 leaves and includes six
ḥadīth dictation sessions. It also has some samācāt, and has been read aloud in the
presence of several scholars at different times. This is a procedure to verify the
authenticity and correct details of a manuscript. It is kept in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus), and its number
is 4519.

raḥḥāl). His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992, 20:8) and inIbn al-
c
Imād(1988, 4:98).
36Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Bāqi b. Muḥammad al-Bazzāz al-Anṣāri al-Kacbi
al-Baghdādi al-Ḥanbali was also known as the Imām, the scholar, the accurate
(al-mutqin), the specialist in Islamic legal rulings (al-faraḍi), the just, and the
specialist in ḥadīth chain of narration. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi
(1992, 20:23) and Ibn al-cImād. A detailed biography of this scholar is also
given in the PhD thesis of Ḥatim al-cUni (2002) which is published in an edited
version by Abu BakrMuḥammad b. cAbd al-Bāqi al-Anṣāri but bears the title al-
Mashyakhah al-Kubrā.

77
52. Āmālī al-Sallāmi: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. Nāṣir Muḥammad al-
Fāsi al-Baghdādi al-Ḥanbali al-Sallāmi (d. 550/1155)37, has one leaf (Qāf 26), and is
part of a group of other manuscripts. At the end of the leaf, there is a samāc by the
author which dates back to 543/1148 and another samāc which belongs to a different
scholar and dates back to 612/1215. The lines of the manuscript are too long; in other
words, from edge to edge horizontally. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script, has
decorations on the cover and the edges, and suffers from damp damage. It is kept in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 1121/Tā’/2.

53. Āmālī Abu Ṭalib al-Kittani: This manuscript belonged to Muḥammad b. cAli b.
Ahmad b. Muḥammad b. cAli al-Wāsiṭi al-Kittāni (d. 579/1183)38 and has four leaves
(Qāf 146-149). It is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 41, General 3778),
and includes the second ḥadīth dictation session. It is kept in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah
Library in Damascus (today known as the al-Asad National Library) and its number
is 3778/Tā’/21.

54. Āmālī al-Khajandi: This manuscript is by cAbd al-Laṭīf b. Muḥammad b. cAbd

al- Laṭīf al-Azadi al-Aṣbahāni al-Khajandi (d. 580/1184), has two leaves (Qāf 149-
150), is part of a group of other manuscripts, and its title is taken from leaf number
140. This manuscript has some corrections and comparative notes with other

37Muḥammad b. Nāṣir Muḥammad al-Fāsi al-Baghdādi al-Ḥanbali al-Sallāmi was

nicknamed the Imām, the traditionist (al-muḥaddith), the memorizer (al-ḥāfiẓ),
and the useful scholar of Iraq (mufīd al-cirāq). His biography is available in al-
Dhahabi (1992, 2;265), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 4;1550.
38Muḥammad b. cAli b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. cAli al-Wāsiṭi al-Kittāni was also
known as the Sheikh, the esteemed (al-jalīl), the scholar, the benevolent (al-khaiyir),
and the one who lived a long life (al-mucammir) because he lived to over 100 years
old. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992, 21:1150 and Ibn al-cImād
(1988, 4:267).

78
manuscripts. It includes a samāc by a narrator called Aḥmad b. cAliyyah b. Abu Bakr
b. Ismācīl al-Qurṭubi and another samāc which dates to 615/1218, and is written in an
Arabic Naskh script. The manuscript is affected by damp damage and is kept in the
al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 1178/Tā’/14.

55. Āmālī al-Ghassani: This manuscript is by Ibrāhīm b. Khalaf b. Manṣūr al-

Sanhawri al-Ghassani (born in 612/1215) and has three leaves (Qāf 125-127). It is
kept in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus), and its number is 3761/Tā’/14.

56. Āmālī Ibn al-Salāh: This manuscript is by Abu cAmru cUthman b. cAbd al-
Raḥman b. cUthmān b. Mūsa al-Kurdi who is known as Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ (d. 663/1265).39
It has seven leaves, which include the third ḥadīth dictation session. It is kept in the
al-Aẓhariyyah Library in Cairo and its number is 3749-6030.

57. Āmālī al-Qalqashandi: This manuscript belonged to Taqiy al-Dīn Abu al-Faḍl
c
Abd al-Raḥmān al-Qalqashandi (d. 851/1447). It was kept in the personal library of
the engineer Alfrid Chester Beatty who lived in Ireland, its number is 3467. It has 17
leaves, and was written down by the author himself in 853/1449 in an ordinary
handwriting.

58. Āmālī Ibn al-Shuhnah al-Saghir: This manuscript is by Abu al-Faḍl

Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. Maḥmūd b. Ghāzi al-Ḥalabi al-Ḥanafi,
(d. 890/1485) is kept in the Millat Library in Istanbul and includes a number of
ḥadīth dictation sessions which were given in the Mu'aiyidi mosque. These ḥadīth

39Abu cAmru cUthmān b. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. cUthmān b. Mūsa al-Kurdi was also
known as the Imām, the memorizer and the scholar. His biography is available
in Ibn al-Jawzi (1990, 8:757-758) and al-Dhahabi (1992, 23:140).

79
dictation sessions started during the month of Di al-Qicdah in 871/1466 and finished
with the 70thḥadīth dictation session given on Sunday the 8th of the month of Dhi al-
Qacdah in 877/1472. It is written in an ordinary handwriting by Abu al-Wafa'
Muḥammad b. Khalīl b. Ibrāhīm al-Maṣri al-Qahiri. This manuscript has 119 leaves
and its number is 26/1 Amm Ṣādd.

3.7. Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts of More Than One Copy

This section deals with the manuscripts that have more than one copy. In other
words, when a ḥadīth scholar has many students attending his ḥadīth dictation
sessions, each student writes down his own notes daily from the same ḥadīth scholar
until he gathers enough material to constitute a manuscript. Thus, although all the
manuscripts are by the same ḥadīth students who attend the same ḥadīth dictation
sessions given by the same ḥadīth scholar, each manuscript may contain details that
are slightly different from another because each student may write down some
lecture notes which the other students missed or did not take note of. Moreover,
because there are different copies of these manuscripts, and because they are kept in
different international libraries, the same manuscript has different library catalogue
numbers. Such a manuscript cannot be classified as rare because there is more than
one copy of it elsewhere and there is less concern about its possible loss, theft or
damage. Below is a list of manuscripts that have more than one copy and are kept in
different international libraries.

3.7.1. List of Ḥadīth Dictation Session Manuscripts of More Than

One Copy
1. ĀmālīIbn Sacid: This manuscript is by Abu Muḥammad Yaḥyā b. Ṣācid (d.
318/930)40and has four copies:

40Abu Muḥammad Yaḥyā b. Ṣācid was also known as al-Imam, the memoriser, the
reciter, and the traditionist (al-muḥaddith) of Iraq. His biography is available in
al-Khaṭīb (1997, 14:231-234) and al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:501).

80
(i) The first copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and is part of a group of other manuscripts
(Group 87, General 3823). Two ḥadīth dictation sessions are written in the
handwriting of Ibn cAsākir, and his samāc dates from 540/1145. It also has another
samāc taken from him in 567/1172. As mentioned earlier, the expression "samāc"
means that this manuscript has other details taken from different ḥadīth students who
attended the same set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth
scholar. This manuscript has seven leaves (Qāf 82-88) and the narrator was Abu al-
Qāsim cAbd Allāh b. Aḥmad b. cAli known as the Reciter (al-muqri') and nicknamed
al-Ṣaidalāni (the pharmacist) (d. 394/1004).

(ii) The second copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-ẒāhirīyyahLibrary) and is part of a group of
other manuscripts (Group 90, General 3826). It has also a samāc taken from
Muḥammad b. cAli al-Ahwāzi and the details of this samāc are from leaf 48-57 (Qāf
48-57); thus, it is a manuscript of 10 leaves and is written by Muḥammad b. cAli al-
Ahwāzi who used an Arabic Naskh script. His writing is clear but he has not used
dots for all the words of the manuscript. This manuscriptnarrater was Bu al-Qāsim
c
Abd Allāh b. Aḥmad b. cAli known as the Reciter (al-muqri') and nicknamed al-
Ṣaidalāni (the pharmacist) (d. 394/1004).

(iii) The third copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3770/Tā’/7. It has eight leaves (Qāf 112-1150 and is part of a group of other
manuscripts. It was probably copied in the 7th/13th century and includes many
samācāt, the oldest of which is from 616/1219. On the first leaf of this manuscript,
there is a copyright in the name of Sheikh cAli b. Mascūd al-Mūṣili on behalf of the
al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus41.

41It is worth noting that the third and fourth copies are not included in "The
Comprehensive Index of Arabic and Islamic Manuscript Heritage" (al-fihras al-
shamil lil-turath al-carabi wil-islami).

81
(iv) The fourth copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3777/Tā’/20. This manuscript is of one leaf only (Qāf 9) and is part of a group of
other manuscripts. It was probably written in the 6th/12th century and includes a
samāc which dates from 522/1128. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and its
cover and edges are decorated.

2. ĀmālīIbn al-Anbāri:This manuscript belongs to Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. al-

Qāsim Muḥammad Ibn al-Anbāri (d. 328/940) and has two copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 964/Tā’/5. It has two leaves
(Qāf 26-27) and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It includes a samāc by Ibn
Muḥammad (d. 897/1492), and is written in a fine Arabic Naskh script. It is affected
by damp damage.

(ii) The second copy is kept in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah
Library) and whose number is 3824/Tā’/9. It has four leaves (Qāf 139-142) and is
part of a group of other manuscripts. It includes only one ḥadīth dictation session,
given by Ibn al-Anbāri in the narration of Abu al-Faḍl Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. al-
Ma'mūn. On the first leaf of this manuscript there is a copyright in the name of al-
Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It also includes many samācāt, the oldest of which
dates from 497/1104. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp
damage.

3. Āmālī al-Buḥtari: This manuscript is by Muḥammad b. cAmru b. al-Baghdādi al-

82
Razzāz (d. 339/950)42 and has two copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library). It is of 22 leaves (Qāf 99-120) and is part of a
group of other manuscripts (Group 89, General 3852). This copy was the narrator by
Abu cUmar cAbd al-Wāḥid b. Muḥammad b. cAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad b. Maḥdi.
The manuscript is written in an old Arabic script but the copier has left most of the
words without dots.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is also available in the al-Asad National
Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library). It has five
leaves (Qāf 173-177 Alif), is classified as Recent 34843, and is dated 1639.

4. Āmālīal-Azraq: This manuscript is by Yusuf b. Yacqub b. Isḥāq Ibn al-Bahlūl al-

Anbāri al-Tannūkhi al-Kātib Abu Bakr al-Azraq (d. 329/940) and has two copies:

(i) The first copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Zahiriyyah Library) and its number is
(3775/Tā’). It has 15 leaves (Qāf 1-15). It is a complete manuscript with six ḥadīth
dictation sessions, is part of a group of other manuscripts, includes some corrections
on the edges, and was probably written in the 7th/13th century. The manuscript has a
copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus and also has some
samācat, the oldest of which dates back to 612/1215. It is written in an Arabic Naskh
script and has decorations on its cover.

42Muḥammad b. cAmru b. al-Baghdādi al-Razzāz was also known as the Sheikh, the
traditionist (al-muḥaddith), the trustworthy, and the specialist in the ḥadīth
chain of authorities (al-musnid). His biography is found in al-Khaṭīb (1997,
1:302-303) and al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:444).
43It is worth noting that "al-Albāni's Manuscript Index" (fihras al-Albāni) does not
refer to this copy of the manuscript. Moreover, it is classified as "Recent". I
have checked this manuscript and found that it also includes the āmālī of Jacfar
b. Muḥammad al-Makhladi.

83
(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is similar to the first copy mentioned above
and is kept in al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is (3823/Tā’/11). It has 19 leaves (Qāf 110-128).
It is part of a group of other manuscripts and has corrections on the edges. It also has
some samācat, the oldest of which dates back to 569/1173 and 609/1212. It is written
in an Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp damage.

5. ĀmālīIbn al-Khuld: This manuscript is by Abu cAbd Allah Muḥammad b. Jacfar

al-Duri al-cAttār (d. 331/943) and has three copies:

(i) The first copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyāh Library) and its number is
(3787/Tā’/8). It has six leaves (Qāf 95-102), includes one ḥadīth dictation session,
and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It also has several samācāt, the oldest of
which dates back to 484/1091.

(ii) The second copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3806/Tā’/3). It has five leaves (Qāf 28-33), is similar to the first copy above, is part
of a group of other manuscripts, and has corrections and comparative notes with
other manuscripts. It has a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in
Damascus. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script. Its last two pages are torn from the
upper part.

(iii) The third copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3841/Tā’/6). It has eight leaves (Qāf 75-92) but the first part of it is missing. It is
part of a group of other manuscripts, has corrections and was probably written in the
6th/12th century. It also has somesamācāt, the oldest of which dates back to
502/1108and is written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is affected by damp damage.
84
6. Āmālī al-Razzāz (or Āmālī Ibn al-Bukhturi): This manuscript belongs to
Muḥammad b. cAmru b. al-Bukhtari al-Baghdādi Abu Jacfar al-Razzāz (d. 339/950)
and has seven copies:

(i) The first copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3811/Tā’/6). It has eight leaves, is part of a group of other manuscripts and has
corrections. The copier of the manuscript included ḥadīth dictation sessions which
he heard from al-Razzāz in 618/1221, 619/1222, and 624/1227. It also has some
samācāt, such as the one which dates back to 624/1227 in Baclabakk and is written in
an Arabic Naskh script. It is affected by damp damage.

(ii) The second copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library
in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3782/Tā’/16). It has 13 leaves (Qāf 190-202). It is similar to the first copy above. It
is part of a group of other manuscripts and has corrections. At the beginning and the
end of the manuscript are some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 582/1186. The
manuscript is written in an Arabic Naskh script and the majority of the words are
written with their dots.

(iii) The third copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3763/Tā’/1). It has 14 leaves (Qāf 19-32), is similar to the first copy above, and is
part of a group of other manuscripts. The author of the manuscript dictated it in
337/948 to cAli b. Abu al-Ghanā'im Sālim b. Ṣaṣri. It includes some samācāt, the
oldest of which is from 632/1235 in Damascus. It also has a copyright in the name of
the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School and is written in a good Arabic Naskh script.

(iv) The fourth copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is

85
(3846/Tā’/11). It has 14 leaves (Qāf 108-121) and includes six ḥadīth dictation
sessions. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, has some corrections, and
includes comparative notes with other manuscripts. It includes some samācāt, the
oldest of which is from 633/1236 in Baghdād and is written in an Arabic Naskh
script. It is seriously affected by damp damage.

(v) The fifth copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3809/Tā’/17). It has 11 leaves (Qāf 224-234). It includes six ḥadīth dictation
sessions and is similar to the fourth copy above. It is part of a group of other
manuscripts, has some corrections, and has many samācāt, the oldest of which are
from 496/1103 and 735/1335 and written by Ḥasan b. cAli al-Ascardi. The
manuscript has comments on the edges, there is a copyright by the copier in the name
of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School and the manuscript is written in a good Arabic Naskh
script. It is affected by damp damage.

(vi) The sixth copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is (4520). It
has 14 leaves and includes the third and fourth ḥadīth dictation sessions. It
includes corrections, comparative notes with other manuscripts, and some samācāt,
the oldest of which is from 869/1465. It also has a copyright in the name of Dār al-
ḥadīth al-Ḍiyā'iyyah al-Makdisiyyah and is written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is
affected by damp damage.

(vii) The seventh copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3856/Tā’/16). It has four leaves (Qāf 174-179), is part of a group of other
manuscripts and was probably written in the 7th/13th century. It includes some
samācāt, the oldest of which is in 651/1253. It also has a copyright in the name of
Dār al-ḥadīth al-Ḍiyā'iyyah al-Makdisiyyah. It is affected by damp damage and is
written in an Arabic Naskh script.
86
7. Āmālīal-Najād: This manuscript is by Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Salmān b. Isrā'īl (d.
348/959)44. It has three copies:

(i) The first copy has two leaves (Qāf 160-161), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General 3782, Group 46. It
includes only one ḥadīth dictation session.

(ii) The second copy has 10 leaves (Qāf 44-53) and includes five ḥadīth dictation
sessions. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and was probably written in the 7th
13th century. It has some corrections and is a copy from the manuscript of al-
Dimyāṭi. This manuscript has a copyright and a licence (namely, the permission for
readers to read this manuscript) in the name of Yūsuf b. cAbd al-Hadi. It also has
another copyright in the name of Muḥammad al-Dimyāṭi and the years it was read in
738/1337 and 893/1488. It also includes the year of its samāc in 648/1250 and other
(samācāt, the oldest of which is from 682/1283. The manuscript is written in an
Arabic Naskh script and has decorations on its cover.

(iii) The third copy of this manuscript has four leaves (Qāf 13-16), is part of a group
of other manuscripts, and includes only one ḥadīth dictation session. It was probably
written in the 6th/12th century, has some corrections, and includes some samācāt, the
oldest of which is from 566/1170. This manuscript is written in the Persian script,
has additional notes in the margins, and has decorations on the cover. It is affected by
damp damage.

8. Āmālī al-cAllāf: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. Yūsuf b.

Muḥammad al-cAllāf (d. 381/991) and there are two copies:

44Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Salmān b. Isrā'īl was also known as the Imām, the traditionist
(al-muḥaddith), the trustworthy, and the specialist of Iraq in theḥadīth chain of
narration (musnid al-cirāq). His biography is available in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 5:45-
46), al-Dhahabi (1992, 15:521), and al-Ṣafadi (1962, 8:34).

87
(i) The first copy has 4 leaves (Qāf 6-9) and includes one ḥadīth dictation session. It
is part of a group of other manuscripts and was probably written in the 7th/13th
century. It has some corrections, and includes some samācāt, the oldest of which is
from 602/1205 in Damascus. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script, is available in
the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah
Library) and its number is (3791/Tā’/3).It is affected by damp damage.

(ii) The second copy has19 leaves (Qāf 112-130), includes some ḥadīth dictation
sessions, is part of a group of other manuscripts, and is likely to have been written in
the 7th/13th century. It has some corrections and includes some samācāt, the oldest of
which is from 611/1214 in Ḥimṣ. The manuscript has some additional notes and is
written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3803/Tā’/10). It is affected by damp damage.

9. Āmālī Ibn Dust: This manuscript is by Aḥmad b. Yūsuf b. Abu cAbd Allāh al-
c
Allāf (381/991) and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3791, Group 55. One ḥadīth
dictation session is from Qāf 6-7/Alif.

(ii) The second copy is also kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General 3803,
Group 67. One part of it is from Qāf 112-129.

10. Āmālī Ibn Shāhīn: This manuscript belonged to Abu Ḥafṣ cUmar b. Aḥmad b.

88
c
Uthmān b. Aiyūb al-Baghdādi (d. 385/995)45 and has five copies:

(i) The first copy has ten leaves (Qāf 63-72) and is available in the al-Asad National
Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number
is General 3839, Group 103. This manuscript is narrated by the Jurist Abu al-Ḥusain
Muḥammad b. cAli b. Muḥammad b. cUbaid Allāh in 464/1071 and is written in a
clear Arabic Naskh script, except for its first leaf, which is written in a different
script.

(ii) The second copy is also kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General 3840,
Group 104. It includes three ḥadīth dictation sessions from Qāf 83-92. It is narrated
by Abu al-Ḥusain Muḥammad b. cAli b. cUbaid Allāh b. al-Muhtadi Billāh. It is
written in a good Arabic Naskh script and does not have many dots on the words. It
also includes some samācāt.

(iii) The third copy of this manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(3819/Tā’/6). It has 14 leaves (Qāf 94-107), includes three ḥadīth dictation sessions
and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It was probably written in the 7th/13th
century and has some corrections and additional notes in the margins. It includes a
large number of samācāt at the beginning and at the end, the oldest of which is from
681/1282 in Damascus. It has a copyright in the name of Yūsuf b. Ḥasan b. cAbd al-
Hadi al-Makdisi, is written in an Arabic Taclīq script and has decorations on the
cover. It is affected by damp damage46.

45Abu ḤafṣcUmar b. Aḥmad b. cUthmān b. Aiyūb al-Baghdādiwas also known as the

trustworthy Sheikh, the memoriser, the scholar, and the Sheikh of Iraq. His
biography is available in al-Khaṭīb (1997, 11:265-268) and al-Dhahabi (1992,
14:431).
46It is worth noting that from the second copy up the fifth copy are not referred to
in"The Comprehensive Index of Manuscripts of the Arabic and Islamic
Heritage".
89
(iv) The fourth copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3807/Tā’/3. It has 8 leaves (Qāf 42-49). It is part of a group of other manuscripts and
is likely to have been written in the 7th/13th century. It has corrections and some
samācat, the oldest of which is from 641/1243 in Aleppo and also has a copyright in
the name of Muḥammad al-Ḥarrani for the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is
written in a good Arabic Naskh script.

(v) The fifth copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
(1254/Tā’/2). It has 7 leaves (Qāf 174-180). It is part of a group of other manuscripts,
has some corrections, and is written in an Arabic Naskh script, but is affected by
damp damage and acidity which have led to the disappearance of a large number of
its words.

11. Āmālī al-Makhladi: This manuscript belongs to Abu Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b.

Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusain b. cAli al-Naisābūri (d. 389/999)47 and has three copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and its number is 3753, Group 16. It includes three ḥadīth dictation
sessions from Qāf 90-93. It is written in an ordinary legible script and has many
samācāt.

(ii) The second manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus

47Abu Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusain b. cAli al-Naisābūri was

also known as the trustworthy Imam and the specialist in the ḥadīth chain of
narration. He was also well-known for his precision in the narration of ḥadīth
and used to give his ḥadīth dictation sessions in Dār al-Sunnah. His biography is
available in Ibn al-Athīr (1980, 3:180).

90
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and its number is 3797, Group 61, General. It has three ḥadīth dictation
sessions from Qāf 24-29.

(iii) The third manuscript is also kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and its number is 3847, Group 111, General. It has three ḥadīth
dictation sessions from Qāf 67-76. This copy of the manuscript is written in an
untidy handwriting and without any dots on the words. It also has some samācāt.

12.Āmālī al-Kaiyal: This manuscript is by cAli b. cUmar b. Muḥammad al-Khatli al-

Sukkari al-Ḥarbi al-Ṣairafi Ibn Shādhān Abu al-Ḥasan al-Kaiyāl (d. 386/966). There
are two copies of this manuscript:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3755/Tā’/19. It has 17 leaves (Qāf 236-252). It is part of a group of other
manuscripts and has some corrections and comparative notes with another
manuscript which was kept in the al-Kāmiliyyah School in 744/1343. It includes a
number of samācāt, the oldest of which was written in 525/1131. It has a copyright in
the name of Sheikh cAli al-Mūṣili for the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3791/Tā’/16. It has 7 leaves (Qāf 175-181), is part of a group of other manuscripts
and has some corrections and comparative notes with other manuscripts. It includes a
number of samācāt, the oldest of which was written in 583/1187. This copy has a
copyright in the name of Sheikh cAli al-Mūṣili for the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in
Damascus, and is written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is affected by damp damage.

91
13. Āmālī al-Kaiyāl: This manuscript is by cUmar b. Ibrāhīm b. Aḥmad al-Baghdādi
Abu Ḥafṣ al-Kittāni (d. 390/1000), and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-ẒāhirīyyahLibrary), its number is 4573, and has
17 leaves. Only the first part of this manuscript is available and it is part of a group
of other manuscripts. It includes a number of samācāt, the oldest of which was
written in 577/1181. This copy has the year 731/1331 as the year in which it was read
in the presence of a ḥadīth scholar. It also has a copyright in the name of the al-
Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus, and is written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is
affected by damp damage, which has led to the disappearance of some of the words.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3249/Tā’/11,
and has 17 leaves. Only the first part of this manuscript is available and it is part of a
group of other manuscripts. At the beginning and the end of it are a number of
samācat, the oldest of which was written in 531/1136. On the first leaf of this copy
there is a licence (permission by the ḥadīth scholar Ibn al-Mubarrad for the
manuscript to be read). It also has a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah
School in Damascus. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and there are decorations
on its cover.

14. Āmālī Ibn al-Jarrāḥ: This manuscript belonged to cIsa b. cAli b. cIsa b. al Jarrāḥ
(d. 391/1001)48 and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is available in the library of the engineer Alfrid
Chester Beatty in Ireland and is the second part of the manuscript. Its number is
3495/4, and is part of a group of other manuscripts (Qāf 26-45).

48cIsa b. cAli b. cIsa b. al-Jarrāḥ was also known as the well-respected Sheikh and the
specialist in the ḥadīth chain of narration (al-musnid). His biography is found in
al-Khaṭīb (1997, 11;179-180), al-Dhahabi (1992, 16:549), and Ibn al-cImād
(1988, 3;137-138).

92
(ii) The second copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3846/Tā’/16,
and it is part of a group of other manuscripts49. It includes six ḥadīth dictation
sessions and is likely to have been written in the 7th/13th century. It has a copyright
on it and has some samācāt, the oldest of which was written in 610/1213. It is written
in an Arabic Naskh script and this copy is affected by damp damage.

15. Āmālī al-Mukhliṣ: This manuscript belonged to Abu Ṭāhir Muḥammad b. cAbd
al-Raḥmān b. al-cAbbās al-Dhahabi al-Baghdādi al-Mukhliṣ (d. 393/1003). There are
four copies:

(i) The first copy has 11 leaves (Qāf 31-41). It includes seven ḥadīth dictation
sessions and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It was probably written in the
7th/13th century and has some corrections and comparative notes from other
manuscripts. The manuscript is narrated by Abu MuḥammadcAbd Allāh b.
Muḥammad al-Ṣairafi, and refers to the death of the author of the manuscript and the
place where he is buried. The manuscript includes a number of samācāt, the oldest of
which was written in 603/1206 by Muḥammad b. Abu al-Qāsim b. Muḥammad al-
Ansari. It is written in a very fine Arabic Naskh script and has decorations on its
cover. This copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3744/Tā’/4, and it is affected by
damp damage.

(ii) The second copy has 25 leaves (Qāf 95-119) and is similar to the first copy from
the beginning to the end. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, is likely to have

49It is important to note that the second copy of this manuscript has been overlooked
by "The Comprehensive Index of Arabic and Islamic Manuscript Heritage"
published by Mu'assasat Āl al-Bait, Amman, Jordan. This Index mentions only
the first copy of the manuscript in its volume 1 page 238.

93
been written in the 6th/12th century, and is narrated by Abu MuḥammadcAbd Allāh b.
Muḥammad al-Ṣairafi. The manuscript includes some samācāt, the oldest of which
was written in 633/1235 in Damascus. In the margins, there are some additional
comments and corrections. The owner of this manuscript is named as Aḥmad b. al-
Ḥalawāniyyah al-Azdi and it has also a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah
School in Damascus. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and is kept in the al-Asad
National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-ẒāhirīyyahLibrary). Its
number is 3796/Tā’/6.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is similar to the first copy from the beginning
to the end. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, was probably written in the
6th/12th century, and has some corrections. It has a number of samācāt, the oldest of
which was written in 595/1199. It is written in a very fine Arabic Naskh script but
the section titles are written in a bigger script size. It has decorations on its cover and
the margins. It is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3854/Tā’/8.

(iv) The fourth copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is
3744/Tā’/3. It has six leaves (Qāf 25-30) and is part of a group of other manuscripts.
It was probably written in the 8th/14th century. It has a copyright in the name of
Yūsuf b. Khalīl al-Ādami and includes some readings by Yūsuf cAbd al-Hadi in
869/1464. This copy is written on red paper in an Arabic Naskh script and has
decorations on the cover. It is affected by damp damage.

16. ĀmālīIbn Mandah: This manuscript belonged to Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b.

94
Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā(d. 395/1005)50. There are four copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the Copreli Library in Turkey and its number is
252/4. It includes four ḥadīth dictation sessions (Qāf 28 Alif – 30 Ba' and Qāf 98 Alif
– 101 Ba') and it is part of a group of other manuscripts. However, when I inspected
this copy, I found that the leaves had been placed in the wrong order, due to
negligence.

(ii) The second manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3772/Tā’/5. It is
part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 35) and includes the first ḥadīth dictation
session from Qāf 24-72. It also includes ḥadīth dictation sessions which are different
from the second and third parts of the same copy. It has many samācāt, the oldest of
which was written in 406/1015. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script but not all the
words are written with their relevant dots. It is affected by damp damage and this has
in turn affected the legibility of some words.

(iii) The third copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3778/Tā’/10. It is
part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 41) (Qāf 48-54). It is likely to have been
written in the 6th/12th century and has a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah
School. It has a number of samācāt, the oldest of which was written in 516/1122 and
is written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is affected by damp damage.

(iv) The fourth copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly

50It is very important to note that in the "The Comprehensive Index of Arabic and
Islamic Manuscript Heritage" we find that this manuscript has five copies.
Among the names mentioned in one of the copies in "The Comprehensive Index
of Arabic and Islamic Manuscript Heritage" is ĀmālīIbn Mandah Yaḥyāb.
c
Abd al-Wahhāb b. Muḥammad al-cAbdi al-Aṣbahāni Abu Zakariyyā Ibn
Mandah (d. 511/1117). However, these are in fact two different names of two
different scholars and this is evident in their different dates of death.

95
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3792/Tā’/8. It is part of a
group of other manuscripts (Group 56) (Qāf 48-54). It includes one ḥadīth dictation
session and was probably written in the 7th/13th century. It also has a copyright in the
name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School and a number of samācāt, the oldest of which was
written in 608/1211 in Aṣbahān. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script.

17. Āmālī al-Ḍabi: This manuscript is by al-Ḥusain b. Hārūn b. Muḥammad al-Qāḍi

(d. 398/1007)51. There are four copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the London Library. Its number is 2495, it has 12
leaves, and was written in 692/1293.

(ii) The second copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3759/Tā’/11. It is
part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 22), has seven leaves (Qāf 139-145), and
includes the 61stḥadīth dictation session. It has some corrections and a number of
samācat, the oldest of which was written in 670/1271. It is written in an Arabic
Naskh script, has decorations on its cover, and is affected by damp damage.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is
3759/Tā’/10. It is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 22), has seven leaves
(Qāf 134-136), and includes the 50th and the 61stḥadīth dictation sessions. It was
probably written in the 6th/12th century and has a number of samācāt, the oldest of
which was written in 525/1131 with the reading of Muḥammad b. Ṭabarzad. It is
written in an Arabic Naskh script, has decorations on its cover and is affected by
damp damage.

51The biography of al-Ḥusain b. Hārūn b. Muḥammad al-Qāḍi is available in al-

Khaṭīb (1997, 8:146-147), al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:96), and Ibn al-cImād (1988,
3:15).

96
(iv) The fourth copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is
3799/Tā’/10. It is part of a group of other manuscripts (Group 63), has five leaves
(Qāf 139-143), and includes two ḥadīth dictation sessions. It includes some
corrections and comparative notes with other manuscripts, as well as a number of
samācāt, the oldest of which was written in 578/1182. It is written in a good Arabic
Naskh script, and is affected by damp damage.

18. Āmālī al-Yazdi: This manuscript belonged to Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b.
Ibrāhīm b. Jacfar al-Jurjāni al-Yazdi (d. 408/1018) and has two copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library),and its number is
3810/Tā’/10. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and has 94 leaves (Qāf 105-
195). It includes forty-one ḥadīth dictation sessions and has some corrections and
comparative notes with the original manuscript. It includes some samācāt, the oldest
of which was written in 601/1204, and is written in a good Arabic Naskh script. It is
affected by serious damp damage which has in turn affected its content.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 9406. It
includes 16 leaves, the fifth part of which has holes from its ends. There are
decorations on the edges of this copy. It is written mainly in Persian, but the last
three leaves have a different handwriting and are badly torn.

19. Āmālī Ibn Mardawaih: This manuscript is by Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Mūsa Ibn
Mardawaih al-Aṣbahāni Ibn Mardawaih al-Kabīr (d. 410/1019) and there are two
copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in

97
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3782/Tā’/22. It includes 8 leaves (Qāf 279-286) and contains one ḥadīth dictation
session. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, has some corrections and includes
comparative notes with other manuscripts. At the end of this copy is a samāc by cAli
Abu Ṭāhir Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Salafi, and the manuscript is written in an
Arabic Naskh script. It is seriously affected by damp damage, which has caused the
disappearance of a considerable number of words.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is also available in the al-Asad National
Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number
is 3844/Tā’/7. It includes 13 leaves (Qāf 181-193) and has three ḥadīth dictation
sessions. It is likely to have been written in the 7th/13th century, and includes some
corrections as well as comparative notes with other manuscripts. It is written in an
Arabic Naskh script and the words have full case endings. It is affected by damp
damage.

20. Āmālī al-Yazdi: This manuscript is by Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmḥn b. Aḥmad al-
Qāḍi Abu Bakr al-Yazdi (d. 41/1020)52 and has two copies:

(i) The first copy has six leaves (Qāf 148-153) and is part of a group of other
manuscripts. It was probably written in the 7th/13th century, has corrections and
includes some samācat, the oldest of which dates back to 693/1294. It is written in an
Arabic Naskh script and has decorations on its cover. It has a copyright in the name
of cImād al-Dīn b. al-Mālik. This copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad
National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its
number is 842/Tā’/11.

52Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Aḥmad al-Qaḍi Abu Bakr al-Yazdi was also known
as the Imām and the jurist. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992,
17:306).

98
(ii) The second copy of the manuscript has five leaves (Qāf 60-66), is similar to the
first copy and is part of a group of other manuscripts. The beginning of the
manuscript refers to the name Abu Bakr al-Yazdi and his ḥadīth dictation session.
This copy includes at the end a samāc by Abu Ṭāhir Aḥmad Ibn Muḥammad al-Salafi
as well as other samācat from 575/1179. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script, has
decorations on its cover and its edges and is affected by damp damage. It is available
in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah
Library) and its number is 1148/Tā’/3.

21. ĀmālīMuḥammad b. Maḥmash: This manuscript belonged to Muḥammad b.

Maḥmash b. cAli b. Dāwūd (d. 410/1019)53 and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is Group 41, General 3778. It
has one leaf (Qāf 99).

(ii) The second copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3799/Tā’/19 (Group
63, General 3799). It has five leaves (Qāf 190-194). It includes three ḥadīth dictation
sessions. It is narrated by Abu cAbd Allāh al-Qāsim b. al-Faḍl b. Aḥmad b. Maḥmūd
al-Thaqāfi and is part of a group of other manuscripts. The first leaf refers to the title,
the author, and the samāc of the Makdisi. At the end, there are other samācat in the
presence of Abu al-Ṭāhir al-Salafi, the oldest of which is from 574/1178. It has a
copyright in the name of al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School and is written in an Arabic Naskh
script. It is affected by damp damage.

53Muḥammad b. Maḥmash b. cAli b. Dāwūd was also known as the jurist (al-faqīh),
the scholar, the model (al-qidwah), and the Sheikh of Khurāsān. His biography
is available in Ibn al-Athir (1980, 2:84), al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:276), and al-
Ṣafadi (1962, 1:271-272). It is reported that he held ḥadīth dictation sessions for
nearly 30 years (al-Dhahabi 1992, 17:277).

99
22. Āmālī al-Qāḍi: This manuscript is by Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Jacfar al-
Qāḍi (d. 411/1020)54 and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is Group 106, General 3842. It
includes a ḥadīth dictation session which al-Qāḍi held in 409/1018. It has six leaves
(Qāf 148-153).

(ii) The second copy is also kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General 1148,
Ḥadīth 357. It includes one ḥadīth dictation session and has five leaves (Qāf 66-70).

23. Āmālī al-Khashshāb: This manuscript belonged to Abu al-cAbbās Munīr b.

Aḥmad b. al-Ḥasan al-Maṣri al-Khashshāb (412/1022)55 and has two copies:

(i) The first copy of this manuscript has four leaves (Qāf 44-47) and is part of a
group of other manuscripts. It was probably written in the 8th/14th century and is
narrated by Ibrāhīm b. Sacad al-Jibal (d. 482/1089). It includes many samācāt, the
oldest of which dates back to 731/1331 in Cairo, and it is written in an Arabic Naskh
script. This copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Zahiriyyah Library) and its number is
3764/Tā’/3. It is affected by damp and book worm damage.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is of seven leaves (Qāf 32-37) and is similar
to the first copy. However, the copier has forgotten to include the last two lines of
poetry. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and is likely to have been written in

54Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Jacfar al-Qaḍi was also called the Imām. His
biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:306).
55Abu al-cAbbās Munīr b. Aḥmad b. al-Ḥasan al-Maṣri al-Khashshāb was
nicknamed the trustworthy and the just. His biography is available in al-
Dhahabi (1992, 17:267) and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:197).

100
the 7th/13th century. It includes a copyright in the name of cImād al-Dīn b al-Mālik
and has many samācāt, the oldest of which was written in 624/1227. It is written in
an Arabic Taclīq script, has golden decorations on its cover and the edges, and is
affected by damp damage. It has a copyright in the name of cImād al-Dīn b. al-Mālik.
This copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3849/Tā’/2.

24. Āmālī Abu Sācīd: This manuscript belongs to Muḥammad b. cAli b. cAmru (d.
414/1023)56 and has two copies:

(i) The first copy includes three ḥadīth dictation sessions, has four leaves (Qāf 82-85)
and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It is available in the al-Asad National
Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number
is 3778/ General/ Group 20.

(ii) The second copy includes three ḥadīth dictation sessions, has 13 leaves (Qāf 40-
52) and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It is kept in the al-Asad National
Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number
is 3778/Group 20.

25. Āmālī al-Dhakwāni: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Muḥammad b.

Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Macdal al-Hamadhāni al-Aṣbahāni al-Dhakwāni (d.
419/1028)57 and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy has 23 leaves (Qāf 1-23) and includes 12 ḥadīth dictation sessions.

56Muḥammad b. cAli b. cAmru was known as the Imām, the memoriser, and the
virtuous. His biography is available in al-Aṣbahāni (1990, 2:308), al-Dhahabi
(1992, 17:307), and al-Ṣafadi (1962, 4:119).
57Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Macdal al-Hamadhāni al-
Aṣbaḥani al-Dhakwani was also known as the scholar, the memoriser, the
traveller, and the trustworthy. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992,
17:433), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:213).

101
It is part of a group of other manuscripts and includes corrections and was probably
written in the 6th/12th century. It has a copyright in the name of cAbd al-Ghani al-
Makdisi, is written in an Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp damage. This
copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3799/Tā’.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript has three leaves (Qāf 93-95) and includes one
ḥadīth dictation session in the narration of Abu Ṭāhir Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Salafi
al-Aṣbahāni (d. 576/1180). It includes many samācāt, one of which is in the name of
the narrator in 574/1178 and another samāc which dates from 635/1237. It is written
in an Arabic Naskh script, has decorations on its cover, and is affected by damp
damage. This copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
1148/Tā’/9.

26. ĀmālīAbu Muḥammad al-Hamadhāni: This manuscript belonged to Aḥmad b.

c
Abd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad al-Hamadhāni al-Aṣbahāni (d. 419/1082)58 and there
are three copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General 3799/ Group 63. It
includes 12 ḥadīth dictation sessions, each of which ends with a number of poetry
lines on asceticism. It has 23 leaves (Qāf 1-23) and is narrated and copied by cAbd
al-Ghani.

58Ahmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad al-Hamadhāni al-Aṣbahāni was

nicknamed the scholar, the memoriser, the traveller, and the trustworthy. His
biography is available in al-Aṣbahāni (1990, 2:310), al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:433),
and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3;213).

102
(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General
3559. It includes seven ḥadīth dictation sessions, each of which ends with a number
of poetry lines on asceticism. It has 15 leaves (Qāf 1-15).

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General
1148/ḥadīth 357. It has 3 leaves (Qāf 93-95).

27. Āmālī Ibn cAbd Kūwih: This manuscript is by Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. Baṣīr b.
Jacfar (d. 422/1031)59 and has three copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is kept in the Copreli Library in Turkey. Its
number is 252/6 (Group 626) and includes three ḥadīth dictation sessions. This copy
has 11 leaves (Qāf 51 Alif – 61 Alif) and is part of a group of other manuscripts.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is General
3802, Group 66) and it has 16 leaves (Qāf 1-16). Three whole manuscript of ḥadīth
dictation sessions were dictated in 420/1029 and narrated by Abu al-cAlā'
Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Jabbār b. Muḥammad in 492/1099. It is written in a good
Arabic Taclīq script.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is General
3845, Group 109. From Qāf 216-224 are the leaves that were narrated by Abu Ṭāhir

59Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad al-Hamadhāni al-Aṣbahāni was

nicknamed the scholar, the memoriser, the traveller, and the trustworthy. His
biography is available in al-Aṣbahāni (1990, 2:310), al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:433),
and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3;213).

103
Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Salafi al-Aṣbahāni (d. 576/1180). It includes many samācāt
and is written in a good but ordinary Arabic script.

28. Āmālīal-Qizwīni: This manuscript belonged to Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. cUmar b.

Muḥammad (d. 42/1050)60 and there are five copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Zahiriyyah Library) and its number is General
3759, Group 22. there are 14 leaves (Qāf 1-14)and it is five ḥadīth dictation sessions
were dictated by the author Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. cUmar b. Muḥammad in 436/1044
in his local mosque in al-Ḥarbiyyah. This is a good copy which also includes some
corrections and comparative notes with other manuscripts. Its number in the al-Asad
National Library is 3759/Tā’. This copy includes five complete ḥadīth dictation
sessions, is part of a group of other manuscripts, and has a large number of samācāt,
from around 624/1227. In the margins of this copy, we find personal comments and
additional notes. It also has a copyright in the name of Ḍiyā' al-Dīn al-Makdisi in
Damascus, and has decorations on its cover. It is affected by damp damage.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), has four leaves (Qāf 103-
106), and its number is General 384, Group 16. Its number in the al-Asad National
Library is 1178/Tā’/2. It is likely to have been written in the 7th/13th century, includes
corrections, and has some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 617/1220. It also has
a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus, and is written in an
Arabic Naskh script. It is affected by damp damage.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in

60Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. cUmar b. Muḥammadwas known as the model (al-qudwah),

the knowledgeable, and the Sheikh of Iraq. His biography is available in al-
Khaṭīb (1997, 12:42), al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:609), and Ibn al-cImād (1988,
3:268-269).

104
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), has four leaves (Qāf 184-
186), and its number is General 384, Group 104. Its number in the al-Asad National
Library is 3840/Tā’/15. It includes corrections, comparative notes with other
manuscripts, and has one samāc written in 548/1153. This copy is narrated by Abu
al-cIzz Muḥammad b. al-Mukhtār b. al-Mu'aiyad Billāh. It also has some additional
notes, and is written in an Arabic Naskh script with dots used for only some of the
words.

(iv) The fourth copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library). It includes a ḥadīth
dictation session of six leaves (Qāf 197-202), and its number is Group 297, General
1088. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, and its number in the al-Asad
National Library is 1088/Tā’/12. It includes corrections as well as comparative notes
with other manuscripts. At the beginning and the end, there are samācāt, the oldest
of which was written in 619/1222 in Nablus. Also, on one leaf (Qāf 201 Ba'), there is
one samāc which is dated 516/1122. The manuscript is written in an Arabic Naskh
script but not many dots are used for the words.

(v) The fifth copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library). Its number is Group 378,
General 1178. It includes two ḥadīth dictation sessions (from Qāf 23-27).

29. Āmālīal-Shīrāzi: This manuscript belonged to al-Ḥasan b. cAli b. al-Ḥasan al-

Shīrāzi (d. 454/1062)61 and has nine copies:

61Al-Ḥasan b. cAli b. al-Ḥasan al-Shīrāzi was also known as the Sheikh, the Imām,
the traditionist (al-muḥaddith), the trustworthy, and the specialist in the
ḥadīth chain of narration (al-musnid). His biography is available in al-Khaṭīb
(1997, 7;393), al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:393), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:292). He is
highly praised by al-Dhahabi (1992, 17:393) for his knowledge of ḥadīth and
the quality of his ḥadīth dictation sessions.

105
(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is Group 117, General 3853).
Four of its ḥadīth dictation sessions were consecutively held on the 3rd, 10th, and 14th
of the month of Shacbān in 447/1055 and are narrated by Abu Bakr Muḥammad b.
c
Abd al-Bāqi b. Muḥammad b. cAbd Allāh al-Anṣāri. They are on (Qāf 109-119).
The manuscript was copied in 580/1184 in an untidy Arabic Naskh script.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is

Group 110, General 3846. It has12 leaves (Qāf 55-66) which include the second
ḥadīth dictation session selected by Abu Muḥammad Ẓāhir al-Naisābūri based on the
narration of Abu cAli Ṭālib al-Anṣāri in 641/1243. It is written in an Arabic Naskh
script but with little use of dots for the words.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript has 11 leaves (Qāf 120-130) and contains four
ḥadīth dictation sessions. The copy is part of a group of other manuscripts and has a
copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It also includes one
samāc by its owner Aḥmad b. cAbd al-Waḥid al-Makdisi. It is written in an Arabic
Naskh script and is affected by damp damage.

(iv) The fourth copy has six leaves (Qāf 94-99) and includes two ḥadīth dictation
sessions. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and is likely to have been written
in the 6th/12th century. It was selected by al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādi and includes some
samācāt from the 8th/14th century and 9th/15th century. It is kept in the al-Asad
National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its
number is 3815/Tā’.

(v) The fifth copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is

106
3846/Tā’/5. It has 3 leaves (Qāf 55-57) and includes the second ḥadīth dictation
session. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, has corrections, and includes some
samācāt, the oldest of which is from 593/1197. It has a copyright in the name of the
al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus and is written in an Arabic Naskh script without
many dots used for the words. It is affected by damp damage.

(vi) The sixth copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3815/Tā’/10. It has 6 leaves (Qāf 129-134) and includes the 7th ḥadīth dictation
session on the virtues of the middle of the month of Shacban. It is part of a group of
other manuscripts and has some samācāt, the oldest of which is dated 655/1257. It
has a copyright in the name of cImād al-Dīn b. al-Mālik and is written in a good
Arabic Naskh script.

(vii) The seventh copy of the manuscript has eight leaves (Qāf 135-142) and includes
the 11thḥadīth dictation session on the virtues of the month of Ramaḍāan. It was
probably written in the 7th/13th century and has some samācāt, the oldest of which is
from 656/1258, that took place in the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is written
in an Arabic Naskh script.

(viii) This copy includes 10 leaves (Qāf 64-73) and has two ḥadīth dictation sessions.
It is part of a group of other manuscripts, is likely to have been written in the 7th/13th
century and includes some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 684/1285. It includes
corrections and additional notes in the margins. It is written in a poor Arabic Naskh
script, is affected by damp damage, and is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library). Its number is 3841/Tā’/5.

(ix) The ninth copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3774/Tā’/2. It includes 3 leaves (Qāf 29-31) and has one ḥadīth dictation session. It
107
is part of a group of other manuscripts, and includes some corrections and
comparative notes with other manuscripts. It also includes some samācāt, the oldest
of which is from 710/1310. This copy of the manuscript has a copyright in the name
of cAli al-Mūṣli for al-Ḍiyā'iyyah Dār al-Ḥadīth. It also has another samāc, which
took place in 604/1205 and was read in 673/1274 It has decorations on the cover.

30. Āmālī al-Batarqāni: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. al-Faḍl b.
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Aṣbahāni (d. 460/1068)62. There are three copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the Islamic University of Imām Muḥammad b. Sucud in
Riyadh in Riyadh, its number is 2122, and it is part of a group of other manuscripts
(Qāf 221-288).

(ii) The second copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and its number is Group 26, General 3763, Qāf 153-172.

(iii) The third copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3777/Tā’/18, Group 40,
General 1777. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and includes a ḥadīth
dictation session (Qāf 264-270). It includes two samācāt taken from the original
copy, and the oldest of these two samācāttook place in 497/1104. There are some
other samācāt, the oldest of which is from 596/1196. The manuscript is written in an
Arabic Naskh script but without many dots used on the words, and it has decorations
on the cover.

62Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. al-Faḍl b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Aṣbahāni was also known
as the grand Imām and the master of reciters. His biography is available in al-
Dhahabi (1992, 18:182), al-Ṣafadi (1988, 7:288), and Ibn al-cImād (1988,
3:308).

108
31. Āmālīal-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādi: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Aḥmad b.
c
Ali b. Thābit (d. 463/1071)63, and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy of this manuscript is kept in the al-Zaitūnah National Library (Dār
al-Kutub al-Waṭaniyyah) in Tunis, is part of a group of other manuscripts, and has
three leaves (Qāf 54-56). Its number is 5032.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3764/Tā’/18. It has 10 leaves (Qāf 203-212), and is part of a group of other
manuscripts. The fifth part of it has been read in the presence of a number of ḥadīth
scholars in Baghdād, Cairo and Damascus. The copy also includes a number of
(samācāt), one of which took place in 633/1235, and is written in an Arabic Naskh
script. It is affected by damp damage which has led to some damage to the words.

32. ĀmālīIbn Muslimah: This manuscript belonged to Abu Jacfar Muḥammad b.

Aḥmad b. cUmar b. al-Ḥasan (d. 465/1072) and has three copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is Group 118, General 3854, Qāf
10 Ba' – 11 Jim and 21 Ba' – 22)). It includes a ḥadīth dictation session which was
given in the al-Madīnah mosque in 459/1067. It is written in an ordinary Arabic
Naskh script, by Yūsuf b. Mukhlid al-Tannūkhi in 523/1129.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is Group 1,
Qāf 2-22.

63Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. cAli b. Thābit was nicknamed the only Imām, the scholar, the
jurist, the critic and the traditionist of his time. His biography is available in Ibn
al-Dimyāṭi (1988:54-61) and al-Dhahabi (1992, 18:270).

109
(iii) The third copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is Group 104, Qāf 118-121. This
copy was previously number general( 643

33. Āmālī al-Kittāni: This manuscript belonged to cAbd al-cAzīz b. Aḥmad b.

Muḥammad Ibn cAli b. Sulaimān al-Dimishqi (d. 466/1073)64 and there are two
copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3846/Tā’/6 (Group 110, General
3846), and it has five leaves (Qāf 62-66).

(ii) The second copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 955/Tā’/10. It is
part of a group of other manuscripts, includes some corrections, and has two leaves
(Qāf 236-237). This copy also includes a samāc that took place in the presence of the
author himself in 463/1071. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script without using
many dots for the words. It is seriously affected by damp damage.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3818/Tā’/2. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, includes some corrections, and
has two leaves (Qāf 32-33). It is likely to have been written in the 5th/11th century
with little use of the dots on the words, and is written in a poor Arabic Naskh script.
It is affected by damp damage.

64cAbd al-cAzīz b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad Ibn cAli b. Sulaimān al-Dimishqi was also
known as the Imām, the memoriser, the useful scholar, the trustworthy, and the
traditionist of Damascus. His biography is available in Mākūla (1991, 7:187)
and al-Dhahabi (1992, 18:248).

110
34. Āmālīal-Khabbāzi: This manuscript belonged to Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. al-
Ḥasan al-Muqri' al-Ṭabari al-Khabbāzi (468/1075) and there are two copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library and its number is 10999. It includes 24 ḥadīth
dictation sessions, has some marginal notes, and has 17 leaves. It includes some
samācāt, the oldest of which took place in 531/1136. It is written in an Arabic Naskh
script.

(ii) The second copy has three leaves (Qāf 36-38), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and is narrated by Abu al-Wafā' Aḥmad b. cUbaid Allāh b. Aḥmad al-
Nahkashi. It was probably written in the 5th/11th century, includes some corrections,
and on its first leaf there is a samāc and a copyright in the name of cAbd al-Ghani al-
Makdisi. At the end of this copy, a number of samācāt can be found, the oldest of
which took place in 569/1173 in Alexandria. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script
and is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3849/Tā’/3.

35. ĀmālīAbu Bakr al-Shīrāzi: This manuscript belonged to Aḥmad b. cAli b. cAbd
Allāh b. cUmar (d. 487/1094)65 and has two copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3806/Tā’/ (Qāf 3-17), and it is
part of a group of other manuscripts. It includes some marginal notes and has a
copyright in the name of al-cAmriyyah School. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script
and is affected by damp damage.

65Aḥmad b. cAli b. cAbd Allāh b. cUmar was known as the scholar, the grammarian,
the man of letters, and the specialist in the ḥadīth chain of narration (al-musnid).
A large number of ḥadīth scholars visited him and attended his ḥadīth dictation
sessions. He was known as a strict teacher. His biography is available in al-
Dhahabi (1992, 18:487) and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:378-380).

111
(ii) The second copy has 18 leaves (Qāf 1-18), is available in the al-Asad National
Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number
is 3839/Tā’/. This copy includes seven ḥadīth dictation sessions, is part of a group of
other manuscripts, and has some corrections. On its first leaf, there is a samāc written
by Ibn al-Mubarrad Yūsuf b. al-Ḥasan cAli in the presence of one of his ḥadīth
teachers. There is also another samāc, written by Ḍiyā' al-Dīn al-Makdisi in
608/1211. The copy includes a copyright in the name of the copier for the al-
Ḍiyā'iyyah School. It also includes a number of other samācāt, the oldest of which
took place in 558/1163. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script, and is affected by
damp damage.

36. Āmālī Abu al-Fatḥ al-Nābulsi: This manuscript belonged to Naṣr b. Ibrāhīm b.
Naṣr al-Nābulsi al-Makdisi (d. 490/1097)66 and has five copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is available in the Bell Library in the United
States of America (119-124), (683), and has six leaves, and written before general(
631 ).

(ii) The second copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), is part of a group of other manuscripts, and is of
four leaves (Qāf 194-197).

(iii) The third copy is available in al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is Group 13, session number 347,
and it has five leaves (Qāf 94-98). It is written in a good Arabic Naskh script and

66Naṣr b. Ibrāhīm b. Naṣr al-Nābulsi al-Makdisi was also known as the Sheikh, the
scholar, the model, the traditionist (al-muhaddith), the useful scholar of Sham,
and the Sheikh of Islam. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992,
19:136) and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 3:395-396). According to al-Dhahabi (1992,
19:136), he gave five ḥadīth dictation sessions only.

112
includes a samāc written in 632/1234 by Abu Nasr b. cUmar Bishāh b. Abu Bakr
Abu Naṣr al-Hamadhāni al-Dimishqi.

(iv) The fourth copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is Group 79, session
number 121, and it has seven leaves (Qāf 27-33). It is written in a good Arabic
Naskh script, written in 657/1259 after being heard by Yaḥyā b. cAli b. Muḥammad
al-Tamīmi.

(v) The fifth copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), in Group 26, and it includes a ḥadīth dictation
session of eight leaves (Qāf 173-180).

37. ĀmālīṬarrād al-Zainabi: This manuscript belongs to Abu al-Fawāris Ṭarrād b.

Muḥammad b. cAli al-Hāshimi al-cAbbāsi al-Baghdādi al-Zainabi (491/1098). There
are six copies:

(i) The first copy has 21 leaves (Qāf 76-96) and includes nine ḥadīth dictation
sessions. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and is likely to have been written
in the 6th/12th century. It has some corrections and includes some samācāt, the oldest
of which took place in 548/1153. It has a copyright in the name of Ibn al-Ḥājib and is
written in an Arabic Naskh script. It is affected by damp damage. This copy is
available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3772/Tā’/8.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is
3799/Tā’/11. It has five leaves (Qāf 147-151) and includes one ḥadīth dictation
session. It is similar to the first copy above. It is part of a group of other manuscripts
and was probably written in the 7th/13th century. It includes some samācāt, the oldest

113
of which took place in 633/1235 in Alexandria. It also has a copyright in the name of
c
Ali al-Kurdi for the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is written in an Arabic
Naskh script and is affected by damp damage.

(iii) The third copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its number is 3798/Tā’/13. It has
four leaves (Qāf 120-123), includes one ḥadīth dictation session, is part of a group of
other manuscripts and is likely to have been written in the 6th/12th century. It includes
a samāc which took place in 492/1099 in addition to some other samācāt. It also has a
copyright right in the name of Ibn al-Ḥājib for the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in
Damascus. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp damage.

(iv) The fourth copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 1135/Tā’/1, it has six leaves (Qāf
16-21), and includes one ḥadīth dictation session. It also includes a samāc from
577/1181 and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It was read in the presence of
the author in 578/1182. It has leaves of different sizes, is written in an Arabic Naskh
script and has decorations on its cover. It is affected by damp damage.

(v) The fifth copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3830/Tā’/15, it has five leaves
(Qāf 170-174), and includes one ḥadīth dictation session given on Friday of Shacban
478/1085. It includes a samāc from 612/1215 in Musol, Iraq and is part of a group of
other manuscripts. It has a copyright in the name of Ibn al-Ḥājib and is written in an
Arabic Naskh script.

(vi) The sixth copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3774/Ta, it
has five leaves (Qāf 1-5), and includes one ḥadīth dictation session. It is part of a
group of other manuscripts, and includes some corrections and comparative notes
114
with other manuscripts. It also includes a samāc from 545/1150 and another samāc in
from 605/1208. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, and has a copyright in the
name of Ibn al-Ḥājibfor the al-cAmriyyah School. It is written in an Arabic Naskh
script, has decorations on its cover and is seriously affected by damp damage.

38. Āmālī Abu Muṭīc al-Maṣri: This manuscript belongs to Muḥammad b. cAbd al-
Wāḥid b. cAbd al-cAzīz al-Madīni Abu Muṭīc al-Maṣri (d. 497/1103), and there are
three copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3767/Tā’/1,
and it has 8 leaves (Qāf 36-43). This is a complete copy in one volume which begins
at leaf Qāf 36. It was probably written in the 7th/13th century the original was written
by its author in 488/1095. It includes some corrections and comparative notes with
the original manuscript in its margins. It has a copyright in the name of Muḥammad
al-Ḥarrāni, and also includes some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 655/1257. It
is written in an Arabic Naskh script.

(ii) The second copy is kept in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 1148/Tā’/1, and it has 4 leaves
(Qāf 54-57). This copy includes the 5thḥadīth dictation session and it is part of a
group of other manuscripts. It is narrated by Abu Ṭāhir Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-
Salafi and refers on leaf Qāf 58 Alif to the owner, Yaḥyā b. cUmar al-Shāfici. The
samāc took place in the presence of cAli Abu Ṭāhir al-Salafi in 574/1178. The writing
is also from 574/1178 and is in an Arabic Naskh script. It has decorations on its
cover and the edges, and is affected by damp damage.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library in
Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3834/Tā’/7,
and it has 3 leaves (Qāf 94-96). It is written in an Arabic Naskh script and there is a
hole before leaf Qāf 96. It was probably written in the 7th/13th century and includes

115
some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 635/1237.

39. Āmālī Hibat Allāh: This manuscript belonged to Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad b.
c
Abd al-Wahhāb b. Aḥmad al-Baghdādi (d. 525/1131)67andthere are two copies:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Taimūriyyah Library (403/1131) and was written in
833/1429. This is an incomplete copy.

(ii) The second copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is 3834/Tā’/1, and it has 4
leaves (Qāf 18-21). This is the second part of the manuscript and it is part of a group
of other manuscripts. It includes corrections and comparative notes with other copies.
It also includes some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 596/1200 and a samāc that
is based on the copy it was taken from in 523/1129. The manuscript is written in an
Arabic Naskh script.

40. Āmālī al-Farāwi: This manuscript belonged to Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b.
al-Faḍl b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad Ibn Abi al-cAbbās al-Ṣācidi (503/1109)(68) and has
two copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the Copreli68 Library in Turkey and its number is
252/1/1. It includes four ḥadīth dictation sessions (Qāf 1 Alif – 9 Alif). It is part of a
group of other manuscripts and was copied in 623/1226.

67Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Wahhāb b. Aḥmad al-Baghdādiwas also

known as the well-respected Sheikh, the specialist in the ḥadīth chain of
narration (al-musnid), and the trustworthy. His biography is available in al-
Dhahabi (1992, 19:536) and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 4:77). He gave many ḥadīth
dictation sessions and a large number of ḥadīth students attended his sessions
(al-Dhahabi (1992, 19:536).
68Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad Ibn Abi al-
c
Abbās al-Ṣācidi was known as the Sheikh, the jurist and the specialist in
Khurāsān in ḥadīth chain of narration. His biography is available in Ibn al-Jawzi
(1985, 10:65), al-Dhahabi (1992, 19:615), and al-Ṣafadi (1962, 4:423).

116
(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is also kept in the Copreli Library in Turkey
and its number is 252/1/2. It includes a ḥadīth dictation session (956, Qāf 67 Alif –
68 Ba').

41. Āmālī al-Baghdādi: This manuscript is by Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad b. cAbd

al-Wahhāb b. Aḥmad al-Baghdādi (d. 432/1131)69and there are two copies of this
manuscript:

(i) The first copy is kept in the al-Taimūriyyah Library, has five leaves (Qāf 18-22,
3-4), and was written in 833/1429. This is an incomplete copy.

(ii) The second copy is available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), its number is Group 98, General
3834, and it has 4 leaves (Qāf 18-21). This is the second part of the manuscript.

42. Āmālī Abu al-Qāsim al-Taimi: This manuscript is by Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b.

al-Faḍl b. cAli b. Ahmad (d. 535/1140)70and there arethree copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript is available in the Copreli Library in Turkey. It
includes the 6th/12th century and 7th/13th century ḥadīth dictation sessions, has two
leaves (26 Alif – 27 Alif), and is part of a group of other manuscripts. Its number is

69Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Wahhāb b. Aḥmad al-Baghdādi was also

known as the well-respected Sheikh, the specialist in the ḥadīth chain of narration
(al-musnid), and the trustworthy. His biography is available in al-Dhahabi (1992,
19:536) and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 4:77). He gave many ḥadīth dictation sessions and a
large number of ḥadīth students attended his sessions (al-Dhahabi (1992, 19:536).

70Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl b. cAli b. Aḥmad was also known as the scholar,
the Imām, the memoriser, and the Sheikh of Islam. His biography is available in
al-Dhahabi (1992, 2:8), al-Ṣafadi (1962, 9:211), and Ibn al-cImād (1988, 4:154).
According to al-Dhahabi (1955, 20:2), Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl b. cAli
b. Aḥmad gave 3,500 ḥadīth dictation sessions based on his instinct (al-
badīhah).

117
1/136, 252/3 Alif).

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is kept in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library with the
number 129 General 4531 and parts of it has 8 leaves (Qāf 1-8). It includes some
samācāt from the 6th/ 12th century and 7th/13th century, the oldest of which is from
563/1168. The leaves from Qāf 3-4 are different from the rest of the manuscript. It is
written in an Arabic Naskh script. Its number in the al-Asad National Library is
3778/Tā’/2. It is affected by damp damage.

(iii) The third copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library with
the number 129 (General 41) and parts of it has19 leaves (Qāf 24-37). Its number in
al-Asad National Library is 3778/Tā’/7.

43. Āmālī Abu al-Qāsim al-Samārqandi: This manuscript belonged to Abu al-
Qāsim Ismācīl b. Aḥmad b. cAmr al-Samārqandi (d. 536/1141) and has two copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript has 9 leaves (Qāf 182-190). It includes the first
part only and is part of a group of other manuscripts. It has corrections and
comparative notes with other manuscripts. This copy is available in the al-Asad
National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its
number is 3792/Tā’/9. It includes some samācāt, the oldest of which is from
648/1250 and also includes a copyright on its first leaf in the name of Shams al-Din
Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Hadi for the Ẓiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is written in
an Arabic Naskh script.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript has 11 leaves (Qāf 1-11) and includes only
128thḥadīth dictation session. It is part of a group of other manuscripts, was probably
copied in the 6th/12th century, and has corrections in the margins. This copy is
available in the al-Asad National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library), and its number is 3842/Tā’/. It includes some samācāt, the

118
oldest of which is from 525/1131, and also includes a copyright on its first leaf in
the name of Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad b. cAbd al-hadi for the Ẓiyā'iyyah School in
Damascus. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script but with little use of dots on the
words, has decorations on its cover, and is affected by damp damage.

44. Āmālī Abu al-Qāsim Bin cAsākir: This manuscript belonged to cAli b. al-Ḥasan
b. Hibat Allāh al-Shāfici (571/1175)71. According to Siyar Aclām al-Nubalā' (name of
al-Dhahabi 1992, 20:652), this ḥadīth scholar held 408 ḥadīthdictation sessions. This
manuscripts has several parts, some of which have been edited and published, while
the rest are still awaiting scholars to edit and publish them. There are nine parts of
this manuscript:

(i) The first part is available in the al-Asad National Library, its number is
3816/Tā’/4, and it has 13 leaves (Qāf 39-51). It includes three ḥadīth dictation
sessions: The first (137) is on the capacity of God (sicat Allāh), the second (138) is
on the negation of anthropomorphism (nafi al-tashbīh), and the third (139) is on the
attributes of God (ṣifāt Allāh). It is part of a group of other manuscripts and is
narrated by Abu al-Qāsim b. Ṭāhir b. Muḥammad. It includes a samāc written by the
copier in 566/1170. It has a copyright in the name of the al-Ḍiyā'iyyah School in
Damascus, and is written in an Arabic Naskh script.

(ii) The second part includes the 19thḥadīth dictation session which is on the step-
daughter. It is still in manuscript form; that is, unpublished. It is available in the al-
Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus (Group 9, General 3746) and has three leaves (Qāf
165-167).

(iii) The third part includes the 14thḥadīth dictation session, which is on the dispraise
of whoever does not act according to what he preaches. This unpublished manuscript

71cAli b. al-Ḥasan b. Hibat Allāh al-Shāfici was the author of "The History of
Damascus".His bibliography is available in Ibn al-Dimyāṭi (1988:186-189) and
al-Dhahabi (1992, 20:554).

119
is available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus (Group 87, General 3823) and
has six leaves (Qāf 55-60).

(iv) The fourth part includes the 221stḥadīth dictation session, which is on the virtues
of cAli b. Abī Ṭālib. It is still unpublished and is available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah
Library in Damascus (Group 103, General 3753). It has six leaves (Qāf 95-100).

(v) The fifth part includes the 238thḥadīth dictation session, which is on the virtues of
Sacad b. Abi Waqqāṣ. It is still unpublished and is available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah
Library in Damascus (Group 103, General 3839) and has four leaves (Qāf 114-117).
Its number in the al-Asad National Library is 3839/Tā’/7. It includes corrections and
comparative notes with other manuscripts, and the script is written by the author
himself. It includes some samācāt done in the presence of the ḥadīth teachers of Ibn
al-Mubarrad Yūsuf b. al-Ḥasan. At the end of the manuscript, there is a samāc dated
573/1177. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script without many dots used on the
words and is seriously affected by damp damage.

(vi) This part of the manuscript includes the 280thḥadīth dictation session, which is
on the virtues of cAbd Allāh b. Mascūd. It is still unpublished and is available in the
al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus (Group 3, General 3740). It includes eight leaves
(Qāf 78-85). Its number in the al-Asad National Library is 3740/Tā’/4 and includes
corrections and comparative notes with other manuscripts. It was read in the presence
of the author himself. It includes a samāc done in the presence of the ḥadīth scholar
Yūsuf b. cAbd al-Hadi and another samāc from 549/1154. It is written in an Arabic
Naskh script without many dots used on the words and is affected by damp damage.

(vii) The seventh part of this manuscript is on the virtues of the day of cArafah. It is
still unpublished and the manuscript is available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in
Damascus (Group 4496) and includes six leaves (Qāf 1-6).

120
(viii) The eighth part of the manuscript is on the virtues of the month Rajab and
includes two ḥadīth dictation sessions. It is still unpublished and the manuscript is
available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library in Damascus (Group 71, General 30107). It
includes eight leaves (Qāf 107-114).

(ix) The ninth part is on the virtues of the month of Shacbān. It is available in the al-
Asad National Library. Its number is 3834/Tā’/8 and it includes one ḥadīth dictation
session which is the 47thḥadīth dictation session and is on the virtues of the month of
Shacbān. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and is written by the author
himself in an Arabic Naskh script. The upper side is badly torn, due to damp damage.

45. Āmālī al-Salafi: This manuscript belonged to Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Salafah

al-Aṣbahāni Ṣadr al-Dīn Abu Ṭāhir al-Salafi (d. 576/1180) and there are three copies:

(i) The first copy of the manuscript has 19 leaves (Qāf 227-245). It includes five
ḥadīth dictation sessions by al-Salafi and is part of a group of other manuscripts. Its
title and the name of its author are taken from leaf Qāf 230, and it has corrections
and comparative notes with other manuscripts. This copy is available in the al-Asad
National Library in Damascus (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library) and its
number is 1178/Tā’/22. It includes a samāc done in the presence of the author in
576/1180 and another samāc done in the presence of the narrator Abu al-Ḥusain
Murada b. Abī al-Jawad Ḥatim in 634/1236. It also includes a copyright in the name
of its copier and author for the al-Ẓiyā'iyyah School in Damascus. It is written in an
Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp damage.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Asad National Library
and its number is 3800/Tā’/8. It has nine leaves (Qāf 156-164) and includes five
ḥadīth dictation sessions given by the author to his students from Salmās in
506/1112. It is part of a group of other manuscripts and includes corrections. It also
includes some samācāt, the oldest of which is from 630/1233 and is written in an
Arabic Naskh script

121
(iii) The third copy of the manuscript has 12 leaves (Qāf 1-12) and its first leaf has
been completely damaged. It includes a samāc done in 569/1173 in Alexandria. It is
written in an Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp damage which has affected
the writing of the manuscript, especially in the first part. The first and the second
leaves are badly damaged and torn and a considerable amount of the writing has been
lost. It is kept in the al-Asad national Library and its number is 9399.

46. ĀmālīMuḥammad b. Abī Bakr b. cUmar b. Aḥmad b. cUmar al-Aṣbahāni (d.

581/1158)72. There are two copies of this manuscript:

(i) The first copy is available in the Copreli Library in Turkey, number 1584/12. It is
part of a group of other manuscripts and one of its ḥadīth dictation sessions is on the
leaves Qāf 121/ Alif – 123 Alif.

(ii) The second copy of the manuscript is available in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library
(Group 68, General 3840). One part of it is from Qāf 54-63. It is part of a group of
other manuscripts. It is a well-kept copy and is written in an Arabic Naskh script
which may have been written by cAbd al-Ghani cAbd al-Wāḥid al-Makdisi (d.
600/1203) and includes a samāc done in his presence. It also includes a copyright in
his name. It is affected by damp damage and, as a result, some of its words have
disappeared.

47. Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni or Rubaci al-Tabicin: This manuscript belonged to
Abu Mūsā Muḥammad b. Abi Bakr b. cUmar al-Aṣbahāni al-Madīni (d. 581/1184)
and there are two copies:

72Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr b. cUmar b. Aḥmad b. cUmar al-Aṣbahāni was known as

the Imām, the scholar, the grand memoriser, the trustworthy, the Sheikh of the
traditionists (al-muḥaddithun). His biography is available in al-Ṣafadi (1962,
4:146), Ibn al-cImād (1988, 4:373), and al-Dhahabi (1992, 21:156).

122
(i) The first copy has ten leaves (Qāf 18-27), is part of a group of other manuscripts,
and includes the fourth ḥadīth dictation session. Its number in the al-Asad National
Library is 3842/Tā’/2. It was probably written in the 7th/13th century and has a samāc
from 731/1331, done in the presence of al-cAzīz, and a copyright in the name of cAbd
al-Ghani b. cAbd al-Wāḥid al-Makdisi. It is written in an Arabic Naskh script with
little use of dots for the words, and has decorations on its cover. It is seriously
affected by damp damage.

(ii) The second copy has ten leaves (Qāf 54-63), is part of a group of other
manuscripts, and was probably written in the 6th/12th century. It includes a number
of samācāt, one of them in the presence of cAbd al-Ghani al-Makdisi and other
samācāt that took place in the 8th/14th century and 9th/15th century. It is written in an
Arabic Naskh script and is affected by damp damage. Its number in the al-Asad
National Library is 3804/Tā’/7.

48. Āmālī al-cIraqi: This manuscript belonged to Ahmad b. cAbd al-Rahīm b. al-
Ḥusain al-cIraqi who gave more than one thousand ḥadīth dictation sessions in
Makkah, Madinah and Cairo. This manuscript has three copies:

(i) The first copy is available in the Leiden Library, has six leaves, its number is
2468-95 and it includes five ḥadīth dictation sessions only. It was written in
867/1462.

(ii) The second copy is kept in the Khadapensh Library in India, its number is 318, it
has eight leaves, and is likely to have been written in the 9th/15th century.

(iii) The third copy is available in the Copreli Library in Turkey, its number is 251,
and it includes one ḥadīth dictation session.

123
 Chapter Three: The Ḥadīth Scholar (al-mumli)

4.1. Introduction

This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli),

focusing on the prerequisites of becoming one. This chapter also investigates an
important question, which is whether the ḥadīth scholar is merely an ordinary person
who can narrate ḥadīths or dictate them without specific prerequisites and criteria, or
whether he is one who enjoys particular characteristics that qualify him to act as a
scholar who can teach the discipline of ḥadīth, for studentsto benefit from his
knowledge, and ultimately for him to win their trust. In this chapter, I shall also
distinguish between the different categories of ḥadīth scholars, as well as discussing
the major distinction between the traditionist (al-muḥaddith) and the ḥadīth scholar
(al-mumli) who dictates the ḥadīth. This chapter also provides a thorough discussion
of the moral criteria of the ḥadīth scholar. In this chapter, I have also discussed the
procedural rules of the ḥadīth scholar as well as the expected age.

4.2. Who is the Ḥadīth Scholar (al-mumli)?

In this section, I shall investigate an important question; namely, whether the ḥadīth
scholar (al-mumli) is an ordinary person who simply narrates or dictatesḥadīths
without any specific conditions and criteria, or whether he is an encyclopaedic
scholar who enjoys specific characteristics that qualify him to act as a ḥadīth
specialistattaining particular terms of teaching and learning quality. Generally,
however, a ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) must satisfy specific conditions in order for
him to qualify for practising the dictation of ḥadīth (mumli al-ḥadīth) to ḥadīth
students. Makdisi (1990, p 325) The best method for the person who dictates is to
dictate to you, and for you to write from his formulation of the words. For if you
recite the text to him, you may make a mistake (i.e. in vocalizing the words) which

124
he may not hear; and if he reads to you, something may distract you from hearing all
that he says.

4.2.1. Prerequisites for the Ḥadīth Scholar

For a person to be a ḥadīth scholar, he needs to satisfy particular conditions. The
primary ones being: The ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) should be one who has mastery
of all the major disciplines of Islamic studies (Madelung 2011, 3:655), such as
understanding the Qur’an and its exegesis, understanding the Qur’an’s general and
specific legal rulings (aḥkām), the reasons for revelation, the abrogated and
abrogating ayahs (al-nāsikh wal-mansūkh), the discipline of ḥadīth (cilm al-ḥadīth),
the scrutiny of the chain of narration of ḥadīth to ascertain the accuracy of the
content (matn) of the ḥadīth (takhrīj al-ḥadīth), the discipline of jurisprudence
(culum al-fiqh), Arabic linguistics (culum al-lughah al-carabiyyah), Arabic rhetoric
(al-balāghah al-carabiyyah), and the discipline of the biography of famous
characters (cilm al-rijāl). The ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) should also be
knowledgeable about the views of all the jurists (al-fuqahā’) who represent all the
schools of Islamic thought and should be aware of the jurisprudential differences
between the different Islamic schools of thought and sects (al-madhāhib al-
fiqhiyyah). The ḥadīth scholar additionallyneeds to be knowledgeable about the
discipline of the defects of ḥadīth (cilal al- ḥadīth), the correction of ḥadīth narration
(takhrīj al-ḥadīth), and the verification of ḥadīth. More details will be provided in
the discussion below (p 29-30).

4.3. Categories of Ḥadīth Scholars

There are three categories of Ḥadīth scholars:

1. The autonomous/independent master (mumli mutqin mustaghni): This ḥadīth

scholar possesses comprehensive understanding of the discipline of ḥadīth, its
defects (cilal), its different forms of content, and its different chains of narrations.
Such a ḥadīth scholar has attained the highest level of ḥadīth knowledge and has
learned and mastered all. In other words, he knows perfectly every part of the

125
ḥadīths and so he has become qualified to hold ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis
imla’ al- ḥadīth). An example of this category of ḥadīth scholars is Abu cAbd Allāh
Muḥammad b. Ismācīl al-Bukhāri (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:276; al-Dhahabi 1992,
12:409).

2. Encyclopaedic ḥadīth scholar (mumli mutqin): This is the ḥadīth scholar who has
been affected by an illness, blindness or old age. For this reason, he is assisted by a
Ḥāfiẓ73 al-ḥadīth, to help him conduct his ḥadīth dictation session. (For more detail,
see Scott C. Lucas, 2004). An example of this category of ḥadīth scholar is Abu
Bakr Ibn Abī Dāwūd who, according to Ibn Shāhīn, dictated each ḥadīth from
memory without reading from a book. He was assisted by his son Abu Macmar,
who would sit next to his father and hold a ḥadīth book in his hand while Abu Bakr
Ibn Abī Dāwūd would recite the ḥadīth from memory and his son followed from a
book to make sure that the ḥadīth was relayed correctly (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:277; al-
Dhahabi 1992, 13:224-225).

3. Non-encyclopedic ḥadīth scholar (mumli ghair mutqin): This category of ḥadīth

scholar includes those who ask for assistance from qualified ḥadīth memorisers to
provide them with ḥadīths which they do not know, and also to copy (yukharrij) for
them, on separate sheets of paper, ḥadīths from major ḥadīth sources as teaching
material for their ḥadīth dictation sessions. Ḥadīth scholars of this category are also
unaware of the discipline of the biography of famous people (cilm al-rijāl) which is
an important component of the discipline of ḥadīth studies. This method of ḥadīth
dictation was allowed and was practised by ḥadīth scholars such as Abu al-Ḥusain

73The term ḥadīth is synonymous with the word muḥadith called on to save the
ḥadīth and well done and knew a lot of the kinds of text and chine of narration
(matn , isnad). .
It was: Ḥafiẓ is to save one hundred thousand
ḥadīth(http://www.ahlalhdeeth.com/vb/showth).

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Ibn Bushrān, the jurist Abu cUmar al-Hashimi, and Abu al-Qāsim al-Siraj (al-
Sakhawi 1992, 3:277).

Based on the above three categories of ḥadīth scholars, it is clear that the task of
ḥadīth dictation (imla’ al-ḥadīth) can only be undertaken by masters of ḥadīth who
have satisfied all the prerequisites discussed above in Section 2.2.1. At this point it
is useful to discuss the major difference between two types of scholars, namely the
traditionist (al-muḥaddith) and the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli).

4.4. Distinction Between the Traditionist and the Ḥadīth Scholar

Although the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) is a specialist in ḥadīth, he is not of the same
rank, in terms of knowledge, as the traditionalist (al-muḥaddith). Therefore, one
needs to distinguish between these two categories of scholars, both of whom are
specialists in ḥadīth studies.

(i) The Traditionist (al-muḥaddith)

The traditionalist is a specialist in the study of ḥadīth, its chain of narration (isnād),
and its content (matn), and such traditionalists include, for example, Imām Mālik,
Imām Aḥmad, cAli Ibn al-Madīni, Yaḥyā b. Macīn, Imām al-Bukhāri, and Imām
Muslim. The muḥaddith was also known to have dictated ḥadīth to his students.
Therefore, every traditionist (muḥaddith) is also a ḥadīth scholar (mumli) due to the
fact that he possesses the qualified mechanisms of dictating the ḥadīth if his students
request it from him or if they wish to record the ḥadīths they have received from
him. ImāmMālik and al-Bukhāri, for instance, used to have students but their major
interest was to teach and explain the ḥadīth rather than merely to dictate it. Students
however, were allowed to write down what they heard from their ḥadīth scholar, and
the number of students of any muḥaddith could range from a hundred to a thousand.
It is also important to note that it is not common practice to refer toor consider a
Companion of the Prophet Muḥammad as a ‘traditionist’ (muḥaddith). This is due to
the term gaining currency only during the era of the Successors (al-Tabicūn) as the
disciplines of ḥadīth, jurisprudence, Qur’anic exegesis and logic began to take

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shape. It is also worth noting that traditionally the companions who narrated ḥadīth
would not be described as ‘traditionalists’ (muḥaddith) because they were perceived
to be reliable sources (thiqāt cudūl) of prophetic traditions (ḥadīth) and the standard
practice of Muḥammad(Sunnah). Such a title was therefore deemed superfluous.

(ii) The Ḥadīth Scholar (al-mumli)

The ḥadīth scholar is the specialist mainly concerned with dictating the narrated and
non-narrated ḥadīths during his dictation sessions. The ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli)
may depend upon his own teachers or their books, or on his own ḥadīths taken
directly from his ḥadīth teachers. It is worth noting that every ḥadīth scholar is a
ḥadīth specialist but he does not necessarily qualify as a traditionist (muḥaddith).
The ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) may have a large number of students ranging from
anywhere between 10,000-100,000 students. cAli b. cAsim is a good example: he
used to have 100,000 students and had seven repeaters (mustamli).

4.5. Moral Standards of the Ḥadīth Scholar

Certain moral standards (al-macāyir al-akhlāqīyyah) are expected of a ḥadīth

scholar, and without these he will be disqualified by the public, in general, and by
his students, in particular. It was not enough for someone to have memorised large
numbers of ḥadīth. The ḥadīth scholar would also have to display certain moral
standards with regard to his ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla’). The
literature of ḥadīth studies abounds with discussion of the moral values with which
the ḥadīth scholar should be armed, since the dictation session (majālis al-imla') was
a teaching and learning process, on the one hand, and an inspirational educational
process, on the other. The major moral and ethical traits of the ḥadīth scholar are
discussed below.

4.5.1. Justice
This is referred to in Arabic as al-cadl. A ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) should be just
c
adl. and is expected to deal justly and fairly with people and his students. This
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moral trait is linked to the fact that the ḥadīth scholar specialises in ḥadīth studies, a
science connected with the tradition of the Prophet Muḥammad, who was the
epitome of justice and truthfulness. Thus, the ḥadīth scholar is expected to emulate
this quality that is found in the prophetic model.

According to the Imām and renowned scholar in Baghdād (d.584/1188), Muḥammad

b. Mūsā al-Ḥazimi (1990:108), the ethical character trait of ‘justice’ is a general
concept and involves more than merely being just. Justice (al-cadālah), for him, is
also related to other significant characteristics such as: following the commands of
God (ittibāc awāmir Allāh), refraining from doing what is forbidden, refraining from
vile deeds (al-fawāḥish), striving for the truth, being careful in the use of language
in order to avoid causing harm to Islam, or its customs and moral values (al-
murū’ah), refraining from committing grave sins (al-kabā’ir), and not persisting in
minor sins (al-saghā’ir). If a ḥadīth scholar has these moral characteristics, he can
satisfy the prerequisites of being ‘just’ and his witness (shahādah) can be accepted
(Muḥammad b. Mūsā al-Ḥazimi, 1990:108).

It should be pointed out that the moral feature of justice (al-cadālah) is in fact
directly related to their adherence to Islam and to customs and behavioural values
(al-murū’ah). In other words, a person has to do justice to his/her faith. This means
that a ‘just’ ḥadīth scholar should adhere completely to the principles of Islam
(arkān al-Islām) such as performing all the five daily prayers, fasting in the month
of Ramadan, performing the recommended, in other words optional (mustaḥabb)
fasting which includes fasting for three days each month (13th, 14th and 15th)
throughout the year, as well as fasting on Mondays and Thursdays every week
throughout the year, performing the supererogatory prayers (optional prayers, al-
nawāfil) before and after the compulsory prayers, performing late night prayers
(qiyām al-lail), performing the three-unit prayers after the evening prayers (al-witr),
avoiding polytheism (al-shirk billāh), not to kill others whether Muslims or non-
Muslims, not to commit suicide, to avoid disobedience to parents (cuqūq al-
walidaīn), to avoid giving false witness (shahādat al-zūr) which leads to injustice
against innocent people, to avoid adultery as this leads to injustice against children,

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the partner and the community, and not to commit minor sins repeatedly and
deliberately, such as swearing at others or pronouncing vulgar words.

In the view of Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ (1993:29), ḥadīth specialists and jurists unanimously
agree that a person’s narration of a ḥadīth cannot be accepted if he is neither just nor
accurate in what he narrates. This means that a ḥadīth narrator; that is, a ḥadīth
scholar (al-mumli) should satisfy specific conditions such as (i) being a Muslim, (ii)
having reached the age of puberty, (iii) being in full possession of his mental
faculties; that is, compos mentis (cāqil), and (iv) being free from sinfulness (al-
fisq)1. However, Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawzīyyah (1988, 1:321) adds another condition,
namely (v) adherence to customs and behavioural values (al-muru’ah) which, for
him form an important moral value which the ḥadīth scholar has to possess.

I believe it is worth noting that the notion of adherence to custom and behavioural
values is culture-specific. In other words, what is acceptable in one culture may be
unacceptable in another. For instance, according to Islamic custom, it is counter to
moral values if a man does not cover his head, or if he eats while walking along the
street. Similarly, today, it is unacceptable in some conservative countries or
communities to wear jeans, or to go on a ride in a theme park. For this reason, Ibn
c
Uthaymin (2002:84), in his Sharḥ Nuzhat al-Naẓar, considers the adherence to
custom and behavioural values as a pivotal ethical component of one’s character,
and he urges that people should adhere to what they have traditionally inherited of
moral customs. For him, eating even an apple while walking in the street or wearing
clothes with odd colours constitutes an infringement of custom and behavioural
values (Ibn cUthaymin, 2002:84). For some Saudi tribes, when a guest is served with
a sheep on a big plate, it is their custom to start eating the head first. However, if the
guest starts first eating from other parts of the sheep other than the head, this
constitutes a major insult to them. Similarly, in some Saudi tribes, harming a pet dog
is equal to harming children; if a person does so, they can expect a similar fate (Ibn
c
Uthaymin, 2002:84).

4.5.2. Expertise
In ḥadīth studies, expertise is a reference to al-ḍabṭ, which literally means
‘accuracy' or 'precision’. However, technically, the expression al-ḍabṭ means a
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ḥadīthscholar (al-mumli) is expected to be a talented specialist in ḥadīthstudies and,
therefore, should be capable of accurately memorising the ḥadīth which he learned
from his teacher(s). Accuracy (al-ḍabṭ) means to remember accurately and
consciously what the precise words of the ḥadīth scholar were, and falls into two
categories: (i) accurate memorisation, and (ii) accurate narration from one’s own
ḥadīthcodex. These two categories are explained below. The Islamic technique or
discipline of dictation was one of the elements that came along as part and parcel of
that new learning .

4.5.2.1. Accurate Memorisation

In ḥadīth studies, this is referred to as ḍabṭ al-ṣadr. Among the major
character traits of a ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli, al-rawi) are his capacity to memorise a
large number of ḥadīths in addition to having a sharp memory. Accurate
memorisation means that the ḥadīth scholar who acts as a narrator, narrates from his
own memory what he learned, that is, heard, from his ḥadīth teacher, and can
memorise accurately any ḥadīth, whenever he wants (al-Dhahabi 1992, 11:360).
(Makdisi : 1990 , 323). Among the ḥadīth scholars who are wellknown for their
competence in memorising a large number of ḥadīths and for their sharp memory are
Isḥāq b. Rahwaiha (d.256) who was gifted with a sharp memory and reputedly
memorised 30,000 ḥadīths as well as writing 100,000 ḥadīths. He is said to have
dictated from memory 11,000 ḥadīths to his students. Then he read them aloud from
his book to his students without making “any addition or deletion” (al-Dhahabi
c
1992, 13:374). The same applies to ḥadīth scholars such as Sa īd b. Manṣūr (d.227)
who is reported to have dictated from memory 11,000 ḥadīths (al-Dhahabi 1992
15:275), Abu cAli al-Tannukhi (al-Dhahabi 1992, 15:436), Abu cAbd Allāh al-
Khatli (al-Dhahabi 1992, 16:455), and Abu al-Ḥasan al-Dārquṭni who dictated from
memory the famous ḥadīth book al-cIlal (ḥadīth defects) (al-Dhahabi 1992, 16:460).

However, some ḥadīth scholars have objected to the method of dictating the ḥadīth
from memory for two reasons:

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(i) The risk of errors in transmission and forgetfulness: in the interest of accuracy
and avoiding speculation about the chain of narrations (isnād) and ḥadīth content
(matn), it is preferable for the ḥadīth students to be dictated to from a book.
Forgetfulness on the part of the ḥadīth scholar can lead to scepticism among the
students about the chain of narration and the wording of the ḥadīth content.

(ii) To avoid boasting: Genuine and pious ḥadīth scholars often avoid dictating
ḥadīths from memory as this may lead unconsciously to conceit, self-importance,
vanity, and hypocrisy. Moreover, because ḥadīth scholars (al-mumli) have devoted
their work to the cause of God, their intention has been to serve the discipline of
ḥadīth, achieved by reading these aloud to their students (al-Dhahabi 1992, 11:360).

4.5.2.2. Accurate Narration from the Mumli’s Own Ḥadīth Codex

In ḥadīth studies, this is referred to as ḍabṭ al-kitāb (Madelung 2011, 3:655), which
means that the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) preserves and updates his own codex of
ḥadīth which he learned from his teacher(s) and which he revised with his teacher(s)
so that he can refer to his codex of ḥadīth during his ḥadīth dictation sessions (Āmālī
al-ḥadīth) (Ibn cUthaimin 2002:95). However, commenting on al-cAsqalāni, Ibn
c
Uthaimin (2002:95) claims that in order to achieve accurate narration through one’s
personal ḥadīth codex, the ḥadīth student needs to be fully aware of what he is
writing down and should listen attentively when he receives a new ḥadīth from his
ḥadīth teacher; otherwise, the ḥadīth student may risk making errors in narration or
content if he is not aware of what he listening to, or if he is not focused on what is
said by the ḥadīth teacher (Ibn cUthaimin 2002:95).

That said, how can one be sure that this has been achieved by the ḥadīth student who
is going to use his own codex for dictating ḥadīth in the future? Ibn cUthaimin
(ibid) provides two methods that can guarantee the accuracy of narration from one's
own codex:

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1. The ḥadīth scholar needs to revise his own codex with his teacher; in other words,
every ḥadīth codex should be read out to the ḥadīth teacher to correct possible
errors.

2. The ḥadīth scholar needs to compare his own ḥadīth codex with other students’
codices to correct possible errors.

4.5.3. Sound Intention

The term 'intention' by definition refers to something imperceptible, that
cannot be seen or heard. It is referred to as taṣḥiḥ al-niyyah or al-niyyah al-ṣaḥiḥah
which means that the ḥadīth scholar’s intention should be based on his sincere
willingness to teach and benefit his students rather than teaching with the aim of
boasting about his knowledge and achieving a high social status in the community.
Sound intention has many different meanings, such as: (i) determination (al-cazm)
(al-Jawhari 1984, 6:2516), (ii) keenness (al-qaṣd) (al-Zubaidi 2002, 10:379), (iii)
personal need (al-ḥājaḥ), and (iv) memorisation (al-ḥifẓ).However, in terms of
ḥadīth studies and jurisprudence, al-Ashqar (2005:29) provides two main categories
of sound intention, which are:

(i) Determination to do something through which one aims to become closer to God
and achieve God's pleasure. Acts with this category of intention include all acts of
worship such as fasting, prayer, jihad and belief.

(ii)Determination to do something through which one neither aims to become closer

to God nor to attain God's pleasure. Acts with this kind of intention include
marriage, divorce and transactions.

4.5.3.1. Objectives of Sound Intention

For Ibn cUthaimin (2002:357-358), the sound intention through which the ḥadīth
scholar aims to become closer to God and may attain God's pleasure can achieve
three major objectives. These are:

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(i)To achieve God's pleasure, since the ḥadīth scholar's intention is focused
exclusively on God.

(ii)To preserve Islamic law, since the ḥadīth scholar plays a crucial role in
preserving it through his dictation and teaching of ḥadīth.

(iii)To protect Islamic law from corruption through the knowledge of ḥadīth and
through the sound intention of the ḥadīth scholar who aims to care for Islamic law
(al-Khaṭīb 1996, 1:666).

4.5.4. Truthfulness
This is referred to in Arabic as al-ṣidq. The character trait of truthfulness can
be considered as the soul and life-line of the ḥadīth scholar and of the discipline of
ḥadīth. This is due to the fact that this discipline hinges upon the chain of narration
(al-isnād). If the chain is forged, the ḥadīth content can be forged, too. It is through
truthfulness that the ḥadīth scholar can acquire his reputation, through people's trust
in him as a scholar, and their acceptance of the ḥadīths which he narrates to them. It
is for this reason that ḥadīths cannot be accepted from a ḥadīth narrator who is
untruthful.

An interesting anecdote summarizes this character trait of truthfulness: It is

reported that a ḥadīth scholar(al-Bukhāri) travelled to a far-away country to meet
and learn from a well-known ḥadīth narrator. After his arduous journey, the ḥadīth
scholar met the narrator outside his house where he was busy trying to catch his
riding animal. The ḥadīth narrator was holding the lower part of his gown with both
hands to make it look as if there was some food in it for the animal. When the ḥadīth
scholar found out that in fact there was no food in ḥadīth narrator's gown and that it
was merely a trick to catch the animal, the ḥadīth scholar was no longer interested in
learning ḥadīths from the ḥadīth narrator, simply because the latter was lying to his
riding animal. In other words, the ḥadīth narrator was not truthful. Thus, the ḥadīth
narrator could neither qualify to be a narrator of ḥadīth nor could he be a source of
knowledge. The ḥadīth scholar decided to go all the way back home (al-Aṣbahāni
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1985, 8:370). According to Wakic b. al-Jarraḥ(al-Aṣbahāni 1985, 8:370), the career
of ḥadīth dictation and narration can only be performed by those who are truthful.
Due to the paramount significance of truthfulness, most ḥadīth scholars (al-mumli)
used to dictate ḥadīths by reading them aloud from a ḥadīth book rather than relying
on their own memory. Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal (d. 241), for instance, used to dictate
ḥadīths from a book and not from memory although he was a wellknown ḥadīth
scholar (al-Aṣbahāni 1985, 9:165; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:666; al-Khaṭīb 1997, 10:68).
Ḥadīth students, too, were well aware of and appreciated truthfulness. They used to
prefer learning the ḥadīth or writing it down when it was read aloud to them from a
book rather than spoken to them by their ḥadīth scholar (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:665).
Some ḥadīth scholars also used to prepare and read their own codex of ḥadīths or a
ḥadīth book before going to their ḥadīth dictation session to dictate the ḥadīths to
their students. By doing so, the ḥadīth scholar would not make errors in either the
chain of narration or in the ḥadīth content. Thus, the ḥadīth scholar could attain the
ethical characteristic of truthfulness (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:277).

4.5.5. Respect for Discipline

A ḥadīth scholar was expected to respect the discipline of ḥadīth. Respect
could be represented in a number of ways, such as:

(i)Preserving the teaching materials; that is, the ḥadīth's chain of authority
(isnād) and the ḥadīth content (matn).

(ii) Making sure not to answer questions which the ḥadīth scholar has no
knowledge of.

(iii)Teaching what the scholar has mastered well.

(iv)Giving the discipline of ḥadīth a high status and urging people to show
respect for this discipline.

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 For instance, when Shārik b. cAbd Allāh (d. 178/794) was asked by a young
member of the Abbāsid ruling family about a ḥadīth, Shārik refused to answer the
young man's question because the latter asked his question while leaning against a
wall, which was considered inappropriate in the Arab-Islamic culture of the time.
Shārik requested the young man to sit down and put his query forward, as a sign of
respect for the discipline of ḥadīth (Ibn al-Jacad 1990, 1:353). Moreover,
Muḥammad b. Ismācīl al-Bukhāri was asked by the governor Khālid b. Aḥmad al-
Thuhalī prince of (Bukharā) to teach his sons ḥadīth and give them private tuition at
home. Al-Bukhāri rejected the governor's offer and told him that his (the governor's)
children were not better than other people and should therefore join his (al-
Bukhāri's) ḥadīth dictation sessions, which were open to the public (al-Khaṭīb 1997,
2:34). The same anecdote applies to Sulaiman b. al-Ashcath al-Sijistani (d. 275),
when his governor asked him to teach his children at home (al-Mazzi 1993, 11:355;
al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:582).

4.5.6. To be Exemplary
It is human nature to imitate iconic figures whether they are dead or
contemporary. Thus, a ḥadīth scholar whose acts are based on the Qur'an and the
ḥadīth, in other words, he is putting them into practice, can be easily acceptedby the
people as an iconic person in terms of knowledge, piety and truthfulness. People
usually imitate such a scholar who has become exemplary, such as cAli b. al-Madini,
whom people used to imitate in his words, actions, the way he dressed, and the way
he stood and sat down (Shehhrī 2007: 197).

4.5.7. Patience and Lenience

In spite of the large number of students attending the ḥadīth dictation sessions, a
ḥadīth scholar is required to be patient and lenient with his students. Although ḥadīth
scholars used to encounter difficult teaching circumstances, they managed to
conquer these through their patience and leniency (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:385 and 240;
al-Samcani 1995, 1:191, 240 and 381; al-Dhahabi 1995, 1:239).

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 4.5.8. Justice and Equality for All students
Theḥadīth scholar is required to be just and should exercise equality among
his students regardless of their age, status, background, race or colour. All students
should receive equal attention from their ḥadīth teacher who is also required to show
equal compassion towards them. This character trait is of great importance, due to
the large number of students and of queries during the ḥadīth dictation session.
Thus, the ḥadīth scholar should answer the student who first raised his hand, should
not favour one student over another, and no student should be ignored (al-Sakhawi
1992, 3:244-245).

4.5.9. Uprightness and Self-dependence

This is referred to in Arabic as al-ciffah wal-taraffuc and has two components
in terms of character traits:

(i) Uprightness refers to being morally upright with regard to teaching and dictating
the ḥadīths. Although the ḥadīth scholar has an encyclopedic knowledge of ḥadīth,
he should neither display a sense of superiority nor should he feel he is above his
students and other people in the community because people are in need of his
knowledge.

(ii)Self-dependence refers to the fact that the Companions used to be self-

sufficient and they hardly used to ask any one for a favour.

Thus, in terms of the ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla'), the ḥadīth
scholar should exercise uprightness and self-dependence. In other words, he should
not take advantage of his students and ask them for favours. There are many
examples of ḥadīth scholars who used to possess the ethical trait of uprightness and
self-dependence, such as Manṣūr b. al-Mucammar al-Salami (d. 132), a ḥadīth
scholar famed for his knowledge and piety, who would not allow his students to
walk him home, so that he would not feel boastful and blemish his sound intention
of teaching ḥadīth. Moreover, the Kūfi ḥadīth scholar cAbd Allāh b. Idrīs (d. 192), a
pious worshipper, who wanted to know the price of a herb used as a detergent,
would not allow one of his students who volunteered to go to the shop, to do so.
137
Instead, al-Salami went himself to the shop and asked about it (al-Khaṭīb 1994,
1:580).

Thus, ḥadīth scholars have enjoyed and exercised the moral dimensions of
uprightness and self-dependence. They used to give equal opportunity to all their
students in terms of appointments for questions and enquiries and did not give any
ḥadīth private tuition. Thus, ḥadīth sessions have provided an equal opportunity for
everyone.

4.5.10. Awareness of Students' Aptitude

This academic requirement was observed by the ḥadīth scholars in order to
achieve effective learning and teaching interaction during the ḥadīth dictation
sessions. Ḥadīth scholars were well aware of their students' learning aptitude, so this
applied to homes and private ḥadīth dictation session.

Accordingly, the ḥadīth scholar used to give particular attention to students

with low aptitude and teach them 3-4 ḥadīths in a session, unlike students with a
high aptitude who used to be taught 30 in a session. The difference in the number of
ḥadīths is attributed to the student's aptitude for memorising and understanding the
ḥadīths taught. For instance, when the famousḥadīth scholar Muḥammad b. Ismācīl
al-Bukhāri was a student, he was able to learn and memorise a whole page of ḥadīths
simply by reading them once, as he had a photographic memory. Imām al-Shāfici
also noticed al-Bukhāri's high aptitude for learning and his sharp memory ( al-
Dhahabi 1995). Ḥadīth scholars also used to partnera weak student with a high
aptitude student so that the latter could help the former. Weakness in learning is not
exclusively due to weak memory. It also relates to other learning difficulties, such as
poor spelling and writing slowly. Through the employment of strong students during
the session, the ḥadīth scholar could guarantee effective learning outcomes in terms
of:

(i)Improving the weak student's understanding.

(ii)Most importantly, making sure that the ḥadīths learned were accurately written
and soundly understood.

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Ibn Ḥajar al-cAsqalāni, for instance, was among the ḥadīth scholars who adopted
this pedagogical technique (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:277).

4.5.11. Endeavours to Disseminate and Teach Ḥadīths Through

Travelling
In section 2.5.3, the requirement of sound intention was discussed, which also
includes the ḥadīth scholar's willingness and keenness to sacrifice his time and
money for the sake of teaching and propagating ḥadīth through travelling to other
countries. Such ḥadīth scholars includecUrwah (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:340), Ibn al-
Muhibb al-Ṣamit (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:218). Ibn al-Muhibb, for instance, travelled
from Baghdād to Damascus to teach ḥadīth based on Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal's
ḥadīth book (al-Dhahabi 1992, 21:433; al-Sakhawi 1994, 3:218). This can be
summed up by Abu Sufyān al-Thawri's statement: “Learn the ḥadīth; when you've
learned it by heart, put it into practice through your actions; when you applied it in
practice, disseminate it” (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:340). According to al-Ḥasan al-Baṣri,
Muḥammad is reported to have said: “It is charity that someone learns something
and acts by it and then teaches it.” (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:220).

4.6. Checking the Accuracy of a Ḥadīth Scholar’s Narration

The narration of ḥadīth by a ḥadīth scholar is checked against the narration by

other reliable ḥadīth scholars who are renowned for their accuracy. If the narration
of the ḥadīth scholar matches that of other reliable ḥadīth scholars who are well-
known for their accuracy, then his narration is accepted even though his narration
differs slightly in meaning to that of the others, or when on the whole his narration is
similar to that of the others.al-Jawzīyyah (1988, 1:321).In this case, theḥadīth
scholar can be considered to be accurate in his narration of ḥadīth and his knowledge
is regarded as encyclopedic (mutqin). However, if it is found that his narration of
ḥadīth differs significantly from the narration of reliable ḥadīth scholars who are

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known for their accuracy, then this ḥadīth scholar's narration is inaccurate and
therefore cannot be accepted.

4.7. Ḥadīth Accuracy Measures in Modern Time

One may wonder whether modern technology has helped as a measure of

ḥadīth accuracy in terms of narration (isnād) and content (matn). One can argue that
the accuracy of ḥadīths can be preserved through recording ḥadīth dictation sessions,
or dictating ḥadīths via TV, radio, or BSkyB programs through which one can
guarantee what the ḥadīth scholar has said in terms of the accuracy of ḥadīth
narration and content. In the view of Ibn cUthaimin (2002:100), the preservation of
the accuracy of ḥadīth through modern technology is much better than that through
books. However, there is a danger of parts of the recording being erased in error.
Thus, this is worse than relying on books. Ibn cUthaimin (2002:100) further
recommends that if we rely on recording machines, one needs to say: ‘I have heard
the ḥadīth recorded on a tape’ so that we can avoid forgery because some people
may imitate the ḥadīth scholar’s voice.

4.8. Procedural Rules of the Ḥadīth Scholar

Ḥadīth dictation sessions had specific procedures in terms of organisation of

the place where the session was held, the teaching environment, the beginning of a
session, the ḥadīth scholar's revision of his teaching materials and books before
delivering the session, the students' circumstances, and their motivation. Among the
major procedural rules which the ḥadīth scholar adopted are discussed below.

4.8.1. Time of the Session

The ḥadīth scholar decided in advance the exact time of his ḥadīth dictation
session. The announcement of the specific time of teaching was important because
students would have other commitments such as family and work. Establishing in
advance the time of the session was also important for both the ḥadīth scholar and

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his repeater (al-mustamli). The ḥadīth scholar needed time to revise his teaching
materials and prepare himself physically, while the repeater needed to prepare by
drinking enough water and other prepared drinks such as herbal drinks, which were
useful for the vocal cords and the throat in order to help him perform his demanding
task. The physical preparedness of the ḥadīth scholar and his repeater also included
having honey before the start of the session. The ḥadīth scholar needed to take
honey with yanoon before going to bed or immediately after waking up and it had to
be before he had his breakfast, while the repeater needed to have the honey mixed
with yanoon just before the start of the dictation session. The yanoon needed to be
boiled and cooled down to be mixed with honey. No food could be taken after this
drink for at least two hours. Students were also required to be well-organised in
terms of time management to be prepared for the session and attend on time to find a
place as close to the ḥadīth scholar or his repeater as possible. Otherwise, if they sat
far away, they might not be able to hear the ḥadīth clearly and would miss out useful
details. As a sign of respect and in order not to disturb the process of teaching, some
ḥadīth students who experienced this problem did not find it appropriate to ask the
repeater to repeat once more what he had just said. This happened, for instance, to
Sufyān b. cUyainah, Yazīd b. Hārūn, al-Acmash, Sacīd b. Jubair, cAmru b. Dinar, al-
Zuhri, Sufyān al-Thawri, and al-Faḍil b. cAyad.

4.8.2. Preparing the Teaching Material

A major task which the ḥadīth scholar encounters is the selection and
preparation of ḥadīths for his teaching. The ḥadīth scholar needs to consult the major
sources of ḥadīth and his own master ḥadīth codex which he has prepared himself.
After the selection of specific ḥadīths, he also needs to write them down on separate
sheets of paper to refer to them and dictate them to his students during the ḥadīth
dictation session. Before he starts his ḥadīth session, the ḥadīth scholar asks
someone reliable and well-educated in ḥadīth to proofread the ḥadīths he has
selected and to double-check any errors in ḥadīth content and chain of narration.
However, there are special circumstances in which the ḥadīth scholar is either
physically unable to do so, due to old age or being blind. In such a case, the ḥadīth
scholar asks a person who is knowledgeable in ḥadīth to select and write down for

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him some ḥadīths for each ḥadīth dictation session. Among the ḥadīth scholars who
have resorted to this method of selecting the teaching materials are Abu al-Ḥasan b.
Bushran who used Muḥammad b. Abi al-Fawaris to select the required ḥadīths and
write them down for him, Abu cUmar b. cAbd al-Wahhāb al-Hashimi al-Baṣri who
was helped by Abu al-Ḥusain b. al-Sarraj, al-Naisabūri who was helped by Abu
Ḥazim al-cAbdawi, and Sacīd b. Muḥammadal-Istiwa'i who was helped by Aḥmad b.
c
Ali al-Aṣbahāni. An interesting example is the ḥadīth scholar Abu al-Ḥasan
Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Rizqawaih, who used to undertake the task of selecting the
ḥadīths for each of his ḥadīth dictation sessions until he lost his eyesight. At this
stage, Abu al-Ḥasan b. Rizqawaih asked Abu Muḥammad al-Khilal to select the
ḥadīths and write them down for him as a teaching material (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:117-
118; al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:271-272).

4.8.3. Taking Care of What to Wear

As the ḥadīth scholar is facing a large number of students, he needs to pay
particular attention to what he is wearing during the ḥadīth dictation session. The
ḥadīth scholar Imām Mālik b. Anas (d. 179), for instance, used to wear his best
clothes, wear his turban tidily (tartīb cimāmateh ), and not touch his beard, as a sign
of respect for the ḥadīth, which represents Muḥammad's statements (al-Khaṭīb 1994,
1:385; al-Samcani 1995, 1:191). Ḥadīth scholars also used to brush their teeth with
the miswāk74 before starting to teach, and also trim their nails, moustache and hair.
They used to wear a white dress, comb their beard, wear a nice perfume, and check
in the mirror before their students (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:586-642; al-Samcani 1995,
1:214). Walking was also part of the etiquette. The ḥadīth scholar used to walk
respectfully and greet everyone he passed, including very young boys (al-Khaṭīb
1994, 1:586).

74al-Miswāk is a root of the arak tree which grows in southern Saudi Arabia. These
roots are similar to toothbrushes.

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 4.8.4. Sitting in an Elevated Place
Due to the large number of students, the ḥadīth scholar needs to sit in a high
place where students can see and hear him clearly (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:413; al-
Samcani 1995, 1:278; al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:134; al-Ḥusaini 1990,p38). For al-Sakhawi
(1992, 3:255), sitting in an elevated place is a desirable requirement (mustaḥabb)
since it reflects respect for and glorification of the ḥadīth. Abu Zarcah b. cAmru b.
Jarir reports through Abu Huraīrah and Abu Dharr who claim that when the number
of people coming to Muḥammad continually increased, and some of them would not
know who he was from among the crowd sitting with him, the companions proposed
to him to sit in an elevated place. Muḥammad accepted this idea and a chair-like
place was built for him that was high enough for him to be seen by the crowd sitting
in front of him. This became known as the platform (manbar), and it became the
first platform used in the Prophet's mosque (al-masjid al-nabawi) in Madinah (al-
Ḥusaini year:38). Muḥammad also used to sit on the roof-top of a house. It is worth
noting that the houses at that time were not as high as today's. cIkramah also used to
sit on a roof-top to teach the ḥadīth (ibid). It is likely that seeing the ḥadīth scholar's
face had a psychological and pedagogical impact on the students who were looking
at him, and also on the teaching and learning outcomes of those sessions.

4.8.5. Opening the Session with a Recitation of the Qur'an

Starting the ḥadīth dictation session with a recitation of the Qur'an became a
recommended procedure by ḥadīth scholars (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:255). Directly after
sitting down, the recitation of the Qur'an began. One may wonder who performed
this recitation. There are, in fact, different opinions about this procedure. For al-
Khaṭīb (1994, 2:68) and al-Samcani (1995:98), the task of recitation was undertaken
by the ḥadīth repeater, while al-Sakhawi (1992, 3:255) is of the opinion that the
recitation of the Qur'an was performed by the ḥadīth scholar. However, al-Sakhawi
(ibid) also argues that this task was also undertaken by someone other than the
ḥadīth scholar or his repeater. I believe that the latter opinion is more viable, due to
the fact that:

(i)The ḥadīth scholar was very busy and therefore physically and psychologically
unable to perform this role before the start of the ḥadīth dictation session.
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(ii)The repeater of the ḥadīth scholar was also too busy organising the session,
making the place ready for teaching, and keeping students quiet on arrival.

(iii) Some repeaters were either not good enough in recitation or did not have
accurate reading skills.

Therefore, it can safely be assumed that the role of Qur'an recitation used to
be performed by an independent person with recitation and reading competencies
and a loud voice.One may also wonder what part of the Qur'an used to be selected
for recitation. Was it a long or short sūrah? The ḥadīth scholars for example al-
Khaṭīb, al-Rafici, and al-Samcani, the recitation would have been a sūrah Q112,
which is short enough to be suitable for the time of the ḥadīth dictation session (al-
Sakhawi 1992, 3:256). However, al-Sakhawi (ibid) also claims that some ḥadīth
scholars used to start their session with the recitation of Q87, because it includes the
ayahs 6 (We will make you recite (O Muḥammad) and you will not forget), 9 (So
remind, if the reminder should benefit), and 19 (the Scriptures of Abraham and
Moses) which refer to reading, seeking help from God to acquire knowledge, urging
people to act in accordance with what they have learned, and the Scriptures of
Abraham and Moses which intertextually refer to writing, dictation, paper and
knowledge. However, it is unlikely that al-Sakhawi is correct in his assertion that
Q87 was always recited before the start of the ḥadīth dictation sessions. More likely
Q87 was recited on Fridays, as reported by al-Nucmān b. Bashīr about the habit of
the Prophet Muḥammad, who used to read Q87 on Fridays (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:68; al-
Samcani 1995:48).

After the recitation of the Qur'an, the repeater (al-mustamli) of the ḥadīth
scholar requested the students to pay attention to the ḥadīth scholar as teaching
would start straight away (Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ 1987:219; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:69). However,
for al-Samcani (1995:49 and 97) and al-Sakhawi (1992, 3:256), the task of
requesting the students to be seated and be quiet to prepare for the session had to be
undertaken by the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) himself. This was based on the fact that

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Muḥammad requested people to be quiet during his farewell pilgrimage speech (al-
Sakhawi 1992, 3:256).

4.9. The Age of the Ḥadīth Scholar

Scholars, such as cAiyad(1970:77) have different opinions about the age of

the ḥadīth scholar. Some scholars believe that a ḥadīth scholar could hold ḥadīth
dictation sessions before the age of 50, others suggested the age of 40, while others
argued that age should not be an issue since everyone who was knowledgeable about
ḥadīth and able to undertake ḥadīth dictation sessions should do so even if he was in
his 20's. Examples of young ḥadīth scholars who held ḥadīth dictation sessions at the
age of 20 or younger were al-Bukhāri, Imām Mālik, Imām al-Shāfici.

Notes

1. The expression (l-fisq) refers to committing grave sins such as the consumption of
alcohol, or committing minor sins repeatedly.

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Chapter Four: The Repeater (al-mustamli or the assistant dictator)

4.10. Introduction

This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the repeater (mustamlī, assistant

dictator) who is the second important element in ḥadīth dictation sessions. Just as
today, where modern sound equipment such as the microphones and loudspeakers
are used to enable people standing far away to hear what the speaker is saying, the
mustamlī was employed by the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) to repeat loudly what the
ḥadīth scholar was saying to his students. I shall also discuss how, in the past, a very
large group of people attending ḥadīth dictation sessions managed to hear the ḥadīth
scholar while they were sitting far away from him. This chapter will deal with who
the repeater was, what his role was, his major features, the difference between him
and the ḥadīth scholar, the importance of his role in the teaching and learning
process, whether his role could have been dispensed with, the age at which the
repeater was allowed to undertake such a role, why a ḥadīth scholar needed several
repeaters, and how the repeaters used to be distributed and placed in certain
positions among the ḥadīth students and other people attending the ḥadīth dictation
sessions (majalis al-imla').

4.11. Emergence of the Need for a Repeater

Historically, the Arabs, before the inception of Islam, used to employ sonorous
individuals to call people to war at times of general mobilisation, to repeat what had
been said by a speaker, or to attract people's attention to what was going to be said.
Similarly, during the early years of Islam when the battle of Ḥunaīn (8th in
Muḥammad time / 7th century) took place, Muḥammad employed repeaters calling
for the Muslims to go to al-Ṭā’if to fight the polytheists of the tribes of Thaqif and
Hawāzin. The repeaters were acting as war drums encouraging the Muslims to go to
battle (Ibn al-Jawzīyyah 1998, 1:42) . The repeater was also employed during the

146
congregation of mass prayers so that people performing the prayer in the back rows
could follow the Imām leading the prayer.

During the early phase of the ḥadīth dictation sessions, the ḥadīth scholar (al-
mumli) did not feel the need for a repeater, simply because his dictation session was
small, with only a few ḥadīth students sitting in front him. It seems therefore that
the idea of having a repeater first emerged during the lifetime of Muḥammad. For
instance, Rāfic Ibn cUmar reported that when he came with his father on the day of
the farewell pilgrimage (ḥajjat al-wadāc), he saw Muḥammad delivering his speech
to a large crowd of Muslims, some of whom were standing while the rest were
sitting down, and cAli b. Abī Ṭālib was repeating what Muḥammad was saying.
Arguably cAli b. Abi Ṭālib was the first repeater in Islam (Abu Dawūd 2008,p 1368
(ḥadīth number 1956); al-Baihaqi 1911, 5:140; al-Bukhāri 1987, 3:302; al-Khaṭīb
1990, 2:65 (ḥadīth number 1193); al-Samcani 1993, 2:382 (ḥadīth number 250)).
Therefore, repeating (al-istimla') emerged first during Muḥammad's lifetime as a
task relegated to someone to relay precisely what the speaker was saying.

A glimpse at Muḥammad's biography supports this idea, as there were more

than 100,000 people who attended Muḥammad's farewell pilgrimage speech and
who at the same time performed the pilgrimage with Muḥammad. We are also told
by Rāfic b. cUmar al-Mazini that when he was either five or six years old, he
attended the farewell pilgrimage with his father, who held his hand and they walked
together until they reached where Muḥammad was delivering his farewell speech
riding his own light brown mule and cAli b. Abi Ṭālib was repeating to the crowd
what Muḥammad was saying (al-Samcani 1993, 2:383 [ḥadīth number 251]; Ibn al-
Athīr 1997, 2:195).

Similarly, we are told by Abu Ḥamzah that he was the repeater of Ibn cAbbās who
used to ask him to sit next to him on his bed to repeat what he was saying to a large
crowd of people who came to learn ḥadīths from him ( Muslim 2008, p 684 (ḥadīth
number 27 ); al-Sakhawi 1992:253). It is worth noting that although Ibn cAbbās was
young and accepted Islam at a later time, he had an encyclopaedic knowledge of
ḥadīth and held dictation sessions (majālis al-imla') in the Makkan holy mosque
attended by wellknown contemporary companions. Moreover, cUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb
used to select Ibn cAbbās, in spite of his young age, and involve him in the decision-

147
making bodies dominated by elderly companions. Thus, cUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb
became renowned for his knowledge and as suchhis teaching sessions were well
attended by a large number of people. For this reason, he needed a repeater and used
to seat Ibn cAbbāsnext to him on his bed as a gesture of honour and respect to the
repeater and also to enable people hear the repeater's voice75.

However, with the massive increase in student numbers and the widespread genuine
interest among laymen in learning ḥadīth, the need for repeaters emerged; they
would become a major teaching and learning aid for ḥadīth scholars (al-mumlīs)
who would encounter enormous teaching problems when they were without a
repeater or repeaters (Madelung 2011, 3:655).

For instance, Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Jacfar b. Sullam describes the arrival in Baghdād,
during the 3rd/9th century, of the ḥadīth scholar Muslim Ibrāhīm b. cAbd Allāh al-
Kijji (d. 292): "When al-Kijji arrived in Baghdād, he held ḥadīth dictation sessions
for people in Ghassān's mosque courtyard. A large number of people attended his
ḥadīth session and, thus he had seven repeaters, each of whom stood at one side of
the ḥadīth session, and each repeater shouted as loud as he could to the other
repeater at the other side what he had heard from the ḥadīth scholar. Thus, the
message continued to be passed on each time by the other repeaters in turn. Ḥadīth
students used to write down the ḥadīth from al-Kijji while holding their ink pots
(maḥbarah) while at the same time standing up due to lack of space. The courtyard
was prepared and swept in advance. The number of ḥadīth students attending with
ink pots exceeded 40,000, excluding the number of ḥadīth students present in the
mosque's annex." (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 7:197; al-Dhahabi 1992, 16:94).

75There is also an interesting anecdote about the high status of the ḥadīth scholar and
the repeater. cAbdān b. Muḥammad al-Maruzi narrated that, in a vision, he saw
Yacqūb b. Sufyan al-Fasawi and asked him: "What has God done for you?"
Yacqūb al-Fasawi responded: "God has forgiven all my sins and commanded
me to hold ḥadīth dictation sessions in the sky. Thus, I held a ḥadīth dictation
session in the seventh sky and was attended by all the angels who were writing
in golden pens and my repeater was Gabriel. Similarly, Aḥmad b. Jacfar al-
Tustari narrated that he had a vision in which he saw Yacqūb b. Sufyan al-
Fasawi holding a ḥadīth dictation session in the seventh sky and Gabriel was his
repeater (al-Suyūṭi 1994, 2:126).

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More interestingly, during the 4th/10th century, the number of repeaters increased
dramatically. cUmar b. Muḥammad b. cAli al-Zaiyat describes the arrival in Baghdād
of the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) Abu Bakr Jacfar b. Muḥammad al-Faryabi (d. 301)
and how people received him with their boats. We are told that the people of
Baghdād received al-Faryabi with their motor-powered boat(al-ṭaiyarat) and other
kinds of small ships (al-zabāzib), and that they took him to al-Manār Street by the
Kūfah Gate76(bab al-Kūfah) to learn ḥadīths from him. The crowd was estimated at
30,000 people, and so was too large to hear al-Kijji directly. Thus, there were 316
repeaters during his ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla') held in Baghdād (al-
Khaṭīb 1997, 7:201; al-Samcani 1993, 2:159). Similarly, we are told by Abu Bakr
al-Khatli (d. 283) that the ḥadīth dictation sessions of the ḥadīth scholar Muḥammad
b. Muslim b. Warah (d. 270) were attended by an audience of nearly 20,000 people
and that there were about 20 repeaters (al-Samcani 1993, 2:412).

It is worth noting that early iconic ḥadīth scholars used to employ repeaters in their
ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla'). For instance, the ḥadīth scholar Sacīd b.
Abi cUrubah had a repeater called cAbd al-Wahhāb b. cAṭa' (al-Samcani 1993, 2:385
(ḥadīth number 255); al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:65 (ḥadīth number 1195). Similarly, the
ḥadīth scholar Abu cĀṣim had a repeater called Yaḥyā b. Rashid (al-Samcani 1993,
2:387; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66 (ḥadīth number 1197; al-Ramaharmazi 1990, 3:603
(ḥadīth number 872)).

4.12. The Role of the Repeater

The repeater is referred to in Arabic as al-mustamli or the assistant-dictator,

being the one who, through his loud voice, was the direct link between the
ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) and the ḥadīth students and other people attending
the ḥadīth dictation session (majlis al-imla'). The repeater was an individual
whose main task was to repeat precisely – and most importantly truthfully;

76Baghdad used to have four major gates. The Kūfah Gate was one of them.

149
 that is, word for word – the statements made by the speaker; namely, the
ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli). The repeater was someone who had, in principle,
an interest in ḥadīth, but was not necessarily a knowledgeable person in
ḥadīth studies. The repeater, at times, was a layman who had neither an
interest in nor knowledge of ḥadīth but possessed a good quality voice and
was able to speak loudly. In other words, the repeater was sonorous (jahuri
al-ṣawt) and his voice was clear and melodious, but thunderous and deep
(al-Shehhri 2007, 206). The repeater's role in ḥadīth dictation sessions has
been likened to that of the drummer in the army (al-Samcani 1993, 2:393
(ḥadīth numbers 266 and 267). The repeater was also the one responsible for
starting the ḥadīth dictation session by asking the ḥadīth scholar: "man
ḥaddathaka raḥimaka Allāh?" (Who were your ḥadīth teachers, may God
have mercy upon you?). The ḥadīth scholar would then immediately start
his ḥadīth dictation session (Ibn Daqiq 2006:367).

Due to the fact that the ḥadīth scholar's voice could not reach all the students whose
number at times is estimated to have been in the thousands, and who also sat at a
distance from the ḥadīth scholar, the role designated to the repeater became vital to
the success of ḥadīth dictation sessions. The circumstances which necessitated the
presence of a repeater in ḥadīth dictation sessions included:

(i) when the number of ḥadīth students and people attending increased to a large
extent (ii) the area where they sat was too vast

(iii) the ḥadīth scholar's face could not be seen by the audience

(iv) the ḥadīth scholar's voice could only be heard by the audience through the
repeater(s) (Madelung 2011, 3:655).

Repeating in ḥadīth dictation sessions became a profession of some people and,

interestingly, also became a nickname of some repeaters such as Abu cUmar the
Repeater (Abu cUmar al-mustamli) who undertook this job for the most of his life .
The same applies to Hārūn al-Mustamli (al-Samcani 1993, 2:385). When the place
became extremely crowded the repeater(s) had to climb a curved date palm in order
to repeat for the ḥadīth scholar. This used to be practised by the ḥadīth repeater Abu

150
SufyānHārūn b. Sufyān b. Rashid, the repeater of the ḥadīth scholar cĀṣim b. cAli b.
c
Aiṣm (d. 221) who used to sit at the top of a house surrounded by date palms at the
Rasafah mosque in Baghdād (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 12:248). Although there were
repeaters within close proximity of the ḥadīth scholar, sometimes the latter's voice
was still not clear enough due to noise from the crowd or the ḥadīth scholar's voice
being too quiet. We are told of an example of such an incident, by the ḥadīth scholar
Dawūd b. Rashid (d. 304) who was attending the ḥadīth dictation sessions of Ibn
c
Aliyyah who was asked by his repeater to raise his voice more so that he could
hear him (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66; al-Samcani 1993, 2:392).

The value of having a sonorous voice is not sufficient. The repeater's voice should
also be melodious (ḥasin al-ṣawt). According to Fudalah b. cUbaid, Muḥammad is
reported to have said: "God enjoys listening to a man with a melodious voice
reciting the Qur'an more than the owner of a slave-girl enjoys listening to her sing."
(al-Samcani 1993, 2:402 (ḥadīth number 281); Ibn al-Athīr ( 1949,1:33). This ḥadīth
demonstrates that the quality of a melodious voice is required for both the recitation
of the Qur'an and for the transmission of Prophetic ḥadīths in ḥadīth dictation
sessions (majālis al-imla'). For instance, the well-known ḥadīth scholars Ibn Shihāb,
Anas b. Mālik, and Imām al-Shāfici were known for their melodious voices as well
as for their eloquence (al-Samcani 1993, 2:282 and 404 (ḥadīth number 283); al-
Khaṭīb 1994, 1:284 (ḥadīth number 608)).

The melodious voice quality also leads us to consider why Muḥammad described
Abu Sacīd al-Khidri as sounding like a clarinet (mizmār) similar to that of the nation
of David. In other words, the companion likened the voice of Abu Sacīd al-Khidri to
that of the Prophet David, which was so pleasant and musical, and also to the
beautiful voice of the Prophet Muḥammad himself (al-Bukhāri 2008, p437(ḥadīth
number 5048); Muslim 2008, p 802(ḥadīth number 2113)). Similarly, one may
wonder why Muḥammad selected Bilāl b. Rabaḥ from among a large number of
companions to be the person responsible for raising the call for prayer (adhān) in
both Makkah and Madinah. Thus, the phonetic quality of a melodious voice became
a prerequisite during Muḥammad's lifetime for raising the call for prayer. This
quality also constituted a character trait of a successful repeater and at the same time

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was a necessary requirement for the repetition (istimla') of ḥadīths in ḥadīth
dictation sessions.

As for the age of the repeater (al-mustamli or assistant-dictator), Muslim scholars

are of the opinion that a person of any age can undertake this role so long as he
satisfies the conditions even if he is a pre-pubescent boy (ṣabī). The ḥadīth scholar
Shabib cAbd al-Razzāq narrates that he saw the successor ḥadīth scholar Sufyān al-
Thawri dictating (yumli) ḥadīth for students and that his repeater was a young boy
(al-Samcani 1993, 2:386 (ḥadīth number 256); al-Baihaqi 1984:373 (ḥadīth 636)).

4.13. Criteria required for the Repeater

In the view of Muslim scholars, the repeater constitutes the link between the ḥadīth
scholar and students, as well as representing the ḥadīth scholar. Muslim scholars
refer to a number of conditions which the repeater should meet (al-Samcani 1993,
2:384-385 (ḥadīth numbers 252, 253, and 254); al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:65 (ḥadīth number
1194)). Thus, among the major characteristics of the repeater are the following:

(i)Lightheartedness (khafīf cala al-fu'ād): Lightheartedness added cheerfulness to

the ḥadīth dictation session. It was a character trait which was a prerequisite for the
majority of ḥadīth scholars who also referred to the opposite word of this attribute
which is thaqīl (dull), meaning a grumpy-looking person. In other words, the
repeater was to sport a cheerful attitude rather than a boring one.

The lightheartedness of the repeater would encourage the ḥadīth students and other
people interested in ḥadīth studies to attend the ḥadīth dictation sessions. Thus, this
particular character trait of the repeater had an effect on the reputation and success
of the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli).

(ii) Use of respectful expressions and good etiquette: The repeater had to possess
good manners, especially in terms of language use, whether with the ḥadīth scholar
or the ḥadīth students.

(iii) Humility (al-tawāḍuc): The repeater was required to exercise humility,

especially towards the ḥadīth scholar, showing him great respect for his knowledge

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and status as a scholar. The repeater needed to employ a special style and
expressions when he asked the ḥadīth scholar a question or asked him to repeat an
expression or a statement. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Maḥdi narrates a story about the
famous exegete and ḥadīth scholar Sufyān al-Thawri, who acted as a repeater of the
ḥadīth scholar Ḥammad b. Zaid. On one occasion, cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Maḥdi claims
that he saw Sufyān on his knees while making a request to Ḥammad b. Zaid (al-
Samcani 1993, 2:287 (ḥadīth number 257); al-Razi 153, 1:182).

(iv) Sonorous and clear loud voice: Phonetically, the repeater had to be sonorous
(jahuri al-ṣawt), with a melodious voice (ḥasin al-ṣawt). As mentioned earlier, the
repeater's voice was to be clear but thunderous and deep. A repeater was expected to
speak loudly while repeating the ḥadīth scholar's words and statements in a clear
voice. Among the well-known repeaters with a loud voice were Hārūn Mikḥalah,
whose voice was compared to thunder (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66; al-Samcani 1993,
2:392). Among the famous sonorous repeaters were Hārūn b. Sufyān Ibn Bashir,
who was nicknamed the rooster (al-dīk) and was the repeater of the ḥadīth scholar
Yazīd b. Hārūn (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 7:25), and Abu SufyānHārūn b. Sufyān b. Rashid
who was nicknamed khol stick(al-mikḥalah) because his voice was likened to
thunder (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 7:24).

(v) Punctuality: The repeater had to be present at the ḥadīth dictation sessions
(majālis al-imla') well before the ḥadīth scholar, the ḥadīth students, and other
people so that he could take his designated position at one of the sides of the place
where students were sitting. Because the place of the ḥadīth dictation session used to
become very crowded with students and other people, the repeater's task was to
make sure that he arrived early to the ḥadīth dictation session.

(vi) Articulate and rhetorically able: The repeater had to possess the following
linguistic, stylistic and phonetic qualities, such as:

1. Advanced linguistic competencies.

2. The ability to employ classical Arabic effectively (Makdisi 1990, 324).

3. Making use of accentuation skills during his repetition; in other words, the
repeater had to be aware of pausing and stressing skills which enabled him to know

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where to pause, when to raise his voice more, and which expressions needed to be
accentuated.

4. Being eloquent, able to employ an elevated style, and not repeat quickly.

5. Not using colloquial Arabic.

6. Not suffering from pronunciation difficulties of any particular sound (Makdisi

1990, 324).

7. Not having a strong accent which would prevent his listeners from understanding
his words.

8. A melodious voice (ḥasin al-ṣawt).

9. Clear pronunciation.

10. The ability to pronounce the Arabic sounds accurately in terms of their places of
articulation (makhārīj al-aṣwāt) (al-Samcani 1993, 2:402).

(vii) Intelligence and sharp memory: The repeater had to be an intelligent person
with a sharp memory, and possessing advanced comprehension skills to enable him
repeat precisely what the ḥadīth scholar has said.

(viii) Knowledge of ḥadīth studies: The repeater had to be able to understand what
he was repeating to the ḥadīth students and be able to comprehend the ḥadīthjargon
and the chain of narration technique. A knowledgeable repeater could guarantee the
accurate and faithful transfer of the ḥadīth content (matn), the statements and
expressions spoken by the ḥadīth scholar. Thus, it could be ensured that the teaching
materials being dictated to the ḥadīth students were the precise ones delivered by the
ḥadīth scholar (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:286; al-Samcani 1993, 2:406). I believe that errors
in the transfer of accurate ḥadīth content could only be eliminated by the
employment of a repeater who was knowledgeable about ḥadīths and ḥadīth studies.
In the view of al-Samcani (1993, 2:396), ḥadīth scholars appointed only the best and
most knowledgeable people as repeaters and those who could memorise a large
number of ḥadīths with accuracy of content and chain of narration (isnād).

(ix) Trustworthy: Ḥadīth scholars were concerned about the accuracy and precise
wording of the ḥadīth content (matn) and its chain of authorities (isnād). Therefore,
they were very careful in the appointment of a repeater. The repeater had to be

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trustworthy in terms of maintaining the precise wording of the ḥadīth content and
the exact names in each chain of authorities. The repeater also had to be trustworthy
in terms of maintaining the classical Arabic style of the ḥadīth and would never
rephrase it in his own dialectal Arabic (an la uliḥn).

(x) Mentally alert (faṭin): Due to the pressure of work stemming from the large
audience of ḥadīth students and other people, the repeater had to be mentally alert,
focused, and not wander off the point. The repeater had to be able to replicate
precisely what he heard from the ḥadīth scholar, and be able to read what was
written in the book he was reading from (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 7:201; al-Samcani 1993,
2:159). However, we are informed by scholars such as al-Khaṭīb(1994, 2:67) and al-
Samcani (1993, 2:396) about incidents of stupid (ghabī or balīd) repeaters. For
instance, Muḥammad b. cAmru al-Baṣri, who was nicknamed al-Jammāz, was the
repeater of the ḥadīth scholar Khālid b. al-Ḥārith al-Hajimi (d. 186). In one of his
ḥadīth dictation sessions, al-Hajimi was reading a ḥadīth and was referring to the
content of the ḥadīth. He said: "Narrated by Ḥamid from Anas, the Prophet said.
But in my own codex, it is: 'the Prophet of Allāh' – in sha' allāh" (if God wills). The
insertion by the ḥadīth scholar al Hajimi of the last expression (in sha' allāh – if God
wills), which was not part of the ḥadīthcontent, led the repeater al-Baṣri al-Jammāz
to believe that al-Hajimi was sceptical of God, and so he repeated to the students
what he had heard but added: "al-Hajimi doubts God". On hearing what his repeater
had just said, the ḥadīth scholar al-Hajimi was extremely upset and rebuked the
repeater, saying: "You, the enemy of God, I have never doubted God." What the
ḥadīth scholar al-Hajimi meant was that there must be a word missing which was
Allāh (God) in the ḥadīth after the word rasul (Prophet). He then confirmed this by
saying that the deleted word (Allah - God) existed in his codex of ḥadīth, and that by
adding in sha' allah (if God wills), he meant, "I hope I am right", that this was his
intention.

In another incident, a gentleman called Barbakh was the repeater of the ḥadīth
scholar Yazīd b. Harūn. When a ḥadīth student asked Yazīd b. Harūn about a ḥadīth,
he replied: "ḥaddathana bihi ciddah" (Many ḥadīth scholars have reported it to me),
where the word ciddah means 'many'. However, the repeater, Barbakh, repeated it as:
"ḥaddathana bihi cuddah"( cUddah reported the ḥadīth to me), thus changing the

155
word ciddah (many) to cuddah (cUddah) which is a man's name. The ḥadīth scholar
Yazīd b. Harūn cursed his repeater, Barbakh, and corrected him (al-Samcani 1993,
2:394 (ḥadīth number 268); al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66 (ḥadīth number 1201); al-Sakhawi
1992, 2:336; Ibn al-Salāh 1987:242).

(xi) To be slim and tall: Physically the repeater was required to be slim rather than
overweight so that he could climb a tree or a rooftop, for example, and also had to
be tall so that he could be seen by the audience.

(xii) To be patient and cooperative: Due to the nature of the teaching and learning
process involved in the ḥadīth dictation sessions, as well as to the large size of the
audience, I believe the repeater had to be both patient and cooperative. In other
words, I believe the repeater was frequently asked by several students as well as by
ordinary people of the audience to either re-repeat or explain a particular expression
or statement. Thus, he was required to cooperate with the audience and be patient.

4.14. The Role of the Repeater

It has been a controversial issue in ḥadīth studies as to whether the repeater's role in
ḥadīth dictation studies (majālis al-imla') includes correcting the oversights made by
the ḥadīth scholar. Muslim scholars have been divided over whether or not the
repeater would correct the ḥadīth scholar if he made an error in the ḥadīth content
(matn), in the chain of authorities (al-isnād), or in explaining the ḥadīth. Scholars
like al-Awzāci and cAbd Allāh b. Mubārak are proponents of the view that the
repeater had to correct the oversights of the ḥadīth scholar and provide the correct
information to the ḥadīth students. Thus, the qualities of being intelligent,
encyclopaedic, and mentally alert were of paramount importance to the repeater.
However, scholars like Muḥammad b. Sirīn, Abu Macmar cAbd Allāh b. Sakhbarah,
and Shakir (1990:140) are opposed to this view. They believe that the repeater had
to repeat precisely what he had heard from the ḥadīth scholar without altering or
modifying any statement or expression. My own view is that the repeater had to be
intelligent enough to pick up the oversights made by the ḥadīth scholar and relay to
the students the correct form in terms of an expression, ḥadīth content, or an
explanation of a ḥadīth. I personally find the views of Ibn Sirīn, Ibn Sakhbarah, and
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Shakir inconsistent and illogical, due to the fact that the ḥadīth students were entitled
to learn correct information, and it was vital for the accuracy of ḥadīth content and
its chain of authorities to be transferred to students in their correct form. However,
Shakir mentions a different opinion when he refers to the story of cAbd Allāh b.
Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, the son of Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, who claimed that his father,
(i.e., Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal), used to correct the oversights of his ḥadīth scholar
(al-mumli) but overlooked the minor errors and repeated them precisely as they were
since they did not affect the meaning.

Generally speaking, the role of asking the audience to be quiet is undertaken by the
repeater. Disruption during the ḥadīth dictation sessions was not uncommon, and a
noisy environment could impede the teaching process. This could be caused by
students turning the pages they were writing on, the late arrival of some students or
other people, interruptions by students or other people, asking the repeater to re-
repeat or to explain something. All such incidents led to disruption of the ḥadīth
scholar's teaching. Thus, the repeater was the person responsible for creating and
maintaining a quiet atmosphere so that the ḥadīth teacher and his repeater would be
able to focus. I can refer to an incident which took place during the farewell speech
delivered by Muḥammad on the day of cArafah, in order to substantiate the claim
that the speaker does not have the role of requesting the audience to be quiet. Due to
the large crowd of Muslims, estimated at more than 100,000, who were
accompanying Muḥammad in his pilgrimage, the atmosphere was too noisy.
Therefore, Muḥammad asked Bilāl b. Rabāḥ: “O Bilāl, will you request people to be
quiet?” (al-Samcani 1993, 2:414; Ibn Mājah 2008, p2660 (ḥadīth number 3024)).

4.15. Major Repeaters

Based on al-Samcani (1993, 2:406) and al-Khaṭīb (1994, 1:284), we can list the
following repeaters as the most renowned individuals in terms of their
encyclopaedic knowledge of ḥadīth, linguistic competencies, and trustworthiness,
among other character traits listed above in Section 3.4:

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1. cAbd al-Wahhāb b. cAṭa' al-Khaffaf, known as Abu Naṣr al-cAdli (d. 204), who
was the repeater of the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) Sacīd b. Abi cUrubah b. Mahran al-
Yashkuri (d. 157).

2. Sufyān b. Sacīd al-Thawri (d. 161), who repeated for the ḥadīth scholar Ḥammad
b. Zaid (d. 197).

3. Adam b. Abi Iyās (d. 221), who was the repeater of the ḥadīth scholar Shucbah b.
al-Hajjāj (d. 160)

4. Ismācīl b. cAliyyah (d. 193), who repeated for the ḥadīth scholar ImāmMālik b.
Anas (179).

According to al-Samcani (1993, 2:406 (ḥadīth number 286)) and al-Khaṭīb (1994,
1:285 (ḥadīth number 609)), there were ḥadīth dictation sessions whose repeaters
were not linguistically able, could not read Arabic properly, and used colloquial
Arabic. For instance, the ḥadīth scholar cAmru b. cAwn al-Waṣiṭi had a repeater of
this kind, who used to read to ḥadīth scholar he said : hashim instead of the correct
pronunciation and this mistake change of meaning (hushaim and ḥaṣin instead of the
correct form ḥuṣain.This repeater was soon sacked by al-Waṣiṭi and another repeater
was appointed instead, but he was a specialist in literature (warrāq) and had no
knowledge of ḥadīth.

4.16. Number of Repeaters

Literature on ḥadīth studies and biography sources of ḥadīth scholars refer to the
large numbers who attended the ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla') (al-
Samcani 1993, 2:409 (ḥadīth number 288); al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:56 (ḥadīth number
1157); al-Dhahabi 1992, 9:263). The audience were of five categories:

(i)Ḥadīth students who attended with ink pots (maḥabir) and paper.

(ii) Ordinary people who were merely listeners; they had an interest in learning
ḥadīth, but attended without ink pots and paper.

(iii) Distinguished official figures, such as Caliphs, governors, and ministers.

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(iv) Pious people who attended the ḥadīth dictation sessions for the sake of receiving
a blessing (barakah) as they believed that these sessions were supervised by angels.

(v) Women and young children.

Due to the extraordinary size of the audience, more than one repeater was needed so
that each repeater relayed to the other repeater the ḥadīth scholar's statements and
ḥadīths. Below are examples of ḥadīth scholars with the number of people attending
their ḥadīth dictation sessions:

Yazīd b. Hārūn (d. 206) held his ḥadīth dictation sessions in Baghdād, and they were
attended by an estimated audience of 70,000 (al-Samcani 1993, 1:155).
c
Āṣim b. cAli b. cĀṣim Abu al-Ḥasan al-Wṣaiṭi (d. 210) held his ḥadīthdictation
sessions in the al-Raṣafah mosque77.These sessions were attended by an estimated
audience of more than 100,000 (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 7:24).

Abu Muslim al-Kijji (d. 292) held ḥadīth dictation sessions which were attended by
an estimated number of more than 40,000 ḥadīth students with their ink pots and
there were many other people in the audience as well without ink pots and paper (al-
Khaṭīb 1997, 6:121-122; al-Dhahabi 1992, 13:424). That said, it is worth
considering where the repeater would stand, and the direction in which he would
face.

Based on the ḥadīth literature sources I have consulted, the repeater would stand on
an elevated or a high place so that the audience could see him and hear his voice
clearly. The elevated place would be, for instance, a bed, a tree, or a rock. However,
when the audience was not so large, the repeater would do his job while standing up.
The case of the bed took place with Ibn cAbbās, when he seated his repeater on his

77 The Abbāsid Caliph al-Mahdi built a massive mosque on the Raṣafah side of
Baghdad in 159H, i.e., during the third year of his caliphate. This mosque was
bigger and better than that built by his father al-Manṣūr. Ḥadīth dictation sessions
were held in this mosque and among the famous repeaters who repeated in the
ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla') were Harun al-Dīk and Harun Mikḥalah,
who were well-known as being sonorous repeaters (al-Hamawi 1957, 9:46).
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bed. There are examples of repeaters standing up while repeating, such as the case of
c
Ali b. Abi Ṭālib when he acted as the repeater for Muḥammad's farewell speech.
Also, during the Successors' period, Ismācīl b. cAliyyah repeated while standing for
the ḥadīth scholar Mālik b. Anas (al-Samcani 1993, 2:391 (ḥadīth number 263); al-
Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66 (ḥadīth number 1200)). Having said that, the repeater could sit
down in a tree, and this leads me to believe that the repeater would have had to be
slim, and light in weight, as overweight people do not have the physical ability to
climb up a tree and sit in it. However, the slim physical feature of the repeater has
not been discussed by any of the resources on ḥadīth dictation sessions.

Based on a close look at the ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla') it is clear
that the repeater faced the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli), then, after having heard what
the ḥadīth scholar had said, the repeater turned his face to the audience and repeated
to them what he had heard. As to whether the repeaters would stand in different
places but forming a circle, it seems that this was a matter dictated by the shape and
size of the place where the ḥadīth dictation sessions took place. For instance, if the
place was rectangular, such as a public road, this would require the repeaters to
stand in a file, at a distance, of course, from each other. This was the case with the
ḥadīth scholar Muḥammad b. Muslim b. Warat, whose ḥadīth dictation sessions used
to take place in a public road with an audience estimated at 20,000, and who had 20
repeaters, such as Abu Dawūd al-Ṭāyālsi, Abu al-Walid al-Ṭāyālisi, cAffān, Abu
c
Umar al-Hawdi, cAmru b. Marzuq al-Bāhili, and Sulaimān b. Ḥarb (al-Samcani
1993, 2:410 (ḥadīth number 290). Therefore, this leads one to argue that there was
one repeater for every 1000 students and people. However, the ḥadīth scholar Abu
Muslim al-Kijji held his ḥadīth dictation session with 7 repeaters only, while the
number of people in the audience exceeded 40,000 ḥadīth students in addition to a
large number of ordinary people. Al-Kijji's ḥadīth dictation sessions used to take
place in the vast yard of the Ghassan mosque. One may wonder how the 7 repeaters
managed to cover such a vast area filled by a massive audience (al-Samcani 1993,
2:410 (ḥadīth number 289); al-Khaṭīb 1997, 6:121-122; al-Dhahabi 1992, 13:424).

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Although the number of repeaters in this case was minimal compared to the large
audience, I believe there were other factors involved in this case. For example (i) the
shape of the mosque's yard played a role in the voice quality of the repeaters and
enabled students to hear them clearly, (ii) the repeaters were sonorous and their
voice quality was loud and clear enough for the audience, and (iii) the places where
the repeaters stood in the yard enabled their voices to be heard clearly by the
audience; in other words, the repeaters stood in a circle rather than in a line. The
well-known ḥadīth scholar Abu Bakr al-Qurbani held ḥadīth dictation sessions
whose audience exceeded 30,000 and had 316 repeaters (al-Samcani 1993, 2:159; al-
Khaṭīb 1997, 7:201).

4.17. Procedural Rules of the Repeater

When working inḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla'), the repeater of a ḥadīth
scholar usually followed specific procedures in terms of organisation of the place
where the ḥadīth session was held, the coordination with the other fellow repeaters
in the same ḥadīth dictation session, what he had to repeat, what material he needed
to prepare, and whether he was required to prepare such material. Undoubtedly, the
repeater used to know what he was going to repeat for the ḥadīth scholar and he was
also aware of what he would provide to the audience. Among the major procedural
rules which the repeater adopted are listed and explained below (al-Khaṭīb 1990,
2:70, 104; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66-72, 78; Ibn al-Ṣalḥa 1986:242; al-Samcani 1993,
1:328, 425; al-Samcani 1993, 2:284, 295, 319, 390-392, 415-419, 421-422, 424,
427-437; al-Sakhawi 1983, 3:255; al-Sabki 1976, 1:12; al-Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 30:235; al-
Shāfci 1980, 2:183):

1.Preparation of the place: The repeater was responsible for making the place
ready for the ḥadīth dictation session. The repeater used to employ other people to
sweep the floor and tidy it up well before the arrival of the audience and the ḥadīth
scholar.

2.The teaching/learning material: The repeater used to familiarise himself with the
most recurrent expressions that were likely to be used in each ḥadīth dictation
session.
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3.The beginning of the ḥadīth dictation session: The repeater usually used to start
the ḥadīth dictation session by praising and introducing the ḥadīth scholar to the
audience. He would also mention the ḥadīth scholar's nickname and family lineage.
This was vital information for ḥadīth students.

4.The position of the repeater: The repeater would stand or sit on something

elevated, such as a chair, a big box, a tree, a roof top78, a camel (either standing or
sitting), a mule, or a man-made small dust hill where he would be seen and clearly
heard by the audience. At times, the repeater would be held by another person
(sitting on someone's shoulders), or be seated on a coffin-like box held by other
people. The most common position for the repeater was to stand on his own feet, as
we are informed by al-Samcani 1993, 2:391-392 (ḥadīth numbers 263 and 264); al-
Khaṭīb 1994, 2:66 (ḥadīth number 1200); Makdisi 1990, 324; Madelung 2011,
3:655.

5. Focus of the repeater: In order to concentrate on what the ḥadīth scholar said,
the

repeater had to be in a comfortable position, whether standing or sitting, so as to

enable him undertake his job and be able to repeat precisely what he had heard from
the ḥadīth scholar.

6.Need for the toilet: In order to be focused, the repeater had to be physically able

in terms of relieving himself. Before the ḥadīth dictation session the repeater should
go to the toilet, therefore, the repeater had to use the toilet so that he would not need
to do so (ḥāqin), during the recital.

7. Food and drink: In order to be focused, the repeater would have something to eat

and drink before the beginning of the ḥadīth dictation session.

8.Keeping the audience quiet: The repeater made sure that the audience kept quiet

by asking them to do so. At times though, the ḥadīth scholar requested the audience
to be quiet.

78It is worth noting that houses during the early centuries of Islam were not as high
as today’s. The roof top of a house then was no more than 3 metres high.

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9. Recitation of the Qur'an: The repeater started the ḥadīth dictation session by a

recitation of the Qur'an. After the recitation, he declared: "In the name of God, the
entirely Merciful, the especially Merciful, praise be God the Lord of the world,
peace and blessings upon His Messenger Muḥammad and upon all his household
and all companions."

10. Supplication to the ḥadīth scholar: The repeater read prayers (ducā') for the

ḥadīth scholar and said: "May God be pleased with our scholar, his parents, and all
Muslims".Someḥadīth scholars did not like their repeater to read prayers for them,
as was the case with the ḥadīth scholar Abu al-Qāsim cAli b. al-Ḥusain al-cAlawi (d.
543). Some repeaters used to pray for the ḥadīth scholar to be granted a long life.
However, again, some ḥadīth scholars did not like this, as was the case with the
ḥadīth scholars such as Sacīd b. cAbd al-cAzīz and Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal. I believe that
some ḥadīth scholars objected to such prayers because they feared that their sound
intention of teaching the ḥadīth to the public would be ruined, as too much praise
may lead to corruption. Secondly, it may be argued that the ḥadīth scholars' refusal
of prayers by the repeater was a symbol of the ḥadīth scholars' humble attitude, as
they did not like to be praised in front of the public. Most importantly, the ḥadīth
scholars did not like to be glorified. They considered glorification was only for God
and that accepting glorification was a sign of hypocrisy.

11.The start of the ḥadīth dictation session:After the repeater had finished the
prayers for the ḥadīth scholar, he (the repeater) would approach the ḥadīth scholar
and ask him: "man ḥaddathaka raḥimaka allāh?" (Who were your ḥadīth teachers,
may God have mercy upon you?). The ḥadīth scholar would then immediately start
his ḥadīth dictation session (Ibn Daqiq 2006:367).

12.The end of the ḥadīth dictation session: At the end of the ḥadīth dictation

session, the repeater would read prayers for the audience, asking God to grant them
forgiveness and mercy.

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 4.18. Can Ḥadīth be Taken from a Repeater or only from a Ḥadīth
Scholar?

Scholars of ḥadīth studies are divided on whether one should learn ḥadīth from the
ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) or from the repeater (al-mustamli). If one can accept the
ḥadīth from both, this rule puts them both on an equal footing, as having similar
scholarly authority and an identical status. There are, therefore, two opinions:

First: The repeater was an intelligent and knowledgeable person, a reliable vehicle
who repeated the ḥadīth precisely as he heard it from the ḥadīth scholar. Therefore,
during ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla'), whatever the students heard from
the repeater was to be accepted as sound ḥadīth transmitted from a knowledgeable
ḥadīth scholar through a trustworthy repeater.

As for incidents where repeaters are reported to be stupid (balīd or ghabi), these, I
believe, should be considered as exceptional cases and, therefore, one should not
generalise from one or two isolated cases. Such cases, one can argue, are attributed
to the fact that the ḥadīth scholar chose the wrong repeater, someone who had not
enough knowledge of ḥadīth and who had the habit of rephrasing the ḥadīth by
either adding to it or deleting something from it. Nonetheless, this is an exception,
and the general rule is in support of a reliable repeater.

Second: The repeater could be equal to a ḥadīth scholar for a number of reasons,
such as:

(i) The repeater was human and therefore could make mistakes while repeating the
ḥadīth, especially when working under pressure in difficult circumstances such as
the extraordinary size of the crowd, the noise, and the large number of questions
from the audience.

(ii) The repeater might become confused or misunderstand an expression or a ḥadīth

used by the ḥadīth scholar.

(iii) The repeater might rephrase words, or add to or delete expressions. This was a
serious problem, especially when the ḥadīth content (matn) or its chain of authorities
(isnād) were involved.

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Scholars like Khalaf b. Sālim, Muḥammad b. cAbd Allāh al-Muṣili, and Abu al-Ṣalt
Za'idah b. Qudamah were proponents of the latter opinion and argued that one could
only take ḥadīth from the ḥadīth scholar directly and not through the repeater(al-
Khaṭīb 1989:125).

There were also ḥadīth scholars who expressed views against any unprofessional
conduct by repeaters and also against what the ḥadīth students wrote down. For
instance, the ḥadīth scholar Abu cUbaidah said: "law amlaitu cala insān marratan
(ana camru) fastamla (ana basher) wakutiba (ana zaid)" (If I dictate to a repeater:
"I am cAmru", he will repeat it as: "I am a human being", and it will be written down
as: "I am Zaid") (al-Samcani 1993, 2:400 (ḥadīth number 278)). We are also
informed about other incidents in which the ḥadīth scholar says something but the
repeater says something completely different to the extent that the audience starts
laughing. For instance, the expression al-umūr (matters, things) was repeated to the
audience as al-qubūr (graves) (al-Samcani 1993, 2:401 (ḥadīth number 279)).

Generally speaking, the repeater constituted a knowledgeable and reliable source of

ḥadīth, and thus one might classify the ḥadīth taken from a repeater as authentic and
sound. When ḥadīth students missed out a word in a ḥadīth content or a name in a
chain of authority, they used to enquire about it immediately by asking the repeater
or their fellow students sitting next to them. Thus, one can have no doubt about the
precise nature of ḥadīth content and its chain of authority written down by ḥadīth
students. To substantiate this claim, one can consider the story of the companion
Jābir b. Samurah who heard Muḥammad saying something but missed out a word.
Jābir then asked his father about it because he was present with him. Muḥammad is
reported to have said: "akunu hunaka ithna cashara amīran. . ." (There will be
twelve governors . . . ). Jabir missed out the rest of the ḥadīth but soon he learned the
missing words from his father who told him: "yakunu hunaka ithna cashara amīran
kulluhum min quraīsh" (There will be twelve governors. All of them will be from
Quraīsh.) (al-Bukhāri 2008, p602 (ḥadīth number 7222); Muslim 2008, p1004
(ḥadīth number 1821); al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:50).

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The repeater usually read the ḥadīth to the ḥadīth scholar; in other words, the
repeater was already supervised by the ḥadīth scholar who double checked the
accuracy of the repeater's reading and comprehension skills, explained ambiguities
to the repeater and corrected him if he made any error. Moreover, in most ḥadīth
dictation sessions, the repeater dictated to the audience from a ḥadīth book approved
by the ḥadīth scholar which most probably was the codex of the ḥadīth scholar. In
conclusion, one can trust the ḥadīths spoken by the repeater provided he could hear
the ḥadīth scholar.

4.19. Status of the Repeater Among Ḥadīth Scholars

The majority of ḥadīth scholars used to have repeaters well-known for their
knowledge of ḥadīth, as well as for their intelligence and trustworthiness. Based on
ḥadīth literature, the majority of ḥadīth scholars employed such a category of
repeaters and most importantly, the majority of ḥadīth scholars praised their
repeaters and categorised them as akhyār wa afāḍil (the best, virtuous, honest
people) (al-Samcani 1993, 2:396 (ḥadīth number 270). However, there were some
incidents of clashes between the ḥadīth scholar and the repeater during which the
ḥadīth scholar became angry and cursed his repeater (al-Samcani 1993, 2:396 (ḥadīth
number 271); al-Khaṭīb 1994 , 2:68). Some ḥadīth scholars also made subjective
and rude statements about the repeaters in general (al-Samcani 1993, 2:396 (ḥadīth
number 271); al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:68). For instance, the ḥadīth scholar Shucbah, said:
"la yastamli illa nadhil" (repeaters are villains) and "la yastamli illa safalah"
(repeaters are despicable and mean) (al-Samcani 1993, 2:397 (ḥadīth numbers 272
and 273); al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:68 (ḥadīth number 1204)). Similarly, the ḥadīth scholar
Ibn cUyainah said: "inna likulli qawmin ghawgha' wa ghawgha' aṣḥāb al-ḥadīth al-
mustamlun" (There is a mob for each group of people, and the mob of the ḥadīth
scholars are the repeaters) (al-Samcani 1993, 2:398 (ḥadīth number 274)).

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5. Chapter Five: The Ḥadīth Student

5.1. Introduction

This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the ḥadīth student, including the
prerequisites of becoming one. It also investigates an important question, which is
whether the ḥadīth student was merely an ordinary person who could take ḥadīth
dictation sessions from a ḥadīth scholar. It then considers how the student had to
choose a ḥadīth scholar and enrol in his ḥadīth dictation sessions. Finally, this
chapter focuses on a type of ḥadīth narration called al-riwāyah bil-wijādah
(narration by a person who self-studied).

5.2. The Ḥadīth Student's Moral and Academic Commitments

The ḥadīth student has always been the focal point of ḥadīth studies and a major
concern for scholars who were engaged in the recording of ḥadīth (Madelung (2011
3:653). The student was also the focal point in the teaching and learning processes.
If we want to investigate the student as playing a major part in the ḥadīth dictation
sessions (majālis al-imla'), it is necessary to consider a number of factors which I
believe can constitute a major academic character trait of the student who had the
potential to become a knowledgeable ḥadīth scholar.

Among the educational and academic factors listed by al-Khaṭib (1994), al-Samcani
(1993), Ibn Daqiq (2006), and al-Sakhawi (1992), discussing the student in terms of
ḥadīth dictation sessions, are the following:

(i) The student's morals and etiquette, including his good manners, which he was
expected to adopt throughout his studentship and search for knowledge (see Section
5.3 below for more details).

(ii) The student's genuine intention.

(iii) The student's method of taking lecture notes from his ḥadīth teacher.
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(iv) The student's learning aids, which were the tools that he brought with him to the
ḥadīth dictation sessions.

(v) The student's academic motivation.

(vi) The student's willingness to study first with his local ḥadīth scholars.

(vii) The student's willingness to travel abroad and to faraway places to acquire
ḥadīth knowledge from ḥadīth scholars of good repute.

(viii) The student's time management and respect of time rather than wasting it.

(ix) The student's patience in learning ḥadīth, since this discipline required several
years in order to have a thorough understanding of it.

(x) The student's good organisation in terms of his lecture notes, punctuality and
attendance rate.

(xi) The student's effective participation during the ḥadīth dictation sessions, and
whether he was a passive or active learner, whether he had the necessary debating
skills with his ḥadīth teacher and with the rest of the students when a controversial
matter was debated.

(xii)Most importantly, the student's willingness to accept his teacher's terms and
conditions of the teaching process, such as the place and time of the ḥadīth dictation
sessions, the teaching material taught by the ḥadīth teacher, and the teaching
methods of his ḥadīth teacher.

5.3. Criteria of the Ḥadīth Student

There is some literature (ādāb) concerning the criteria for relations between the
student and the teacher, as well as between the student and the place to learn it.

These criteria include the following:

5.3.1. Student's Respect for His Ḥadīth Teacher

Any contact or communication between the two needed to be based on mutual

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respect and trust, to facilitate speaking and listening to each other .

5.3.1.1. Forms of Student's Respect for His Ḥadīth Teacher

The student was expected to show a high level of respect to his ḥadīth teacher. This
could be manifested in different forms, such as:

(1) Arriving at the ḥadīth dictation session before his teacher.

(2) The student had to make every effort to attend the ḥadīth dictation session.

(3) The student was expected to accompany his teacher to the place where the ḥadīth
dictation session was being held. The student usually waited for his teacher outside
the latter's house until he appeared and then the student accompanied the teacher to
the venue.This applied to anyone who wanted to ask something important with
respect to the past, or where the student listened to questions that were answered by
the ḥadīth teacher.

(4) The student had to ask for permission for any matter three times, when the
ḥadīth teacher was in his house. If his teacher did not give him permission, the
student had to respect this and remain where he was without leaving the place if
permission was not granted.

(5) If there was a student who was older than him, the student had to allow his
colleague to enter the ḥadīth teacher's house first, unless given permission by his
colleague to enter first.

(6) If the student wished to ask his teacher about a matter but was sitting far away
from the teacher, he was not allowed to cause inconvenience to other students by
forcing his way to the front row where the teacher was sitting. The student was only
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permitted to move forward as much as space allowed him, no matter how far away
he still was from the teacher, so as to ensure he did not disturb other students.

(7) The student had to be compassionate with his teacher and to choose a suitable
time for his enquiry. He had to understand his teacher's mood and physical ability
during a particular time of the day. The student could not impose on his teacher and
had to be able to discern whether his teacher was tired or not after the ḥadīth
dictation session or because of the temperature in the summer or winter.

(8) The student was obliged to address his teacher respectfully, using expressions
such as ya cĀlim (O scholar) or ya Ḥāfiẓ (O memoriser [of the Qur'an and ḥadīth])
This only applied to ḥadīth student; in other words, not to other people to attending
the session.

(9) When the student sat in front of the teacher to discuss something, the student had
to sit in a way that reflected his respect for his teacher, such as folding both legs
underneath him in a posture of prayer. If the student did not sit in a way that
expressed respect, the ḥadīth teacher might ignore him.

(10) If the student needed to ask his teacher a question, for instance on an
ambiguous problem, he was expected to be wellprepared.

(11) The student needed to be mentally focused during the ḥadīth dictation session.
He was required to listen attentively to his teacher and especially when ḥadīths were
dictated.

(12) The student was expected to have eye contact with his teacher when the latter
was talking to him and could not leave while the teacher was still talking or had not
given him permission to leave.

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(13) The student was not allowed to interrupt his teacher,but if something went
wrong or it was necessary for some reason to interrupt the lesson he could do so,
because of his clear interest in the lesson.

(14) The student was required to be a humble person, both with his teacher and the
other students.

(15) The student was not allowed to inconvenience his teacher by asking him too
many questions.

(16) The student was required to revise the earlier lectures and memorise the ḥadīths
very well. He had to try to memorise four ḥadīths at a time. Most importantly,
however, the student had to understand the moral lessons of the ḥadīths he has
learned and memorised, and to act upon them and apply them in his daily life.

5.3.2. Genuine Intention and Devotion to Study

If a student decided to study ḥadīth, he was required to be devout in his study for the
sake of God. In other words, his pure intention was to serve humanity in order to
gain the pleasure of his Lord rather than for personal interests, worldly gain, or for
personal fame.

Ḥadīth scholars used to focus on this criterion and encourage their students to
observe it in order to be successful in their lifelong study of ḥadīth. For al-Sakhawi
(1992, 3:274) and al-Khaṭīb (1994, 1:666), the benefits earned from learning ḥadīth
could only be achieved if someone devoted his study to God and his intention was
focused purely on the hereafter. Devotion to study and a pure intention were
guarantees for gaining more knowledge, eminence in status, and winning success
both in this world and in the hereafter. Al-Sakhawi (1992, 3:274) also warned
ḥadīth students against boasting, vain-glory, seeking governmental high posts,
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looking for supporters, and holding ḥadīth dictation sessions for others. Ibn Daqīq
(2006:371) compared the study of ḥadīth to money and argued that the pure
intention of studying ḥadīth was the capital of the student, in addition to his good
manners and accepted social etiquette. The student with a bad intention might not
benefit, but could still be encouraged to learn ḥadīth, as others might benefit from
his knowledge Ibn Daqīq (2006:371).

5.3.2.1. What is Intention?

According to al-Ashqar (2005:29), intention can be classified into two categories:

(i) The intention of a deed to gain the pleasure of God. This applies to acts through
which the person aims to become closer to God, such as acts of worship like prayers,
fasting, and jihad.

(ii) The intention of a deed for a personal interest. This applies to such acts as
business transactions, marriage, divorce, or travel.

Ibn cUthaimin (2002:357-358), referring to goodintention, classifies it into:

(1) The intention of performing deeds which are done purely to gain God's pleasure.

(2) The intention of preserving Islamic law through seeking Islamic knowledge,
because neglect of this knowledge would lead to the deterioration of Islamic law
through negligence.

(3) The intention of defending Islamic law and protecting it against Islam's critics
and sceptics. This includes Islamic books which explain the principles of Islam and
which can provide answers to enquiries about Islam.

Bad intention (niyyah fāsidah) and insincerity in any deed is the opposite of good
intention (niyyah ḥasanah). The majority of Muslim scholars, such as Ibn Ḥajar al-
c
Asqalāni (Ibn cUthaimin 2002:377), are of the view that if someone seeks Islamic
knowledge for a bad intention, he is still allowed to do so and should be welcomed
to study sessions on Islamic law or religious matters. Muslim scholars argue that
even if the student's intention is insincere, his knowledge in Islam will lead him to
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the right path and eventually his intention will be for the purpose of seeking the
pleasure of God and serving Islamic law. Some students of later Islamic generations
supposedly had the bad intention of seeking ḥadīth knowledge to achieve social
status, fame, and wealth. Ḥadīth students with the bad intention to achieve such
worldly gains were called al-ghawghā' (commoners) whose main objective was not
to seek the pleasure of God but to gain wealth and social status (al-Sakhawi 1992,
3:280). In the view of Muslim scholars, students with such a bad intention would not
be successful (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:216 and 280; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:338). However,
after a while their intention changed to seeking the pleasure of God and serving
Islam (Shakir 1995:139).

It is worthwhile noting that some scholars criticised students who spent their time
learning ḥadīth. For instance, the famedḥadīth scholar Sufyān al-Thawri is reported
to have said that seeking ḥadīth knowledge is not a tool to prepare you for death but
rather it is just something that people keep themselves busy with (al-Dhahabi 1992,
7:255). What Sufyān meant by "is not a tool to prepare you for death"(laisa min
c
uddāt al-mawt') is that learning ḥadīth was not regarded as something that would
bring you closer to God and thus it would not be of value to an individual in the
hereafter since the study of ḥadīthwould be time consuming, thus preventing a
person from engaging in good deeds which would be fruitful in the hereafter.
Nevertheless, Sufyān al-Thawri is also reported to have said that "there is no better
knowledge than that of ḥadīth if someone aims to achieve the pleasure of God" (al-
Sakhawi 1992, 3:216). I believe that Sufyān al-Thawri's first statement has been
taken out of context, and that what he meant by his first statement "learning ḥadīth is
not a tool to prepare you for death" was that someone might become too
preoccupied with collecting ḥadīth manuscripts, asking about very short chains of
narrations (isnādcali) as opposed to long chains of narrations, ignoring the original
chain of narration and looking for alternative chains of narrations, studying with as
many ḥadīth scholars as possible in different places and countries, looking for fame,
and having the desire to refute other ḥadīth scholars and defame them. This would
therefore constitute a bad intention and is, I believe, what Sufyān al-Thawri was
warning against.

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Both al-Sakhawi (1992, 3:280) and al-Khaṭīb (1994, 1:115) argue that if someone
had the good intention to study ḥadīth, he should go ahead regardless of his age
since his main intention was learning ḥadīth for the pleasure of God who would
support him and make him a successful ḥadīth scholar. Sufyān Ibn cUyainah, for
instance, was very young when he started learning ḥadīth, and students used to lift
him up during the ḥadīth dictation session when he needed to ask a question or
speak to his teacher, so that he was able to do so.

5.3.3. Hastening versus Procrastination (al-Tacajjul wal-Tā’jīl)

In everyday life situations, we need to contemplate for a while and sometimes for a
long time before we make up our mind and take a decision about doing or not doing
something. Thus, delays in decisionmaking in worldly affairs are commendable.
However, according to Muslim scholars, delays in decisionmaking about performing
an act of worship or learning the Qur'an or the ḥadīth are not commendable. Both
the Qur'an and the ḥadīth urge us to hasten in performing all acts of worship,
especially in seeking religious knowledge.

Muḥammad, for instance, is reported to have said: "iḥriṣcala ma yanfacaka wastacin

billāh walā tacjaz" (Keep on [doing] what is beneficial to you for your hereafter,
rely on God, and do not delay things.) (Muslim 2008, p 1142: ḥadīth number 2664)
and : "al-Tā’uddah fi kulli shai'in khair illa fi cĀmālī al-ākhirah" (Taking time in
decision-making is good in everything except in things related to the hereafter) (Abu
Dawūd 2008, p 1577: ḥadīth number 4810; al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:280). This supports
Q3:133 "Hasten to forgiveness from your Lord and a garden as wide as the heavens
and earth, prepared for the righteous", which admonishes the reader not to delay
their repentance to a later time. We can also argue that procrastination in seeking
knowledge is not commendable in Islam. This is supported by the first word of the
first surah revealed to Muḥammad which is Q96:1 (iqra' – Read) which urges the
person to seek knowledge as soon as possible without delay. Similarly, the Qur'an
makes a clear distinction between those who seek knowledge and those who are
illiterate: "Are those who know equal to those who do not know?", (Q39:9).
Muslims believe that their scholars are the inheritors of the Prophets, while the value
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of knowledge is also demonstrated through the valuable contribution made by
scientific inventions and medical achievements.

The ḥadīth scholar Yaḥyā Ibn Abu Kathīr (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:280) also claims that
seeking knowledge cannot be achieved easily but through hard work. It is
worthwhile noting that procrastinating over acts of worship and seeking knowledge
is attributed in Islam to the influence of Satan upon the individual, since Satan urges
the person to delay and postpone any act of worship and discourages the person
from seeking Qur'anic or ḥadīth knowledge. Muslims are encouraged to hasten to
acts of worship and to take steps to seek knowledge without delay, because of the
fleeting nature of life. The believer cannot be sure of when death will approach
them, thus the encouragement to not delay in these matters. Ibn al-Jawzi (1985:389),
for instance, talks about the Arabic word sawfa (will) which signifies the future and
semantically means 'I will do something later on'. For Ibn al-Jawzi, this really
means min akbar junūd iblīs (One of the most loyal soldiers of Satan). He argues
(1985:390) that so many people have thought about embracing Islam but because of
Satan's whispers encouraging them to delay their decision, they died without doing
so.

5.3.4. The Selection of Ḥadīth Scholars

The student had to choose a ḥadīth scholar and enrol in his ḥadīth dictation sessions.
This was a major decision to make: whether to choose a local teacher, to avoid the
trouble of travelling and being away from his family, or to travel outside his area
and enrol with another ḥadīth scholar. The decision made would invariably have
shaped the type and quality of education a student of ḥadīth received, especially
since he would spend a long period of his life with his teacher. The student could
also study with more than one ḥadīth scholar, to gain maximum knowledge. If the
student decided to stay with a local ḥadīth scholar, he could, at a later stage of his
study, travel either to other scholars in a different city or travel abroad to further his
knowledge regardless of the distance. Travelling abroad was often necessary for the
student especially when the alternativeḥadīth scholar was reputed for having ḥadīths
which the student had not learned yet from his local teacher. It was more
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advantageous to travel by sea than by land, because travelling by land meant that the
student would meet several other ḥadīth scholars in the areas where he stopped
along his way. This meant that the student's chain of narration would be very long,
which was a disadvantage. Thus, travelling by sea was a better alternative, as it
meant going directly to the selected teacher; this would also have enabled the
student to reduce any trouble, and most importantly, to minimise the number of
narrators in his chain of narration. In other words, the student would achieve an
important element in narration called isnādcali (a short chain of narration) which
was a merit for the student.

5.3.4.1. Criteria for Selecting a Ḥadīth Scholar

In the selection of a ḥadīth scholar, the student had to consider a number of selection
criteria before he enrolled in his ḥadīth dictation sessions. These criteria included:

(1) A short chain of narration (isnādcali), especially ḥadīths which had a very short
number of narrators and the earliest person had narrated directly from the Prophet
Muḥammad. A very short chain of narration guaranteed accuracy in ḥadīth narration
and eliminated errors in the ḥadīth content (matn). When there was more than one
ḥadīth scholar with ḥadīths of a short chain of narration, the student was
recommended to attend both of their ḥadīth dictation sessions to learn as many
ḥadīths as possible with a short chain of narration (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:276-280,
Aiyad 1970, 54).

(2) Accuracy in ḥadīth narration (itqān al-isnād): If there were two or three ḥadīth
scholars who were equal in the knowledge of ḥadīths with a short chain of narration,
the student had to choose a teacher who had a reputation for precision (al-itqān) in
his narration and precision in the content (matn) of ḥadīth (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:276-
280, cAiyad 1970, 54).

(3) Being the only narrator (al-tafarrud bil-ḥadīth): It was highly recommended that
the student should choose a ḥadīth scholar who was known for being the only
narrator of a ḥadīth in the chain of narration (tafarrada bil-ḥadīth) or at least the
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 second narrator in the chain of narration (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:276-280, Aiyad 1970,
54).

(4) Honour and lineage (al-sharaf wal-nasab): When ḥadīth scholars were equal in
the above three criteria, the student had to choose a ḥadīth scholar who was from a
high status family name, especially those with an honourable lineage (shurafā') due
to the tribe to which he belonged, such as the tribe of Quraīsh (cAbd al-Razzaq 1983,
11:54). However, I disagree with this criterion for two reasons: First, it is based on
racism. Secondly, the ḥadīth "qaddimu quraīsh wala taqaddamūha" (Select the tribe
of Quraīsh and do not make it your second choice) (al-Shāfici 1980:278), which is
used in support of this criterion, is misinterpreted. The context of this ḥadīth was
based on understanding a reason for revelation (asbāb al-nuzūl), the selection of a
ruler (khalifah) after the death of Muḥammad, social affairs during the lifetime of
Muḥammad, and the scholar's linguistic abilities. However, when the student was
choosing a ḥadīth teacher, honour and lineage should not have been taken into
account.

(5) Old age (kubr al-sinn): When ḥadīth scholars were equal in the above five
criteria, the student had to choose a ḥadīth scholar who was older than the others.
This selection criterion was based on the fact that the older the ḥadīth scholar was,
the more expertise and knowledge he had (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:276-280).

5.3.5. Travelling in Search for Knowledge

Travelling for the sake of knowledge is referred to in Arabic as al-riḥlah fi ṭalab al-cilm.
Ḥadīth students were expected to travel to different towns within their country or to
different countries abroad looking for well-known ḥadīth scholars from whom to
learn new ḥadīths. According to Ibn Hanbal (1981:439), the famous ḥadīth places
with reliable ḥadīth scholars were Baṣrah, Kūfah and Syria. As we are told by Ibn
c
Abd al-Birr (1982, 1:7) and by Ibn cUdai (1999, 4:1438), travelling for the sake of
knowledge is implied by the ḥadīth: "Seek knowledge even if it is in China".
Moreover, Sacīd b. al-Mūsaiyab is reported to have said; "I used to spend days and

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nights looking for one ḥadīth" (Ibn Sacad 1983, 2:181; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:226; al-
Sakhawi 1992, 3:287).

During the early centuries, ḥadīth students were attracted by specific Muslim
countries or places with famousḥadīth scholars and scholars with short ḥadīth
narrations. These countries or places were the focal points of ḥadīth studies and were
visited by several ḥadīth students. Suchplaces were Makkah, Madinah, Baṣrah,
Syria, al-Yamāmah, the Yemen, Egypt, Maru, al-Rawi, and Bukhara.

5.3.5.1. Types of Travelling for Learning Ḥadīth

As mentioned earlier, ḥadīth students usually travelled abroad either by land
or by sea. The preference of sea travel over land has already been stated, but I
believe travelling by sea was not only preferable in order to achieve short chains of
narration, but that it was a better and safer means of transport for a number of
reasons. Firstly, land routes were too dangerous for travelling due to wild animals
such as wolves and dangerous creatures such as snakes and scorpions. In addition,
travellers by land used to be attacked by highway robbers, or suffer from fatigue due
to the long distance, lack of water or food. Furthermore, because of riding an animal
for long hours a day and for several weeks, such travellers used to suffer from
different types of ulcers and skin diseases.

Obviously today, the above dangers and problems do not exist any longer, due to
modern means of travel.79 However, reading al-Samcani's book Adab al-Imla' wal-
Istimla' (The Etiquettes of Ḥadīth Dictation and Repeating), I am impressed by this
6th/7th (11th/12th) century ḥadīth scholar, who used to travel to various countries
looking for ḥadīth yet at the same time had several hundred students. I believe that
travelling might not have been necessary if there had been good ḥadīth scholars
nearby who could be consulted and with whom students could study.

79 I personally travelled by car to different countries, including Syria and Jordan,

looking for sources and manuscripts.
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5.3.5.2. Was Travelling for Learning Ḥadīth Recommended or Obligatory?
According to al-Sakhawi (1992, 3:287), travelling for the sake of learning ḥadīth
was recommended for a number of reasons:

(i) If the ḥadīth student was absolutely sure that the chain of narration of a ḥadīth
was not available in the town where he lived. In other words, if the narrator of a
ḥadīth lived somewhere else, it was recommended that the ḥadīth student should
travel to meet him and learn the chain of narration directly from him.

(ii) If the purpose of travelling is to learn a short chain of narration of a ḥadīth (culu
al-ḥadīth).

(iii) If the ḥadīth to be learned was related to Islamic legal rulings and the ḥadīth
student could only find out about this particular ḥadīth through travelling to meet
the narrator of the ḥadīth.

(iv) If travelling was to learn a ḥadīth related to something that was absolutely
necessary such as:

(a) obligatory matters such as prayer,

(b) the principles of Islam (arkān al-Islām),

(c) belief (al-caqīdah),

(d) monotheism (al-tawḥīd),

(e) biography of scholars (cilm al-rijāl),

(f) something that can be used to substantiate an argument or weaken an

argument.

The above reasons are considered to be conditions for travelling for the sake of
learning ḥadīth. According to Islamic law, this was regarded as very important for
aḥadīth student especially when he was starting out. If the ḥadīth student did not
travel to fulfil any of the aforementioned issues, his learning would be severely
compromised.It is known that a student who does not travel in order to learn ḥadīth
wouldbe weak in his speciality. According to al-Sakhawi (1992, 3:288), once the

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ḥadīth student arrived at his destination, he had to immediately visit the person from
whom he wished to learn the ḥadīth. We are told about the ḥadīth student al-
Aṣbahāni, who travelled for several days to meet Abu Bakr Ibn al-Batr, a well-
known ḥadīth scholar and an authority in the chain of narration in Baghdād. Abu
Bakr Ibn al-Batr was ill and al-Aṣbahāni was concerned that Ibn al-Batr might pass
away. Thus, he made sure to meet him straightaway.

5.3.5.3. Travelling for Learning Ḥadīth by the Companions

Although the Companions were contemporary to Muḥammad, not all of them heard
all of his ḥadīth. Thus, their level of knowledge differed from one Companion to
another. Having said this, some Companions travelled to learn ḥadīths which they
had not heard from Muḥammad.

Among the Companions who travelled for the sake of learning ḥadīths was Jābir b.
c
Abd Allāh, who travelled to meet cAbd Allāh b. Anis in Syria. His journey lasted
for a month. The main reason for Jābir's trip was to learn one ḥadīth from cAbd
Allāh b. Anis (al-Bukhāri 1987, 1:29; Ibn cAbd al-Barr 1982, 1:93; al-Khaṭīb
1989:402). Jābir b. cAbd Allāh also travelled to Egypt to meet Mūsallamah b.
Makhlad and learn one ḥadīth from him (al-Khaṭīb 1989:402 and 1969:57).

According to al-Dārmi (1931, 1:188; al-Khaṭīb 1969:57), another companion

travelled to Egypt to meet Faḍalah b. cUbid for the sake of learning one ḥadīth from
him. Furthermore, the prominent companion Ibn Mascūd is reported to have said:
"If I know a person more knowledgeable in the Qur'an than me, I will travel to meet
him" (al-Khaṭīb 1989:402).

5.3.5.3.1. Reasons for Companions Travelling

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The Companions were highly interested in the accuracy of both the chain of
narration (al-isnād) and the content (al-matn) of the ḥadīth. Due to this huge interest
in learning ḥadīths, the Companions used to travel for more than one or two months.
There were two main reasons for the companions to travel to other countries or
places to learn a new ḥadīth. These were either:

(i)To learn new ḥadīths which the Companion had not heard from Muḥammad.

(ii)To make sure that the content (matn) or the narration of the ḥadīth (isnād) he
knew was accurate. Thus, he travelled elsewhere to double check with another
companion the accuracy of the ḥadīth he knew.

5.3.5.4. Travelling for Learning Ḥadīth by the Successors

The high level of motivation to learn new ḥadīths continued during the Successors'
phase. Many companions left Makkah and Madinah and lived in different Muslim
countries and the ḥadīth students among the Successors, were extremely keen to
learn new ḥadīths from the Companions wherever they lived. In the manuscript
entitled al-Muḥaddith al-Fāṣil of al-Ramaharmazi (d. 360), we are told that during
the 2nd and 3rd/8th and 9th centuries, travelling for the sake of learning ḥadīth had
become a common practice among ḥadīth students of the second generation, and
Al-Ramaharmazi provided a list of ḥadīth scholars who travelled frequently to many
different countries. He classified the travellers according to the number of their
journeys to different countries (al-Ramaharmazi (manuscript, 2/Qāf 19, 1-2).Among
the successors who travelled to learn ḥadīths from the companions were:

Al-Ḥasan al-Baṣri (d. 110), who travelled from Basrah in southern Iraq, to Kūfah in
Iraq to learn one jurisprudential matter mentioned in a ḥadīth (al-Khaṭīb 1989:402).

Sacīd b. al-Mūsaiyab (d. 94) is reported to have said: "I would travel for the sake of
learning one ḥadīth even if it required travelling for many days and nights." (Ibn
c
Abd al-Birr 1982, 1:94; al-Khaṭīb 1989:402).

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The successor ḥadīth student Abu Qallabah travelled to Madinah and stayed for
three days waiting for a man who knew a ḥadīth which Abu Qallabah did not know.
On the third day, he managed to meet the man, learned the ḥadīth, and left Madinah
straight away (al-Dārmi 1931, 1:136).

The well-known successor scholar cAmir al-Shacbi used to live in Kūfah. He

travelled to Makkah with a number of ḥadīths and wanted to meet some
Companions to check the ḥadīths' accuracy in terms of content (matn) and chain of
narration (isnād) (Manuscript of al-Ramaharmazi, Qāf 18 Waw/1). cAmir al-Shacbi
is reported to have taught a ḥadīth to another Successor. He told the Successor
ḥadīth student: "I have taught you this ḥadīth while you made no effort to travel. I
travelled a lot to learn this particular ḥadīth." (al-Bukhāri 1987, 1:35; Ibn cAbd al-
Birr 1982, 1:94).It is worthwhile noting that one of the major reasons for ḥadīth
students from amongst the Successors, to travel to other places or countries was to
learn a new ḥadīth with a very short chain of narration (isnādcali). Rather than
learning a ḥadīth from a Successor who heard it from a number of other Successors,
the ḥadīth student preferred to hear the same ḥadīth directly from either the
Companion who heard it directly from Muḥammad, or to hear it from
anotherSuccessor who heard it directly from a Companion. In doing so, he
minimised the chain of narration (Ibn al-Ṣalaḥ 1993:105; al-Khaṭīb 1969:49).

5.3.5.4.1. Reasons for Successors' Travelling

Successorḥadīth scholars and students travelled for the sake of learning ḥadīth for a
number of good reasons. These included the following:

(1) The spread of forged ḥadīth (al-waḍc fi al-ḥadīth): A large number of ḥadīths
were in wide circulation during the Successors' phase. However, some ḥadīths
suffered from forgery (ḥadīth mawḍuc) either in their chain of narration (isnād) or in

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content (matn). Thus, it became an absolute necessity for the Successors to travel for
the sake of scrutinising the accuracy of each ḥadīth.

(2) The determination of the Successor ḥadīth scholars and students to learn the
ḥadīths that had a short chain of narration (al-sanad al-cali): According to Imām
Aḥmad, seeking knowledge of a ḥadīth with a short chain of narration became a
common practise of the Successors (sunnat al-salaf al-ṣāliḥ) (Ibn al-Salāh
1993:105). Imām Aḥmad also argues that "seeking a short chain of narration is an
essential part of religion" (al-Khaṭīb 1969:49).

The story of the successor Shucbah b. al-Hajjāj is a good example of this:

Shucbah's story is about the forged ḥadīth "man tawaḍḍa'a fa'aḥsana al-wuḍu'
dakhala min aiyi abwab al-jannah sha" (Whoever does ablution and perfects it, he
will enter Paradise from any door he chooses). Shucbah b. al-Hajjaj learned that Abu
Isḥāq narrated this ḥadīth from cAbd Allāh b. cAṭa' from cUqbah b. cAmir from
Muḥammad. Shucbah went to see Abu Isḥāq and asked him: "Did you hear
c
Abdallāh bin cAṭa' narrate this ḥadīth from cUqbah b. cAmir?' Abu Isḥāq replied:
"Yes, I heard cAbdallāh b. cAṭa." Then Shucbah asked Abu Isḥāq: "Did cAbdallāh
hear this ḥadīth from cUqbah b. cAmir?", to which Abu Isḥāq responded: "Keep
quiet." But Shucbah said: "I will not be quiet." A gentleman called Miscir b. Kidam
was present and when he heard this conversation, he informed Shucbah that
c
Abdullāh b. cAṭā’ was still alive in Makkah. Once Shucbah had heard this, he
travelled to Makkah and managed to meet cAbdullāh b cAṭa'. Shucbah asked
c
Abdullāh b. cAṭa' about the above ḥadīth and its narrators. c
Abdullāh b. cAṭa'
replied: "The narrator was cUqbah b. cAmir." Then, Shucbah requested cAbdullāh b.
c
Aṭa' to swear that he heard this ḥadīth about ablution from cUqbah b. cAmir.
c
Abdullāh b. cAṭa' responded: "No, in fact, I heard it from Sacad b. Ibrāhīm." Then
Shucbah travelled from Makkah to Madinah to meet Sacad b. Ibrāhīm. Once in
Sacad's presence, Shucbah asked: "Who did you hear the ḥadīth about ablution
from?" Sacad replied: "I heard it from someone from your country. He was here in
Madinah but he left. He was called Ziyad b. Mikhraq." Shucbah left Madinah and
travelled to Basrah to meet Ziyad b. Mikhraq. The latter was pale, was wearing dirty
scruffy clothes, and had thick hair. When Shucbah asked him about the ḥadīth, Ziyad

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responded: "In fact, I heard it from Shahar b. Ḥawshab from Abu Raiḥanah."
Shucbah was disappointed and said: "This ḥadīth has gone up and down. It cannot be
sound since it has no origin." (Macrifat al-majruḥin min al-Muḥaddithin, a
manuscript of Ibn Ḥabban; al-Khaṭīb 1969:64-65). This story demonstrates the
selfless effort made by the Successors and their high level of motivation to learn
ḥadīths and to verify the accuracy of the chain of narration of a ḥadīth.

Ḥadīth scholars gave great importance to travelling for the sake of ḥadīths. Imām
Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, for instance, was once asked about whether a ḥadīth student could
stay in his home town learning from a ḥadīth scholar or whether he should travel
abroad to learn from knowledgeable scholars. Imām Aḥmad responded: "The ḥadīth
student needs to travel to other places such as Kūfah, Baṣrah, Madinah and Makkah
to debate with and listen to famous ḥadīth scholars (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:86).

Similarly, Ibrāhīm b. Adham supported the idea that a ḥadīth student should travel
abroad to learn from ḥadīth scholars wherever they were. He argued that "God
protects the Muslim nation from a tribulation (balā') if a journey is made by a ḥadīth
scholar" (al-Khaṭīb 1969:4; al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:87).

Yaḥya b. Macīn also supported ḥadīth students who travelled to other parts of the
world for the purpose of learning ḥadīth (al-Khaṭīb 1969:47).

I believe that journeying to other countries for the sake of learning ḥadīths should
have a clear learning objective, rather than being a journey for the sake of
socialising and merely meeting ḥadīth scholars for the purpose of introducing
oneself to them. Such a journey is futile since it does not have any learning
objectives. The major objectives of travelling should be for the purpose of learning
ḥadīths of a short chain of narration (al-sanad al-cali) and for making sure that the
content (matn) of a ḥadīth is accurate and authentic.In any case, there are scholars
who have argued that a ḥadīth student did not need to travel for the purpose of
learning ḥadīth if there was a knowledgeable scholar living nearby. For instance,
c
Abu Mishir Abd al-Acla b. Mishir al-Ghassāni al-Dimishqi argued that a
ḥadīthstudent should only learn from the ḥadīth scholars available in his community

184
or town. Abu Mishir further claims: "I, for instance, have learned all my life from
Sacid b. cAbd al-cAzīz and I do not need any other ḥadīth scholars." (Ibn cAsākir,
Kitāb Tā’rikh Dimishq, manuscript no. 7, Qāf 114, the biography of Sacid b. cAbd
al-cAzīz).

Similarly, al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādi believed that travelling for the sake of learning
ḥadīth should be for four reasons:

(i) for the purpose of learning a ḥadīth of a short chain of narration,

(ii) to meet ḥadīth scholars to debate matters related to ḥadīth and benefit from
scholars' knowledge and views,

(iii) there are no ḥadīth scholars available, and

(iv) there are no knowledgeable ḥadīth scholars in the community. Al-Khaṭīb al-
Baghdādi argued that if the above four factors were present, then travelling for the
purpose of learning ḥadīths would be desirable. Otherwise, it would be preferable to
learn ḥadīths from the ḥadīth scholar in the same town (al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:86).

5.3.5.5. Significance of Travelling

Notwithstanding the views above, travelling for the purpose of learning
ḥadīth has several benefits. These benefits include:

(1) The spread of ḥadīth and the increase of knowledgeable narrators,

(2) Knowing ḥadīth scholars well and at first hand,

(3) To minimise the differences in opinion with regard to the ḥadīth content and its
chain of narration. This has helped considerably in reducing differences in opinion.
In other words, the student will be more open-minded and accepting of opinions of
others, unlike the discipline of jurisprudence where there were many different
opinions among jurists from different parts of the Muslim world, such as the
differences between the jurisprudence school of Iraq and that of Madinah during the
first half of the 2nd/8th century.

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(4) To achieve unanimous agreement among ḥadīth scholars with regard to the
standard practice of Muḥammad (Sunnah), the content of ḥadīth (al-matn), and the
chain of narration (al-isnād). This is evident in the major books of ḥadīth written
during the 3rd/9th century. Because the way of the muḥaddithūn was to base practise
onsunnaic evidence,it is said that some would go as far as to say do not rub your
head without evidence. They do not look to the opinion and speech, but men are
looking for anything that was brought by the Prophet peace be upon him or his
companions.Ḥadīth students who used to travel for the sole purpose of learning the
ḥadīth were not interested in recording the details and descriptions of towns or
villages, and people's habits and customs. If they were, they would have written
several books on such matters similar to the travel literature by major travellers such
as Ibn Jubair and Ibn Baṭṭuṭah, whose major purpose of travelling was to report
descriptive details on people and places.

5.3.6. Acting According to Ḥadīth's dictates

The ḥadīth student should apply the ḥadīth's dictates to himself first before
asking other people to do so. The teaching material of the ḥadīth dictation sessions
represented the normative practice of Muḥammad (al-Sunnah). As such, the ḥadīth
scholar was expected to be the first person to put the ḥadīth into practice. This also
applied to the ḥadīth student throughout the long years of his learning. Ḥadīth
scholars during the Successors' stage were fully aware of this moral behaviour
requirement. For instance, Wakic and al-Shacbi stated: "The best way to learn a
ḥadīth is through putting it into practice." (Ibn cAbd al-Birr 1982, 2:11). Moreover,
Sufyān al-Thawri said: "Knowledge calls for action. If action does not respond,
knowledge will come to an end." (Ibn cAbd al-Birr 1982, 2:10).

Similarly, Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal said: "I've never written a ḥadīth unless I have
acted upon it." (al-Dhahabi 1992, 11:213; al-Samcani 1993, 2:445). This is
illustrated by the story of a ḥadīth student who was praying next to the
prominentḥadīth scholar, Ibn Maḥdi (d.198). The student did not raise his hands
when he was saying "Allāhu akbar" (God is great). Having noticed this, Ibn al-
Maḥdi asked the ḥadīth student when he finished his prayer: "Did you not write the
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ḥadīth from Ibn cUyainah from al-Zuhri from Salim from his father that the Prophet
used to raise his hands every time he said Allāhu akbar?" The student replied: "Yes,
I did." Ibn Maḥdi said: "What will you tell your Lord when He meets you and asks
you about neglecting this part in your prayer?" (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:385). Similarly,
the ḥadīth scholar al-Samcani (1993, 2:442) differentiated between the ḥadīth student
who learns ḥadīth for the sake of learning and the ḥadīth student who puts the ḥadīth
into practice. He also reiterated this fundamental principle of moral behaviour and
argued that the ḥadīth student should be distinguished from among other ordinary
people by his manners and application of the standard practice of Muḥammad and
that he should remember the ayah: "There has certainly been for you in the
Messenger of God an excellent example" (Q:21). And Ibn Kathīr (Shakir 1994:151)
urged the ḥadīth student to apply the morality of the ḥadīth in daily life.

The ḥadīth scholar Abu Aiyūb Sulaimān b. Isḥāq al-Jallab reports the advice given
to him by the ḥadīth scholar Ibrāhīm al-Ḥarbi: "If someone hears something about
the Prophet's manners, he/she should put it into practice." (al-Samcani (1993, 2:442).
Thus I believe learning can be more beneficial through practice and when it takes
place through personal experience80.

Bishr al-Ḥāfi (al-Samcani 1993, 2:445-446; Shakir 1994:151; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:143)
argued that the ḥadīth student should pay what he called "the charity of ḥadīth"
(zakat ḥadīth). Thus, ḥadīth students used to focus on five ḥadīths out of 200, which
is like two and a half percent for the zakat of gold and silver.

Parents also influenced their children who were ḥadīth students. The mother of
Sufyān al-Thawri is a good case in point. She told her son: "Go and study ḥadīth. I

80 While I was reading Zād al-Mustqnacto the ḥadīth scholar Ibn cUthaimin, I made
an error in the subject of the passive voice (nā'ib al-fācil). He corrected my mistake
with a nice joke and this made me remember the grammatical rule for ever.

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will fund your education with my spindle. However, if you have written down a few
ḥadīths, you have to make sure that you are able to put them into practice in your
daily life before you learn more. If you cannot apply them in your life, then there is
no need to write down any more ḥadīths and I will not fund your study anymore."
(al-Samcani 1993, 2:444).

It is also interesting to note that ḥadīth teachers drew a distinction between ṣaḥib
ḥadīthand ṭalib ḥadīth. The ḥadīth students who acted upon the morality of the
ḥadīths they learned were classified as ṣaḥib ḥadīth. While those who learn the
ḥadīth just for the sake of learning it were classified as ṭalib ḥadīth (a ḥadīth
student).For instance, Imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal refused to use the expression
"ṣaḥib ḥadīth" when he was asked by one of his students to write him a
recommendation letter which that student needed to take to another ḥadīth
scholar. Instead, Imām Aḥmad only mentioned in his letter that the student was a
ṭalibḥadīth(a ḥadīth student).( al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:144).

Iconic examples of ḥadīth students who applied the ḥadīth in their daily life include
Sufyān b. cUyainah, cAbd al-Raḥmān b, Maḥdi, and Imām Aḥmad.

5.3.6.1. The Student and the Application of Ḥadīth

In his daily life, the ḥadīth student was required to be aware of a number of matters
related to the accurate understanding of the standard practice of Muḥammad and
how he could put his knowledge of ḥadīth into practice. Among these matters were:

(1) Avoiding hypothetical opinion: The ḥadīth student needed to avoid hypothetical
and personal opinion (al-ijtihād) when giving a legal judgement about a particular
matter. In other words, he was required to provide conclusive evidence (ḥujjah)
from the Qur'an, the Sunnah, or a Companion's opinion before passing a legal
judgement. For instance, the propagation for Islam (dacwah) can be done in two

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different ways: (i) propagation according to the traditional way used by Muḥammad
and his companions,

(ii) propagation according to a modern way that can attract more people.

In the second method of propagation, for example, a football match is played in

which the behaviour of team A is morally acceptable, and whose players observe the
praying times, have beards, and behave respectfully during the match and do not use
vulgar language. However, this method of propagation is unacceptable, since it is
not based on an ayah, a ḥadīth, or an opinion of a companion. Although football is
not Islamically illegal, this propagation approach can be classified as an innovation
(bidcah). Thus, to pass on a legal ruling, the ḥadīth student should provide
conclusive evidence (ḥujjah) based on the major canons of Islamic law: the Qur'an,
the Sunnah, and the Companions' views. According to Sufyān al-Thawri (al-Samcani
1993, 2:443),"the ḥadīth student cannot even scratch his head without reference to
the Qur'an and the Sunnah." Muḥammad also used to adopt an easier option in
passing a legal ruling in order to provide the easiest solution to a problem as a means
for propagating Islam and making the Muslim community adhere firmly to Islamic
moral principles. Ibn Daqīq (2006:373) argued that the ḥadīth student should employ
ḥadīths that encourage rather than discourage people to do good deeds, should avoid
weak ḥadīths, and should look for ḥadīths that can substantiate a legal ruling.

Another example of the application of a legal ruling when conclusive evidence is

available to substantiate it, is the performance of the ḥajj (pilgrimage). The ḥadīth
student should be aware of the fact that if there is an ayah or a sound ḥadīth in
support of a legal judgement on whether or not a person should perform a
pilgrimage, the ḥadīth student should consider the conditions for performing a
pilgrimage, should encourage the person to go ahead with performing the pilgrimage
since it is a good deed, but most importantly, should establish his legal ruling on a
sound ḥadīth. Although some scholars have used weak ḥadīths to support their legal
judgement concerning the performance of pilgrimages and to encourage more
people to undertake this act, I believe this is counter to Islamic law, as it should be
based only on sound ḥadīths. I do support the idea that one should encourage people
to do good deeds. However, the admonition provided to people should, as

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mentioned, be based on sound ḥadīth. Reading books, for instance, is a good thing
to do to educate oneself. However, not all books are of value, morally speaking, to
the reader. Thus, the ḥadīth student, when asked about reading, should alert the
person who asked him about the dangers of this matter and should refer to examples
from the major canons of Islamic law. Yet some scholars believe that they can use a
weak ḥadīth since they can find more weak ḥadīths in support of the first one. For
such scholars, when there is more than one weak ḥadīth, it is possible to use a weak
ḥadīth in support of passing a legal ruling (Ibn Daqīq 2006:373) These scholars
argue that when a ḥadīth has different chains of narration (isnād) and different styles
of content (matn), it can be classified as a sound ḥadīth. An example of this are the
remembrance of God sentences or expressions (al-adhkār) which can still be recited
as a means for coming closer to God and improving one's piety, even though there
is no evidence that such sentences or expressions were in fact uttered by
Muḥammad. I believe this is acceptable, for two reasons:

(i) The reciting of sentences or expressions of remembrance of God can improve the
person's piety and morality,

(ii)most importantly, they neither have a negative impact upon the sound belief (al-
imān) of the person nor have a negative effect on his/her dogma (caqīdah).

(2) Acting upon a ḥadīth rather than blindly following an Imām's personal view: The
ḥadīth student should not blindly follow a ḥadīth scholar who may be referred to as
an Imām. Instead, the ḥadīth student should always act upon adopting an opinion
based on the Qur'an or the Sunnah rather than an opinion that is expressed by a well-
known ḥadīth scholar, since ḥadīth scholars are human, can make mistakes, and can
be subjective at times. Imām al-Shāfici, for instance, is reported to have said: "If you
find some evidence in the Sunnah of Muḥammad which is counter to my opinion,
you should follow the Sunnah because I support it." (al-Samcani 1993, 2:443). Thus,
although al-Shāfici is the Imām of a reputable school of thought, his personal
opinion can be ignored if we find a ḥadīth that contradicts his legal ruling.

Ibn cUthaimin, Mohammad b. Ṣālih said that the novice student who does not
distinguish the evidence and cannot know the ruling must imitate one of the scholars
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whose knowledge he trusts and has mastery in his speciality as a scholar
(http://alaDārbessalaf.blogspot.co.uk/2014/09/blog-post_8.html).

5.3.7. Time Management

The real age of the ḥadīth student was not his years of life but the number of
years he spent in studying and gaining knowledge. A third of a person's life is spent
in sleeping, eating, drinking, and working. The rest of the time is allocated for
studying. Therefore, it was imperative that theḥadīth student had to respect time and
manage it very well in the best interests of his academic life. Thus, it was commonly
believed that whoever devoted only some of his life to studying did not devote
anything at all to knowledge, and whoever spent all his life acquiring knowledge,
could only use some his time for others. Since classical scholars and pious people
knew that they could not guarantee their age and which day they would pass away,
they used to manage their time meticulously. Although some scholars lived for only
a short period of time, they left behind valuable contributions for the generations
after them in their discipline of Islamic studies. For instance, the well-known
companion Mucādh b. Jabal was very young but quite knowledgeable. He passed
away when he was only 34 years old. However, a 60-year-old companion used to
ask Mucadh about different religious matters.

In Islamic studies, Muslim scholars also refer to the notion of "blessed time" (al-
barakah fi al-waqt) or "the blessed age" (barakat al-cumr). The example usually
given for this notion is the incident that took place during the conquest of Makkah
(fatḥMakkah) when Muḥammad managed his time very well and found time to
perform eight units of the after-sunrise prayer (ṣalat alḍuḥa). Although he was
extremely busy during that particular day with preparing the army for battle, dealing
with reports of some Muslims deserting the army, receiving many important
delegations coming to have a meeting with him, and saying goodbye to other
delegations, Muḥammad managed to keep a portion of his time so as to perform the
eight units of the post-sunrise prayer.

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 5.3.7.1. Early Morning Time (al-bukur) for Ḥadīth Dictation
Sessions
Ḥadīth students valued time as much as their life and they measured it in a very
balanced way. They appreciated its significance, effect, and how to spend it. In
terms of time management and respect of time, the students followed the
footsteps of the Pious Predecessors. This awareness of the value of time was
reflected in their high level of motivation and enthusiasm to attend the ḥadīth
dictation sessions very early in the morning even though the place of teaching
was at a great distance, there was no street lighting, and the means of transport
were very basic (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:149; al-Samcani 1993, 2:447; cAiyad
1970:51). According to the ḥadīth reported by cAbd Allāh b. Buraidah from his
father, Muḥammad is reported to have said: "May God bless the early time of
my nation" (allāhumma bārik li-ummati fi bukuriha) (Ibn cUdai 1999, 1:401).

5.3.7.1.1. The Notion of Early Morning Time (al-bukur)

It is worth discussing the purpose of the early morning time and what it should be
occupied with. In other words, whether it should be for everything or for specific
matters. I believe any person who adopts the time management of early morning
time should allocate this precious part of his/her day for the achievement of
something valuable.

Let us consider the ḥadīth "May God bless the early time of my nation"
(allahumma bārik li-ummati fi bukuriha) in order to decide its true meaning in
connection with learning ḥadīth and the early morning attendance of ḥadīth dictation
sessions. When Ibn cUmar was asked about the above ḥadīth, he said: "It means
'May God bless the early time of my nation when they seek the knowledge of ḥadīth
during the early time of the day and when they go early to the mosque to occupy the
first row of the group prayer.'" (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:150; al-Samcani 1993, 2:449).

One can only appreciate how difficult it was to arrive early in the morning to
attend the ḥadīth dictation sessions every day and preferably to sit in the first
row very close to the ḥadīth scholar. For instance, a ḥadīth student reported how

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he managed to read the dawn prayer (ṣalat al-fajr) for a thousand days with his
ḥadīth teacher. This ḥadīth teacher used to hold his ḥadīth dictation sessions
immediately after the dawn prayer. Thus, his ḥadīth student has managed to
attend a thousand ḥadīth dictation sessions as a first row student. Such keen
motivation, perseverance and eagerness to learn can be appreciated only when
we take into consideration the difficulties such as the dark roads, the weather,
the transport at that time, and the physical fatigue due to lack of sleep and long
study hours every single day. Another ḥadīth student reported that he prayed the
dawn prayer with his ḥadīth teacher for a thousand days without missing one
day. Then after each dawn prayer, he used to be in the first row next to his ḥadīth
teacher.(al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:150; al-Samcani 1993, 2:449).

In a story reported by Abu al-Faḍl Muḥammad b. Jarir b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-

Farghani, we are told that while he was studying the ḥadīth in his teacher's house
in the town of Balkh, someone knocked at the door violently and kept knocking
several times. It was a while after the dawn prayer. The ḥadīth teacher, cAbd al-
Ṣamad b. al-Faḍl, told one of his students to answer the door but also to find out
whether it was an ordinary man or a ḥadīth student. cAbd al-Ṣamad b. al-Faḍl
instructed him: "If it is an ordinary man, let him in, but if it is a ḥadīth student,
do not open the door but tell him to go away." The students were surprised by
their ḥadīth teacher's statement and thought that was unfair. They asked him
about this matter and he told them: "I excuse the ordinary man because he is
allowed to knock at my door at any time of the day. As for the ḥadīth student, he
should attend his ḥadīth dictation sessions very early in the morning"' (al-
Samcani 1993, 2:450).

One might wonder why ḥadīth scholars were sceptical about the ḥadīths
collected by Ibn al-Aṣbahāni. In other words, his ḥadīth collection was classified
as weak. When he was asked by a ḥadīth student about this matter, he replied:
'Because I was busy with my caṣā'id and, as a result, I used to attend the ḥadīth
dictation sessions late." (al-Samcani 1993, 2:450; al-Ramharmazi, a manuscript,
number 82:202). The expression "caṣā'id" is the plural of caṣīdah, which is a
type of breakfast made of flour and oil which people used to cook in the early

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morning. In other words, the reason why Ibn al-Aṣbahāni's ḥadīths were
considered weak was because many ḥadīths were dictated to students and
discussed by the ḥadīth scholar while Ibn al-Aṣbahāni was still at home having
his breakfast (caṣā'id) (Ibn Manẓur 1990, 4:282). For al-Mannawi (1946, 3:195),
leaving home in the early morning enables one's objectives to be achieved,
makes the day blessed, and brings sustenance. This, I believe, can also apply to
leaving the home early for the sake of knowledge.

The eagernessof ḥadīth students to go very early in the morning to the

ḥadīth dictation sessions, to reserve their places close to the ḥadīth teacher,
and their perseverance can be summarised by the interesting anecdote
reported by Jacfar b. Dārastawaih, who was studying ḥadīth with the well-
c
known ḥadīth scholar Ali b. al-Madini. Jacfar reported that he saw a
student urinating into a vase so that he would keep his place which he
would have lost had he gone out to relieve himself (al-Samcani 1993,
2:451). This illustrateshow ḥadīth students wouldspend long hours waiting
in the same place between each slotof ḥadīth dictation sessions. These
sessions were usually held immediately after the dawn prayer and the
afternoon prayer.

It is worthwhile noting that it was only during the summer that ḥadīth
dictation sessions were held very early in the morning immediately after the
dawn prayer. In contrast, during the winter, ḥadīth dictation sessions were
usually held a few hours after sunrise when the weather was warmer (al-
Samcani 1993, 2:452). This, I believe, was due to the fact that it was very
cold during the winter in some parts of the Muslim world whereḥadīth
dictation sessions were held.

5.4. Al-Wijādah in Ḥadīth Studies

Linguistically, the expression "wijādah" is derived from the verb "wajāda" (to
find something) ( al-Wadici (1990:113). Thus, we can claim that the accurate

194
meaning of the expression "wijadah" in terms of ḥadīth studies is "ḥadīth self-
study".

According to ḥadīth studies, it is not compulsory for a student to learn the ḥadīth
directly from a ḥadīth scholar in a ḥadīth dictation session. In other words, if
someone cannot find a ḥadīth scholar to learn from in a ḥadīth dictation session or to
be supervised by a ḥadīth scholar on an individual basis, but instead he has acquired
manuscripts or books of ḥadīth, the student can study by himself to learn the ḥadīth
from the manuscripts or the books he has bought. It is also important to note that the
ḥadīth manuscripts or books the student has acquired do not necessarily mean the
manuscripts or the books have been given to him directly by a ḥadīth scholar.

I believe this self-learning approach to ḥadīth has become more common in our
present time due to modern time learning needs, different personal circumstances,
and most importantly, the lack of ḥadīth scholars who can hold ḥadīth dictation
sessions in many different places, towns, and countries of the Muslim world. For
these reasons, al-Wadici (1990:ibid) suggests that anyone who is interested in
learning ḥadīth but cannot find a ḥadīth scholar to attend his ḥadīth dictation
sessions can establish a personal library at home and learn ḥadīth through ḥadīth
self-study. Thus, if anyone can do self-study of ḥadīth through ḥadīth manuscripts or
books, there is no need for a self-study ḥadīth student:

(i) to be supervised or taught by a ḥadīth scholar,

(ii) to be given a license (ijāzah) by a ḥadīth scholar, or

(iii) to be given the ḥadīth manuscripts or book(s) directly by a ḥadīth scholar.

5.4.1. The Self-Study Ḥadīth Student

In his own time and in the leisure of his own home, the self-study ḥadīth
student can read any ḥadīth manuscript or book to obtain ḥadīth knowledge.
However, the major question is: Can such a self-study ḥadīth student be a

195
ḥadīthauthority? Can he narrate ḥadīth and be part of the chain of authority of a
ḥadīth? There are two views on this matter:

(i) A person who has learned ḥadīth through self-study is allowed to narrate ḥadīth.
However, this self-study person should clearly specify in his narration of any ḥadīth
that he has read the ḥadīth in a book or a manuscript. The normal expressions of
such ḥadīth narrations are: "I have found", "I have read a manuscript copied by X",
"I have read a manuscript written by X", or "I have found in the book written by X
that it says: Y has narrated from Z, from . . . from . . ". In other words, the ḥadīth
self-study student should not say in his narration: "ḥaddathana/akhbarana" (X
narrated to me/I am told by X). This type of ḥadīth narration is called "al-riwayah
bil-wijādah" (narration by a self-study person).

It has been customary among both ḥadīth students and ḥadīth scholars since the
Successors' period to follow up the authenticity and accuracy of the ḥadīth chain of
narration (isnād al-ḥadīth). For instance, Shucbah b. al-Hajjāj spent a considerable
amount of time and made a hard effort travelling thousands of miles in order to
verify the accuracy of the chain of narration of a single ḥadīth. In the end, he
managed to obtain the full details of the chain of narration of the ḥadīth. However,
after all the trouble he went through, Shucbah b. al-Hajjāj found out that one of the
names in the ḥadīth chain of narration was Shahar b. Hawsahab, who was
considered to be an unreliable person and not trustworthy. For this reason, Shucbah
b. al-Hajjāj declined this ḥadīth and regarded it as a weak one, due to the fact that its
chain of narration included a narrator (Shahar b. Ḥawshab) who was not trustworthy.
Shucbah b. al-Hajjāj said his famous statement: "Shahar b. Hawshab has wasted my
one-month journey. Shahar b. Hawshab has wasted the ḥadīth I have been looking
for. Had I got this ḥadīth with a sound chain of narration, it would have been dearer
to me than my family, wealth, children, and all people." (al-Khaṭīb 1969:155).

(ii) The student who has learned ḥadīth through self-study is not allowed to narrate
ḥadīth.

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I personally believe that a ḥadīth self-study person can narrate ḥadīth using the
expressions mentioned in point (i) above. I would argue that point (i) is a fair
condition of ḥadīth narration in our modern time since it is not possible for some
people to find in their town a ḥadīth scholar to learn from. A personal library of
major ḥadīth books can be sufficient to acquire the knowledge of ḥadīth. My claim
is also supported by al-Acẓami (1999:522) and al-Wadici (1990:113).

The self-study of ḥadīth (al-wijādah) saves people the trouble of travelling to

different towns or abroad. Although the best means of learning ḥadīth is through the
direct contact with a ḥadīth scholar in a ḥadīth dictation session, the personal library
can also be a good source of ḥadīth knowledge and a substitute for ḥadīth scholars.
However, the question to be raised here is: What type of manuscripts/books can one
acquire? I believe the ḥadīth self-study student should acquire the six major books of
ḥadīth, such as those by Muslim and al-Bukhāri, books on belief (caqīdah), and
major exegesis (tafsīr) books.

5.4.2. Acting According to al-Wijādah

According to al-Acẓami (1999:522), the narration of ḥadīth based on a ḥadīth
self-study person (al-wijādah) is classified as munqaṭic(not directly related to
Muḥammad or to anyone else who directly narrates the ḥadīth). To accept a ḥadīth
narration by wijādah, the following requirements have to be met:

(i) We have to be absolutely sure about the author of the source, which can be a
manuscript or a book. In other words, we are certain that the manuscript or the book
quoted in the wijādah narration is in fact written by a ḥadīth scholar whom we know
as the author and whose piety and encyclopedic ḥadīth knowledge are known to us.

(ii) We have to be absolutely sure of the sound nature of the chain of narration of a
ḥadīth (ṣiḥḥat isnād al-ḥadīth) by a ḥadīth scholar. One of the conditions for a sound
ḥadīth is that the ḥadīth is directly linked to a narrator and the person narrated from
(al-rawi wal-marwi canhu) (al-Acẓami 1999:522).

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6. Chapter Six: Characteristics of the Teaching Material of Ḥadīth
Dictation Sessions

6.1. Introduction

This chapter will focus on (i) the common features of the ḥadīth scholar's
teaching material, (ii) the general framework of the teaching material in relation to
the chain of narration (al-isnād), (iii) the general framework of the teaching material
in relation to the content of the ḥadīth (al-matn), (iv) the anecdotes and poetry
mentioned during the ḥadīth dictation sessions.

6.2. What is the Teaching Material?

The teaching material of ḥadīth dictation sessions is primarily derived from the
information taken directly from the ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli). This claim is
substantiated by the details found in ḥadīth dictation sessions which are
eitherunpublished and still in manuscript form, or published and in book form.

The teaching material used in ḥadīth dictation sessions is information taken

directly from the ḥadīth scholar. Such information is rich in different kinds of details
which deal with the discipline of ḥadīth studies, the ḥadīth chain of narration (isnād
al- ḥadīth), the content of ḥadīth (matn al- ḥadīth). Unfortunately none of this was
organised into formal classifactions of chapters or sections. The teaching material of
the ḥadīth dictation sessions was usually verified by the teacher of the ḥadīth
dictation sessions, prepared in advance, and the major sources werealso checked
before the session took place.

6.2.1. Criteria of the Teaching Material

The teaching materials of the ḥadīth dictation session were based upon two
major criteria:

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 (i) the ḥadīth chain of narration (isnād al-ḥadīth), and

(ii) the content of the ḥadīth (matn al-ḥadīth).

However, there are also sub-criteria related to the above two criteria of the
teaching material. These are:

(iii) the different meanings of the chain of narration (macāni al-isnād),

(iv) the methods of the chain of narration (ṭuruq al-isnād),

(v) the principles of the content of ḥadīth (uṣul matn al-ḥadīth)

6.3. The Pedagogical Plan (al-khiṭṭah al-taclimiyyah)

The ḥadīth scholar took into account in his teaching plan the place, time and
type of ḥadīth students. The major pedagogical plan of the teaching material of
ḥadīth dictation sessions was based on the following criteria:

(i) careful selection of the teaching material,

(ii) the smooth and gradual introduction of the ḥadīth students to the discipline
of ḥadīth studies,

(iii) avoidance of teaching complicated issues which students could not

comprehend at an early stage and which could confuse students in terms of belief,

(iv) making the teaching material interesting to avoid students' boredom,

(v) motivating students and maintaining their interest in learning and regular
attendance.

6.3.1. Objectives of the Pedagogical Plan

The major objective of such a plan is to enable the ḥadīth student from an
early stage to be fully aware of a specific category of ḥadīths such as:

(i) the ḥadīths which enhance the student's belief (caqidāh),

(ii) the ḥadīths which demonstrate the falsehood of misguided people,

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 (iii) the jurisprudential ḥadīths which are related to Islamic legal rulings such
as acts of worship, or transactions,

(iv) the admonition-based ḥadīths, such as those which glorify the virtues of
good deeds, asceticism (al-zuhd), the virtues of the acts of remembering God (al-
dhikr), and the ḥadīths which encourage the doing of good deeds,

(v) the ḥadīths which refer to the glorification of the speaker of the ḥadīth,
namely Muḥammad. Such ḥadīths urge Muslims to say the phrase: "Peace and
blessing be upon him" if the name of Muḥammad is mentioned,

(vi) the ḥadīths which glorify the companions and which urge Muslims to say:
"May God be pleased with him/her" if the name of a companion is mentioned.

The ḥadīth scholar also urges his students to avoid the exchange of anecdotes, jokes
and the singing of poetry at the end of the ḥadīth dictation session (al-RiSalāh
1990:16; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:141; al-Khaṭīb 1980, 2;141).

6.4. Major Features of the Teaching Material

The teaching materials which were used in ḥadīth dictation sessions can now
be found either in book form or still in manuscripts. Such materials were used by
ḥadīth scholars in their teaching sessions. When the features of the teaching material
are discussed here, what is in fact being discussed is the teaching method of the
ḥadīth scholar. In other words, how he explains the ḥadīths to his students, whether
he strays from the main point, and whether he deviates from the main objective of
the lesson's subject matter. Therefore, the features of the teaching material are
closely related to the pedagogical plan (al-khiṭṭah al-tadrisiyyah). A close look at
the major features of the teaching materials of ḥadīth dictation sessions allows one
to make a list of their common characteristics, as follows:

6.4.1. Digression (al-istiṭrād)

The ḥadīth scholar might go off the main point he is discussing with his
students and start dealing with other subject matters and ḥadīths not related to the
original subject matter of his teaching session. Thus, if we compare different

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ḥadīthdictation sessions of different periods of time in different centuries, we often
encounter details and many ḥadīths in a ḥadīth dictation session which were not
related to the teaching plan of the ḥadīth session. This means the ḥadīth dictation
session did not follow a teaching methodology which the ḥadīth scholar followed
consistently. However, by the end of each ḥadīth dictation session, we can find very
useful details although some are irrelevant to the main subject matter. I believe the
digression by the ḥadīth scholar was related to a number of factors, such as:

(i)The place of the ḥadīth dictation session.

(ii)The time (that is, the current month) of the ḥadīth dictation session. For
instance, during the months of Ramadān, the last ten days of Ramadān, during the
month of Dhu al-Ḥijjah, and during other religious or historical occasions, the ḥadīth
scholar digressed in his teaching and referred to ḥadīths which were related to the
virtues of such months or occasions. As such, although the teaching plan of the
ḥadīth dictation session might have been to discuss the meanings or principles of
isnād, the ḥadīth scholar digressed to talk about the ḥadīths related to the virtues of
the month of Ramadān or the battle of Uḥud, and so on, if the ḥadīth session fell on
such an occasion.

(iii)The current socio-political situation at the time of the ḥadīth dictation

session. I believe the socio-political climate during the time of any ḥadīth dictation
session could had a major influence on the digression of the ḥadīth scholar during
his teaching. The ḥadīth scholar digressed and referred to ḥadīths relevant to the then
current socio-political circumstances. This shows that the ḥadīth dictation sessions
had a socio-political objective in addition to their main academic objective.

6.4.2. Isnād-based details (tawthīq al-khabar bil-isnād)

All the information in the teaching material was based on a chain of
narration (isnād). This chain consisted of a series of narrators of some speech which
could have be spoken by anybody, such as Muḥammad, a Companion of
Muḥammad, a Successor (tabici) who was contemporary to a Companion or lived
after the period of the Companions. The chain of narration also included the
narration of a legal judgement (fatwa) issued by an Imām, the narration of poetry,

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anecdotes, or linguistic details. All these needed a chain of narrators who heard the
narrated information. Then, the narrated speech was documented and became an
accepted quotation from the person who expressed it to the first narrator who heard
it from the latter. This teaching method guaranteed the achievement of three
objectives:

(i)to maintain strict academic documentation of details given to students,

(ii)an appreciation ofthe academic effort made by predecessor ḥadīth scholars,

(iii) to maintain the value of the discipline of isnād (chain of narration).

Due to the above objectives, the ḥadīth teachers were very keen on theteaching
of:

(i) the ḥadīths which had a sound chain of narration,

(ii) the ḥadīths which did not have defects in their chain of narration,

(iii) the ḥadīths which did not have defects in their content (matn).

During the ḥadīth dictation session, the ḥadīth teachers did not deal with defective
ḥadīths, rejected ḥadīths, and ḥadīths with unsound chains of narration. For these
teachers, the chain of narration was the best method for guarantying the authenticity
of the ḥadīth. In order to guarantee the accuracy of the content (matn) of any ḥadīth,
to ensure that the content of a ḥadīth had been truthfully transferred by the narrator,
and to maintain academic consistency, the motto of the ḥadīth teachers was: "Do not
look at the ḥadīth, but look at its chain of narration." (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:140). When
a ḥadīth teacher mentioned a defective ḥadīth, he would explain its defect in detail.
We are told by cAmru b. Qaīs that "Those interested in the learning of ḥadīth should
be like those who deal with the Dirham81, who usually doublecheck its true quality,
make sure it is not fake, and are not attracted by its glitter. This applies precisely to
ḥadīth." (al-Aṣbahani 1985, 5:103). In order to make sure that this objective was

81 A unit of currency used in some Arab states. In the past, it was also a unit of
weight.
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achieved and to ensure that theisnādof a ḥadīth was thoroughly verified, the ḥadīth
teacher always referred to his own ḥadīth teacher from whom he had learned the
ḥadīth. Ḥadīth teachers were usually acclaimed for their truthfulness, encyclopaedic
ḥadīth knowledge, justice, and moral and academic integrity. The ḥadīth teacher
would never teach a ḥadīth narrated or taught by someone who practised an
innovation (bidcah) or someone who was known for his dishonesty, untruthfulness,
or sinfulness (fisq) (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:118). Ḥadīth teachers used to explain the
ḥadīth in detail in terms of whether it was a sound or unsound one and whether it
had been verified as sound by ḥadīth scholars who were well-known for their
extensive knowledge of ḥadīth studies. According to the ḥadīth scholar cAbd al-
Raḥmān b. Maḥdi (d. 198): "Someone cannot be a ḥadīth scholar if he blindly quotes
ḥadīths narrated by anyone, and he cannot be a ḥadīth scholar if he does not know
the narrators of the ḥadīth." (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:120).

Ḥadīth teachers were also keen on providing different sources that supported a
particular chain of narration. This method could minimise error in isnād. They also
used to teach ḥadīths which had an accurate chain of narration and a short content
(matn). This method of teaching ḥadīth is supported by al-Sakhawi (1992, 2:304)
who argues that "the teaching of ḥadīth should be based on a diversity of sources
from different well-known ḥadīth scholars and on an accurate chain of narration."82

6.5. Major Features of the Teaching Material in Terms of Chain of

Narration (Isnād)

As mentioned earlier, the chain of narration (isnād) is defined as a series of narrators

of a narrated speech, spoken by Muḥammad, a Companion, or a Successor (tabici).
The chain of narration also included the narration of a legal judgement (fatwa)

82 al-Sakhawi (1992, 2:304) claims that the ḥadīth teacher who relied on one ḥadīth
scholar as the only source for his teaching material might one day need more details
which were not provided by the ḥadīth scholar he relied on. Thus, the ḥadīth teacher
needed to have more sources for his teaching materials.
203
issued by an Imām, or poetry, anecdotes, or linguistic details. All these needed a
chain of narrators who had heard the narrated information. The narrated speech was
then documented and became an accepted quotation from the person who expressed
it to the first narrator who in turn narrated it to the next person. In fact, modern
ḥadīth scholars, such as Muḥammad al-Dāddu al-Shinqīṭi, are still narrating until
this present time. When al-Shinqīṭi discusses a ḥadīth, he lists the chain of narration
starting with his own name, then that of his father, his grandfather, his great-
grandfather, and so on, back to the first person who heard the ḥadīth from
Muḥammad. The list of narrators he mentions can be 16-18 names before that of
Muḥammad (al-Qudat 2003:21).According to Muslim scholars, the forgery of
isnādamounts to disbelief (kufr) and the narrator who fabricates a ḥadīth deserves
the death penalty.

Thus, through the literature of ḥadīth dictation sessions, the characteristics of the
teaching material from an isnād point of view can be specified as follows:

6.5.1. Reliance on the narration given by trustworthy narrators

According to Ibn Mubārak, "the quality of a ḥadīth should not be measured by its
short chain of narration but by the excellence of its narrators." (al-Khaṭīb 1994,
2:139). Similarly, Yaḥyā b. Sacīd advises: "Do not consider the ḥadīth but consider
its chain of narration." (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:140).

6.5.2. Avoiding the narration given by weak narrators and

transgressors of a command (mukhalif)
c
Abd al-Raḥmān b. Maḥdi says: "You cannot be a ḥadīth scholar if you quote
anyone blindly." (al-Ramaharmazi, p.98). When Shucbah was asked: "Will you not
quote X?", (X was a well-known liar), he replied: "I'd rather commit fornication than
quote a ḥadīth from X." Shucbah is also reported to have said: "Whoever quotes a
liar, must be a liar, too" (al-Khaṭīb 1989:112). Al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:121) argues that
no one can narrate from anyone who is proved to be licentious (fāsiq) and a liar.

An interesting anecdote refers to the feature above. One day, the

ḥadīthscholar Abu Mūsa b. al-Muthanna was criticised by his friend Ibn Maḥdi, who
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accused Abu Mūsa of blindly quoting ḥadīths from anyone, such as Muḥammad b.
Rashid al-Makhuli, without scrutinising the quality of the narrator's character. Abu
Mūsa replied: "Please note that there are three categories of ḥadīth scholars: a ḥadīth
scholar who is encyclopaedic and knows ḥadīth very well; no one disagrees about
such a person. The second is wellknown for the sound ḥadīths he knows; thus, we
cannot ignore his knowledge of ḥadīths because if we leave aside the ḥadīths he
knows, all the sound ḥadīths would be lost. The third category is a ḥadīth scholar
whose ḥadīths are characterised by suspicion; thus, we have to abandon the ḥadīths
quoted by such a person." (al-Khaṭīb 1989, 143).

6.5.3. Explanation of ḥadīth defects (al-cilal)

The defect (al-cillah) in a ḥadīth can be either in its chain of narration, in its
matn, or in both (al-Acẓami 1999:440).Ḥadīth defects is a subtle discipline in ḥadīth
studies which can be taught by highly specialised ḥadīth scholars who had a long
experience in ḥadīth teaching. According to Ibn Ḥajar (2000, 72), the explanation of
ḥadīth defects could only be practised by encyclopaedic ḥadīth scholars who were
knowledgeable in the biography of narrators, the chain of narration of ḥadīth, and
the content of ḥadīth. For this reason, there are not many specialists in this specific
discipline of ḥadīth studies. Although there exist some books which specifically deal
with the defects of ḥadīth, I believe the most useful source of knowing the ḥadīth
defects is the teaching material of ḥadīth dictation sessions. The teaching materials
used by scholars in ḥadīth dictation sessions are a rich pool of information for
investigating ḥadīth defects. To show how we can benefit from the teaching
materials of ḥadīth dictation sessions in order to diagnose the defects in ḥadīth, some
examples are givebelow:

"The content (matn) of this ḥadīth is sound (ṣaḥiḥ) but its chain of narration
(isnād) is strange (gharib) and the only narrator in the chain of narration of this
ḥadīth (tafarrada bil-ḥadīth) is Macādh b. Macādh. This ḥadīth is mentioned by

205
Muslim in his ṣaḥiḥ and is taken from the ḥadīth of Ḥisham b. Ḥassan"83. The
meaning of tafarrada bil-ḥadīthis ‘the only narrator in the chain of narration of this
ḥadīth is so-and-so’

"There is a strange ḥadīthtaken from the ḥadīth of Abu Isḥāq from al-Acmash
and it has only one narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth"84

"This is a very strange narration and I have only written it in this way"85

" In a ḥadīth dictation session, the ḥadīth scholar said: "This is known only
through the ḥadīth of Khalaf b. al-Walid al-cAtki Abu al-Walid al-Baghdādi. Yet
this ḥadīth has also been referred to by Zuhair Abu Zuhair and Abu Zarca al-Rāzi
who both mentioned the name Khalaf b. al-Walid al-cAtki Abu al-Walid al-
Baghdādi".86

"This is a strange ḥadīth but has been only reported by the nice group ( Āl al-

83Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library) in Damascus (number 3842,
Qāf/20/Ba'/line 10). It is worth noting that the expression tafarrada fil-ḥadīth means
that the narration of a ḥadīth is based on one person only who has taken it from one
person only. When the second narrator narrates the ḥadīth based on the narration of
the former narrator, the second narrator is said to be tafarrada fil-ḥadīth (the second
and only narrator in a chain of narration). In the narration of a ḥadīth that is based on
two narrators only (al-tafarrud bil-ḥadīth), the second narrator is said to be
tafarrada bil-ḥadīth - the second and only narrator in a chain of narration).

84Ibid. (number 3842, Qāf/22/Alif/line 15).

85Ibid. (number 3842, Qāf/23/ Ba'/line 4).

86Āmālī cAbd al-Wahhāb b. Mandah by Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Muḥammad b.

Yaḥyā (d. 395/). This is a manuscript in the Copreli Library, and is part of a
group of other manuscripts (number 252/4. Qāf 23/Ba'/line 7).

206
Bīet ) one generation after another".87

"This is a strange ḥadīth taken from the ḥadīth of Mālik b. Anas from al-Zuhri.
The only narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth (tafarrada bihi) is cAbd
Allāh b. Muḥammad and the ḥadīth has also been narrated by a group of people
from al-Zuhri. However, the well-known ḥadīth is the one which is reported to
us."88

"The only narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth (tafarrada bihi) is
Ibrāhīm b. Sacid from Abu Khālid al-Qurashi. The full name of Abu Khālid is cAbd
al-Azīz b. Abān al-Amawi, from Kūfah. It has also been reported by cAli b. Isḥāq
and Abu cUrubah al-Ḥarrabi and others from Ibrāhīm b. Sacid."89

"This is a strange ḥadīth if we accept it from this narration. However, it can be

a sound ḥadīth if we take it from cĀṣim b. Laqīṭ who received it from his father. . .
"90

"The two Imāms, namely, Abu Dawūd and Abu cAbd al-Raḥmān al-Nasā’i,
have mentioned this ḥadīth in their two books from Qutaibah. Abu Dawūd says:
"From Yaḥyā b. Sulaimān". Al-Nasā’i also says: From Yaḥyā b. Sulaimān". This
ḥadīth has also been mentioned by al-Ṭabarāni, Ibn Juraīj, and Qurrah b. Khālid
from Ismācīl b. Kathīr. It is also mentioned by Sufyān al-Thawri from Abu Hashim

87Ibid. (number 252/4. Qāf 25/Ba'/line 6).

88Āmālī cAbd al-Wahhāb b. Mandah by Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Muḥammad b.
Yaḥyā (d. 395/). This is a manuscript in the Copreli Library, and is part of a
group of other manuscripts (number 252/1/1. Qāf 28/Ba'/line 13).
89Ibid. (Qāf 29/Ba'/line 4).

90 Ibid. (Qāf 28/Ba'/line 21).

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from cĀṣim."91

"This ḥadīth is reported by cAli in this particular chain of narration only and
the only narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth (tafarrada bihi) is Qaīs b. al-
Rabīc."92

"This ḥadīth was narrated by Yazīd from Yazīd b. Abu Anīsah and the only
narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth (tafarrada bihi) was Yaḥyā b.
Yucla."93

"Only cUmar b. Hārūn reported this ḥadīth from Ibn Juraīj. Also, the only
narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth is Ibn al-Mūsaiyab."94

"The ḥadīth reported from Muḥammad b. al-Munkadir is incomplete and has

always been reported from him in this particular chain of narration and with these
verses of poetry."95

91 Ibid.( Qāf 30/Alif/line 5).

92Āmālī Abu cUthmān Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Millah al-
Aṣfahāni. This is a manuscript in the Copreli Library.
93Āmālī al-Ṭabarāni of Abu al-Qāsim Sulaimān b. Aḥmad al-Ṭabarāni (d. 360/).
This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the Copreli Library
(number 252/13/Qāf/114/Alif/line 6).
94 Ibid. (number 252/13/Qāf/115/Alif/line 14).

95Āmālī Abu cUthmān Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Millah al-

Aṣfahāni. This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the
Copreli Library (number 252/13/Qāf/64/line 20).

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 "Al-Ḥakim says it is a strange but sound ḥadīth narrated by Suhail b. Abu
Ṣalih al-Ghaṭfāni from his father from Abu Huraīrah. I do not know whether he
narrated it from Abu Khaithamah Zuhair b. Mucawiyah al-Jacfi."96 Also, see
footnote 17 on "a strange but sound ḥadīth".

'This is a strange ḥadīth narrated by Abu cItab Ruh b. al-QĀṣim al-cAnbari

from Abu Muḥammad Ibn al-Munkadir al-Taimi. I am not sure whether anyone has
mentioned it other than Abu al-Khaṭṭab Muḥammad b. Suwar b. cAnbar al-Sudusi.
Al-Bukhāri mentioned it from this particular narration."97

We can say that the defect is often in the chain of narration, being hidden that no one
can detect it, except senior ḥadīth scholars. For example, the similarity of the names
and that confuses them or chain of narration the narrator mentions that he did not
mention one other. This does not discriminate and reveal only senior scholares.

96Āmālī al-Ḥākim al-Kabīr of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri

(d. 378/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the Copreli
Library (number 252/9/Qāf/88/line 11). In ḥadīth studies, the expression
gharībṣaḥīḥ (strange and sound) means that there is only one narrator in the chain of
narration. For instance, theḥadīthinnama al-acmālu bil-niyyāt (deeds are based on
intentions) is regarded as a gharīb (strange) ḥadīth because only cUmar heard this
ḥadīth from Muḥammad and only one successor heard this ḥadīth from cUmar; later
on, three more successors heard this ḥadīth from the first successor. Thus, the chain
of narration of this ḥadīth is called gharīb (strange). However, it is also classified as
sound (ṣaḥīḥ) because the narrators (cUmar, the first successor, then the other three
successors) have the qualities of reliable and upright ḥadīth narrators. Therefore, the
above ḥadīth is called strange and sound (gharīb ṣaḥīḥ).

97Āmālī al-Ḥākīm al-Kabīr of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri

(d. 378/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the
Copreli Library (number 252/8/Qāf/88/line 18).

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 6.5.4. Making sure that the soundness of a particular ḥadīth is
explained and the other categories of ḥadīth are mentioned
The ḥadīth scholar is required to make his students aware of the virtues of all
the ḥadīths he mentions in his ḥadīth dictation session, explain the meanings
unknown to his students, and most importantly, give the category of each ḥadīth; for
instance, whether the ḥadīth is sound (ṣaḥīḥ), weak (ḍacif) or defective (maclūl). (al-
Samcani 1993, 1:330). This is illustrated in the following examples:

"This is a sound ḥadīth and is agreed upon (muttafaqun calaihi) mentioned

by Muslim and al-Bukhāri from the ḥadīth of Hamrān who did not narrate it from
Qatādah."98

"This is a sound ḥadīth of a high status from the ḥadīth of Abu

MuḥammadSufyān b. cUyainah al-Hilali al-Kufi from Ziyad b. cIlaqah from Jarir b.
c
Abd Allāh Abu cAmru al-Bajli. Muslim b. al-Hajjaj mentioned it in his Ṣaḥīḥ from
Abu Bakr b. Shaibah. All of them reported it from Ibn cUyainah, the same one
whom we have mentioned and for us it is a ḥadīth of an elevated category."99

"This is a good ḥadīth (ḥadīth hasan) and deals with fate (al-qaDār). It is also a
sound ḥadīth and of an elevated category."100

"This ḥadīth is both good and sound (ḥasan ṣaḥīḥ) narrated by Mujāhid b.
Jubair Abu al-Hajjaj from Abu cAbd al-Raḥmān cAbd Allāh cAmru. This ḥadīth is

98Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3842,
Qāf/25/Alif/line 6).
99Āmālī Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Bāqi al-Anṣāri. This is a manuscript in the
al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in
Damascus) (number 4519/4/Alif/line 10).
100Ibid. (number 4519/4/Ba'/line 1).

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strange, however, if taken from Abu cAli Faḍil b. cAiyad al-Zahid."101

"Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Bāqi b. Muḥammad al-Anṣari has not left
one ḥadīth in his Āmālī without classifying it to a certain category. See, for instance,
(4/Ba'/line 16), 5/Alif/line 11), (5/Alif/line 20), (5/Ba'/line 7), and (5/Ba'/line 16"102

"This is a sound and agreed upon ḥadīth (ḥadīthṣaḥīḥ muttafaqūn calaīh)

from the ḥadīth of Yūnis b. Yazīd."103

"This is a sound ḥadīth mentioned by al-Bukhāri and Muslim."104

"This is a sound ḥadīth mentioned by Muslim."105

"This is a strange ḥadīth from the ḥadīth of cUrwah from Ibn al-Zubair."106

“This is a good ḥadīth mentioned by Aḥmad and al-Ḥamidi in his Musnad

from Sufyān. It is also referred to by al-Bukhāri in his al-Adab al-Mufrad from cAbd
al-Raḥmān b. Bishr; thus, we absolutely agree with this ḥadīth and give it one degree
(muwafaqah caliyah bidarajah) with Aḥmad and al-Ḥamidi. We also agree with al-
Bukhāri and his ḥadīth two degrees. This ḥadīth is also mentioned by Abu Dawūd in

101Ibid. (number 4519/4/Ba'/line 15).

102Ibid. (number 4519/4/Ba'/line 15).
103Ibid.( number 1178/Ba'/line 7).
104Āmālī al-Lalkā'i of Abu al-Ḥusain Hibat Allāh b. al-Ḥasan. This is a manuscript
in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in
Damascus) (number 3084/2/Alif/line 12).
105Ibid. (number 3084/2/Ba'/line 5).
106Ibid. (number 3084/2/Ba'/line 16).

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his Sunan from Abu Bakr b. Abu Shaibah and Mūsaddad b. Mūsarhad. This ḥadīth
is also mentioned by al-Tirmidhi in his Jāmic from Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā al-cAdli.

The three of them have taken it from Sufyān. Thus, I totally agree with this ḥadīth. It
is also mentioned by Aḥmad and al-Tirmidhi but with some extra words (ziyādah) at
its end. Both Aḥmad and al-Tirmidhi are mentioned by al-Ṭabarāni in his al-Kabīr
from cAbd Allāh b. Aḥmad from his father. This ḥadīth is also mentioned by al-
Ḥakīm in his Mustadrak in the section on "respect and relations" from cAli b. al-
Madini and both of them have taken it from Sufyān. Thus, I totally agree with this
ḥadīth that comes from al-Ḥakīm and give it two degrees. Al-Tirmidhi mentions
this ḥadīth and says it is good and sound, and al-Ḥakim in his Mustadrak classifies it
as a ḥadīth with a good chain of narration."107

"This ḥadīth is mentioned by Aḥmad and cAbd b. Ḥamid and al-Ṭabarāni

with a good chain of narration. This ḥadīth also has anecdotes. Some scholars have
given it the 'good' category. As for my own opinion on whether its chain of narration
is good or not, I cannot pass judgment. Some of the names in its chain of narration
are discontinued when this ḥadīth is taken from Sufyān."108

"The ḥadīth scholar (al-mumli) said: All the Imāms of ḥadīth have agreed
upon the soundness of this ḥadīth. As for Abu Dawūd, he narrated it from Aḥmad b.
Ṣalih from cAbd Allāh b. Wahāb from Ibn Lahicah and Yaḥyā b. Aiyūb. Abu cAbd
al-Raḥmān al-Nasā’i also reported this ḥadīth from al-Qāṣim b. Zakariyya b. Dinār
from Sacid b. Sharḥabīl from al-Laith, as mentioned earlier. A group of people such
as Ibn Juraīj and cAbd Allāh also narrated this ḥadīth from Ibn Shihāb who took it
from Salim. cAbd al-Razzāq also mentioned this ḥadīth from Ibn Juraīj but he did
not mention Ibn cUmar in the ḥadīth's chain of narration. Hajjaj b. Muḥammad also

107al-Āmālī al-Muṭlaqah of Taqiy al-Dīn cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Aḥmad al-Qalqashandi.

This is a manuscript in the Tashtarbati Library, (number 3467/2/Ba'/line 5).

108Ibid. (number 3467/3/Alif/line 12).

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mentioned this ḥadīth from Ibn Juraīj but he did not refer to Ḥafṣah in the ḥadīth's
chain of narration. This ḥadīth has also been reported by Yunus, Macmar, Sufyān b.
c
Uyainah, and al-Zuhri, all of them from Ḥamzah b. cAbd Allāh b. cUmar from his
father from Ḥafṣah. Mālik b. Anas mentions this ḥadīth from Ibn Shihab from
c
A'ishah and Ḥafṣah. cAbd Allāh b. Yūsuf and Ibn al-Qasam narrated it from Mālik
b. Anas, who reported it from Nafic from Ibn cUmar."109

"This is a good ḥadīth of an elevated status. Al-Naḍar b. Shamil is a

wellestablished linguist. He moved to Khurasān and lived in an area called Maru.
c
Abd al-Raḥmān b. Munib al-Abyuri is a trustworthy person: Abu cAwanah al-
Asfarayini says Ibn Munib al-Abyurdi was a trustworthy person and was a jurist.
Ḥajib b. Aḥmad al-Tusi narrated from him."110

"This ḥadīth is sound and is mentioned by al-Bukhāri in his Ṣaḥīḥ."111

"This ḥadīth is sound and scholars are agreed upon its soundness. It is
narrated by Imām al-Bukhāri and deals with prayer."112

"This ḥadīth is strange and is from Sāhil b. Abu Ṣalih al-Ghaṭfani from his

109ĀmālīcAbd al-Wahhāb b. Mandah of Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Muḥammad b.

Yaḥyā (d. 395/). This is a manuscript in the Copreli Library, and is part of a group of
other manuscripts (number 252/4. Qāf 23/Ba'/line 18).
110Āmālī al-Farāwi of Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl al-Ṣācidi (d. 503/).
This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the Copreli Library
(number 252/1/1/Qāf 27/Alif/line 3).
111Ibid. (number 252/1/1/Qāf 27/Alif/line 18).

112Āmālī Abu cUthmān Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Millah al-

Aṣfahāni. This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the
Copreli Library (number 252/13/Qāf/63/line 14).

213
father from Abu Hurairah."113

"This ḥadīth is strange and is from Abu cItab Ruḥ b. al-Qāsim al-cAnbari
from Abu Muḥammad Ibn al-Munkadir al-Taimi."114

"This is a sound ḥadīth and has not changed. It is mentioned by al-Bukhāri

from cAli from Sufyān from al-Zuhri."115 The ḥadīth scholar was making sure that
a particular ḥadīth was sound, explaining any unknown meanings to his students,
and, most importantly, giving the reason why it was weak or defective.

6.5.5. Mentioning details when reference is made to isnād

During the ḥadīth dictation sessions, ḥadīth scholars would explain what was
involved in the chain of narration (al-isnād) in terms of anecdotes and names of
individuals. Below are examples to illustrate this point:

"There is an interesting incident in this chain of narration which is that

Muḥammad b. Sirin from . . . "116

113Āmālī al-Ḥākim al-Kabīr of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri

(d. 378/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the
Copreli Library (number 252/9/Qāf/88/Alif/line 11).
114Āmālī al-Ḥākim al-Kabīr of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri
(d. 378/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the Copreli
Library (number 252/9/Qāf/88/Alif/line 18).
115Āmālī al-cAṭṭār of Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm b. cAli (d. 466/).
This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the Copreli
Library, (number 252/12/Qāf/98/Alif/line 9).
116Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus)
(number 3842, Qāf/20/Ba'/line 1).

214
 "There are four people in his chain of narration: Abu Isḥāq cAmru b. cAbd
Allāh b. Abu Sacīd al-Hamadani al-Subaici. He was contemporary to more than
twenty companions, and his narration from al-Acmash from the narration of the
well-known to the less well-known scholars was . . . "117

"In his al-Adab al-Kabīr, al-Bukhāri mentions this ḥadīth from cAbd al-
Raḥmān b. Bishr. I totally agree with Aḥmad and al-Ḥumaīdi and give this ḥadīth
one degree in status. I also agree with al-Bukhāri and give the ḥadīth two
degrees."118

"al-Ṭabarāni says: "In a ḥadīth whose chain of narration I cannot remember

at the moment, I believe this man was cAbd al-Raḥmān b. cAwf."119

6.5.6. Paying attention to biographical details and to impugnment and

vindication (al-jarḥ wal-tacdil)
The details about the ḥadīth notion of impugnment and vindication120 were

117Ibid. (number 3842, Qāf/22/Ba'/line 2).

118al-Āmālī al-Muṭlaqah of Taqiy al-Dīn cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Aḥmad al-

Qalqashandi. This is a manuscript in Tashtarbati Library, (number 3467/2/Ba'/line
5).
119Āmālī al-Ṭabarāni of Abu al-Qāsim Sulaimān b. Aḥmad al-Ṭabarāni (d.
360/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the Ct

/line 14).
120 The introduction of impugnment and validation (al-jarḥ wal-tacdīl) in
ḥadīth studies began after ḥadīth forgery (taḥrif al-ḥadīth) began to spread
in the year 41/661 after the assassination of cUthmān b. cAffān and the
ensuing civil war between cAli and Mucāwiyah. Therefore, there was an
investigation mission by traditionists (al-muḥaddithūn) to eliminate forged
ḥadīths. Impugnment and validation (al-jarḥ wal-tacdīl) is also called
215
ḥadīth criticism (naqd al-ḥadīth). Historically, impugnment and validation
(al-jarḥ wal-tacdīl) goes back to the lifetime of the Companions, who spoke
of reliable or unreliable transmitters (Abdul-Raof 2011:; Kāmālī 2005:81-
82; al-Suyūṭi 1996, 1:209ff; Ḥammādah 2003:26). For Ḥammādah
c
(2003:28-34), the procedure of al-jarḥ wal-ta dīl is related to Q49:6 "ya
aiyuha alladhīna āmanū in jā’akum fāsiqun binaba’in fatabaiyanū in tuṣībū
qawman bijahālatin fatuṣbiḥū calā ma facaltum nādimīn" (O you who have
believed, if there comes to you a disobedient one with information,
investigate, lest you harm a people out of ignorance and come to regret what
you have done), which calls for careful consideration before accepting
someone’s claim or witness, and he states that Muḥammad practised this
procedure, and that Abu Bakr, cUmar, cAli, and Zaid b. Thābit also
practised al-jarḥ wal-tacdīl. It can also be argued that during the
successors’ phase, around 150/767, al-jarḥ wal-tacdīl became an
indispensable tool in ḥadīth studies and was widely practised by ḥadīth
scholars, as a discipline in ḥadīth studies and a procedure that had to be
observed because of the increase in the number of ḥadīth transmitters
(ruwāt al-ḥadīth).
I believe that impugnment and validation aims to achieve four objectives:
(i) a guarantee that ḥadīths are only accepted from upright and trustworthy
narrators,
(ii) a guarantee that both the text and chain of authorities of ḥadīth are
accurate,
(iii) the ḥadīth transmitter enjoys an excellent character in terms of
uprightness and reliability, and
(iv) the ḥadīth transmitter is well-qualified.

Impugnment and validation was started during the 3rd/9th century by

traditionists (al-muḥaddithun) like al-Bukhari (d. 256/870) and his student
Muslim (d. 261/875). In order to guarantee textual accuracy of a ḥadīth,
traditionists began to compare and cross-examine the text of the ḥadīth.

According to Muslim scholars, the forgery of isnad amounts to disbelief

(kufr) and the narrator who fabricates a ḥadīth deserves the death penalty.
216
thoroughly discussed during the ḥadīth dictation sessions since this was of
importance to the accuracy of narration, the content of the ḥadīth, and most
importantly, the character of the narrator; in other words, whether he was a
trustworthy person or not. This is illustrated below:

"And Qallabah was called cAbd Allāh b. Zaid. He used to narrate from more
than one person . . ."121

"And the name of Abu Yazīd al-Qaraṭisi was Yūsuf b. Yazīd Abu Kamil, the
slave of Banu Umaiyah, in the view of al-Shāfici. He died in . . ."122

"al-Nadar b. Shamil is a well-established linguist from the Baṣrah. He moved

to Khurasān and lived in an area called Maru. cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Munib al-Abyurdi
is a trustworthy person. Abu cAwanah al-Asfarayini says: Ibn Munib al-Aburdi is a
trustworthy person; you can trust him with anything. It is reported that he is a jurist.
Ḥajib b. Aḥmad al-Tusi used to quote his narration a lot. Ibn Munib al-Abyurdi used
to be one of the pious people and used to narrate from Ḥammad al-Abyurdi and
Muḥammad b. Ḥammad."123

"The name of Abu al-Maghirah is al-Nadar b. Ismācīl al-Bajli al-Qass. He is

121Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National

Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus)
(number 3842, Qāf/25/Alif/line 10).

122Āmālī Abu Naṣr Aḥmad b. cAmr b. cAbd Allāh al-Ghāzi. This is a

manuscript in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 1178).

123Āmālī al-Farāwi of Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl al-Ṣācidi (d.

503/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the
Copreli Library (number 252/1/1/Qāf 27/Alif/line 3).

217
from Kūfah and is the Imām of its mosque."124

"Abu Muslim is called Hārūnb. Muslim al-Basri from whom Yaḥyā b.

Ḥammad and Saghdi b. Sinan have narrated this ḥadīth."125

"The name of Abu al-Siddiq al-Naji is Bakr b. cAmru b. Qais al-Basri. The
name of Zaid al-cAmmi is Abu al-Jawari al-Baṣri the judge of Harawah. c
Ali b.
Muscab says that Zaid is known by this nickname because whenever he is asked, he
usually replies: 'I'll ask my uncle (camm)'."126

"cAmru b. Dinar is the only narrator in the chain of narration of this ḥadīth who
took the narration from Abu Qabus. Al-Dhahabi in his al-Mīzān claims that Abu
Qabus is an unknown person, but in his al-cAdhab al-Salsabil he claims that Abu
Qabus is a successor (tabici) who narrated very little but was a trustworthy person,
but because of his lack of knowledge, no one employs his name as evidence, and in
his al-Kāshif, he says that Ibn Ḥibbān mentioned him as a trustworthy person."127

124ĀmālīcAbd al-Wahhāb b. Mandah of Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Muḥammad

b. Yaḥyā (d. 395/). This is a manuscript in the Copreli Library, and is
part of a group of other manuscripts (number 252/1/1/Qāf 28/Ba'/line
19).

125Āmālī Ibn Murdawaih of Abu Bakr Aḥmad b. Mūsā (d. 410/). This is a
published manuscript, p. 136.

126ĀmālīcAbd al-Wahhāb b. Mandah of Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Muḥammad

b. Yaḥyā (d. 395/). This is a manuscript in the Copreli Library, and is
part of a group of other manuscripts (number 252/1/1/Qāf 98/Ba'/line
16).

127al-Āmālī al-Muṭlaqah of Taqiy al-Dīn cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Aḥmad al-

Qalqashandi. This is a manuscript in the Tashtarbati Library (number
3467/2/Ba'/line 5).

218
 6.6. Major Features of the Teaching Material in Terms of the Content of
the Ḥadīth (matn)

The expression "matn" in ḥadīth studies means "the content of the ḥadīth which
starts immediately after the chain of narration" (al-Kafawi 1998, 4:308). The content
of ḥadīth is sometimes called nass al-riwāyah (the text of the narration) or nass al-
ḥadīth (the text of the ḥadīth) (al-Adlabi 1983:30). Matn studies, however, are
concerned with distinguishing the acceptable from the unacceptable matn (cAtr
1997, 321). Through the study of ḥadīth literature and the teaching material of the
ḥadīth dictation sessions, a discussion can be provided of the major characteristics of
the teaching materials of the ḥadīth dictation sessions, as shall now be addressed.

6.6.1. Paying attention to jurisprudential ḥadīths:

Ḥadīth scholars pay special attention to the ḥadīths whose content (matn) deals with
jurisprudential matters such as worship and transactions. For al-Samcani (1993,
1:321), jurisprudential ḥadīths are of special value to ḥadīth students. Similarly, al-
Khaṭīb (1994, 2:150) highlights the importance of jurisprudential ḥadīths such as
those on cleanliness, prayer, fasting, the payment of alms-giving (al-zakat). Ḥadīth
scholars have based their opinion on the value of teaching jurisprudential ḥadīths on
the ḥadīth narrated by Ibn cAbbās. When Muḥammad sent Mucādh b. Jabal to the
Yemen, Muḥammad is reported to have said to him: "You will be going to a nation
who are the people of the Book. Thus, the first thing you need to call them for is the
worshipping of God. If they are aware of God, you need to tell them that they have
to perform the five daily prayers during the day and during the night. If they do this,
you need to tell them that God has ordered them to pay the alms-giving which is
taken from their wealth and which will be given back to their poor people. . ." (al-
Bukhāri 2008, p109 (ḥadīth number 1395)).

6.6.2. Paying attention to the virtues of the Companions

Ḥadīth teachers also focused on the ḥadīths which refer to the virtues of the
Companions and the magnificent service and sacrifices they made for Islam and the
Muslims. According to al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:64), God had chosen companions for His
219
prophet and had, therefore, made them with the best manners and the firmest belief.
Through the Companions, Islam was supported, and thanks to them, the Muslims
achieved victory. God has given a special reward for them in the hereafter and has
urged us to mention their virtues with respectful words. However, the rejectors (al-
rāfiḍah) (namely, the Shicis) have disobeyed God's order with regard to the
Companions' virtues and made every effort to wipe out the Companions' virtues and
their service to Islam. In the view of Sufyān, if someone was in Syria, they would
need to talk about the virtues of cAli, but if they were in Kūfah, they would need to
talk about the virtues of cUthmān (al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:64). According to al-Sakhawi
(1992, 2:308), each Companion was worthy of individual mention and in order of
seniority.In other words, first Abu Bakr, then cUmar, then cUthmān, then cAli,
according to their service and amount of sacrifice.

6.6.3. Paying attention to ḥadīths on the virtues of good deeds (faḍā'il

al-acmāl)
The teaching material of the ḥadīth dictation sessions also included the
teaching of ḥadīths that encouraged the person to focus on the hereafter, do good
deeds, be kind towards others, and practise asceticism. Among the ḥadīth scholars
who were in support of this approach were al-Samcani (1993, 1:313) and al-cAjli
(1985, 2:183).

6.6.4. Paying attention to explaining ambiguous words in a ḥadīth

The ḥadīths which have ambiguous words are called gharib al-ḥadīth. These
words were not commonly used by the Arabs at the time (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:45; al-
Samcani 1993, 1:315; al-Khattabi 2001, 1:70). During the ḥadīth dictation session,
the ḥadīth scholar would make sure that ambiguous words in any ḥadīth were
explained thoroughly. If the ḥadīth scholar did not know the meaning of a word in a
ḥadīth, he was advised not to explain it randomly (al-Samcani 1993, 1:318). The
following are examples of some of the ambiguous words in ḥadīth (gharib al-
ḥadīth):

"The meaning of al-ba's is "bravery in the battlefield"; that is, to be serious

220
in fighting the enemy. Al-tadhammum means "to observe the respect of the company
of people and those who live next to you."128

“The meaning of al-suḥmah is "extreme Dārkness", and sāqq khadlajah

means "a thick leg".129

Words which are theologically controversial (al-mutashābihāt) are also explained in

detail if they occur in a ḥadīth. The mutashābihāt are the theological notions like the
seeing of God in the hereafter, the hand of God, and so on, as shown in the
following examples:

"The expression yaẓillu Allahu yawma al-qiyāmah means that every Muslim
should believe in the ẓill (shadow) and that God will have a shadow on the day of
judgement."130

"This meaning has been accepted by all respected scholars and it is only rejected by
the Muctazili and the Shicis. This is related to the ru'ya of Allah (the seeing of God).
Also, the ḥadīth "ra'aitu rabbī fīṣūrat kadha wakadha . . ." (I (Muḥammad) have
seen my Lord in such and such shape . . .); "ātāni rabbī al-bāriḥah fi ahsani ṣūratin .
. ." (My Lord came to see me yesterday in His best shape); and"faqala li ya
Muḥammad. . ." (He said tome,‘O Muḥammad’.)131

128Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National

Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus)
(number 3842, Qāf/19/Ba'/line 16).
129Āmālī al-Farāwi of Abu cAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl al-Ṣācidi (d.
503/). This is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the
Copreli Library (number 252/1/1/Qāf 27/Alif/line 18).
130Āmālī Abu cUthmān Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b.
Millah al-Aṣfahāni. This is a manuscript within a group of other
manuscripts in the Copreli Library (number 252/13/Qāf/63/line 20).
131Āmālī Abu cUthmān Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b.
Millah al-Aṣfahāni. This is a manuscript within a group of other
manuscripts in the Copreli Library (number 252/13/Qāf/63/line 20).

221
 6.6.5. Paying attention to the level of understanding of the students
During the ḥadīth dictation session, the ḥadīth scholar takes into account the level of
understanding and amount of knowledge of his students so that he does not deal with
matters that may confuse them, mislead them, or pollute their belief. Ḥadīth
scholars like al-Samcani (1993, 1:310) and al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:147) have pointed out
this approach in teaching the ḥadīth. They have referred to theologically
controversial notions such as the similarity in body parts and attributes of God and
those of human beings, such as the eyes, seeing, hearing, face, hand, or sitting on the
throne. The ḥadīth teacher needed to explain to his students that the attributes of
God are only similar in wordto the attributes of the human being but are completely
different in meaning, and that a Muslim is required to believe in God's attributes as
they are, without enquiring how. Otherwise, if the ḥadīth student did not believe in
the surface meaning of God's attributes, he would reject the ḥadīths that included
them.

The ḥadīth teacher used to urge his students to abandon the allegorical
meaning (al-macna al-majāzi) of God's attributes. c
Ali b. Abi Ṭālib (al-Bukhāri
2008, p19) also urged scholars to observe the level of people's understanding,
saying: "O people. Do you want God and His Prophet to lie? Speak to people
according to their level of understanding." Ibn Mascūd also says: "Someone will
recite a ḥadīth the meaning of which is very difficult for some people to understand.
This ḥadīth will misguide those people." (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:134). Imām al-Shāfici
narrates a story related to this problem. Someone told Mālik b. Anas: "Ibn cUyainah
has ḥadīths from al-Zuhri which you do not know." Mālik b. Anas replied: "Do you
expect me to tell people all the ḥadīths I know? If I do so, I will misguide them." (al-
Khaṭīb 1994, 2:149). Furthermore, cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Maḥdi points out : "You
cannot be an Imām if you tell people every ḥadīth you know and have heard."
(cAiyad 1970, 215). For the ḥadīth scholar Wahāb b. Munabbih: "The ḥadīth
scholar should be like a clever cook (that is, he should not cook something they do
not like). He cooks only what people like (in other words, according to their taste).
Similarly, the ḥadīth scholar should tell people only the ḥadīths which match their
minds and hearts." (al-Sakhawi 1992, 2:280).

222
6.7. Major features of the teaching plan in terms of anecdotes and poetry

Among the educational aspects of teaching which the ḥadīth scholars aimed to
achieve during the ḥadīth dictation sessions was the balance between students'
learning and their spiritual needs. These had to be reflected in the teaching material.
There was another aspect which was also considered by the ḥadīth teachers in the
ḥadīth dictation sessions. This aspect was to do with leisure and relaxation (al-
tarwIḥcan al-nafs). The relaxation of the students helped in their understanding,
motivation and academic progress. Although the ḥadīth dictation session was a
serious academic environment, ḥadīth scholars used to amuse their students with
interesting educational anecdotes, verses of poetry, and innocent jokes. This
teaching strategy is mentioned by al-Samcani (1993, 1:338-344), al-Khaṭīb (1994,
2:183), al-cIraqi (2008:167) and Madelung (2011, 3:655). In fact, so much poetry
used to be recited at the end of ḥadīth dictation sessions that now we have what is
called "the ḥadīth scholars' literature" (adab al-muḥaddithin) which includes the
admonition anecdotes, innocent jokes, and poetry. When verses of poetry were
mentioned by the ḥadīth scholar, the poet's name was usually mentioned as well.
Thus, this was another useful educational aspect through which students learned
poetry and the names of poets, and most importantly, these verses were documented
by a large number of students. This led to another educational value which is the
documentation of poetry through the ḥadīth dictation sessions. al-Sakhawi (1992,
3:270) notes that when verses of poetry or anecdotes were mentioned during or at
the end of the ḥadīth dictation session, they had to be relevant to the teaching
material of the session. The following examples illustrate the above point:

6.7.1. Anecdotes for the purpose of admonition

The following admonition anecdotes and verses of poetry are taken from Āmālī al-

223
Jurjāni132:

(i) Abu cAli al-Ḥusain b. cAli from Muḥammad b. Zakariyya from Maḥdi b. Sabiq
who said: "Take a lesson from what you have seen, from what you have heard, from
what you have experienced in your present life, and take a lesson from how many
years are left of your life." You need to know:

132There are three copies of the manuscript Āmālī al-Jurjāni: (i) The first
copy is available in theal-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-
Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3810/Ta'/10). According to the
al-Asad National Library index, this copy is complete and includes 41
ḥadīth dictation sessions. The copier has included in this manuscript some
corrections and comparative notes with other manuscripts. This copy of the
manuscript also has many samācāt, the oldest of which is from 601/. The
expression samācāt is derived from the verb samāca (to hear someone, to
listen to someone) which means the ḥadīth scholar had several students who
were attending his ḥadīth dictation sessions, listening to his lectures and
writing down what he was explaining to them. Thus, when a manuscript is
described as having many samācāt, it means that the manuscript has been
found in different information forms by different students about the same
set of ḥadīth dictation sessions delivered by the same ḥadīth scholar. This
copy of the manuscript is written in the Naskh form of writing, and has been
seriously damaged by damp, which has affected the words of the
manuscript. I have photocopied this copy of the manuscript and have found
out that in fact it does not include all 41 of the ḥadīth dictation sessions:
numbers 8, 20, 21, 22 and 23 are missing. Moreover, I have found out that
this copy does not include some ḥadīths from some ḥadīth dictation
sessions, and because this copy has suffered from negligence, the leaves of
the manuscript are disordered. (ii) The second copy of the manuscript
Āmālī al-Jurjāni is available in the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus but
under a different number, 9406. (iii) The third copy of this manuscript is
available in The British Library, London, List 16, number 07224, 5R. I have
photocopied this third version of the manuscript from the King Faisal
Centre for Research and Islamic Studies, Riyadh. This copy includes 173
leaves.

224
Life is like a day Its light is false,

Your living is tender Smooth and looks green,

When it is afflicted by time It turns yellow,

Similarly, the night arrives But the daylight comes and drives it away.

‫ﺇإﻧﻤﺎ ﺍاﻟ ﺪﻧ ﻴﯿﺎ ﻧﻬﮭﺎﺭرٌ ﺿﻮﺅؤﻩهﺿﻮءﻣﺭرٌﻌﺎ‬

‫ﻀﺮﺍا‬
ٌ‫ﻋﻢٌ ﻓ ﻴﯿﻪﮫ ﺍاﺧﺭر‬
‫ﺾ ٌ ﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻚﻏ‬
ُ‫ﻋﻴﯿﺸ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﯿﻨﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻔﺮﺍا‬
ُ‫ﺻﺭر‬‫ﺇإﺫذﺍاﺭرﻣﺎ ﻩهُﺯزﻣﺎﻧﻪﮫ ﻓﺈﺫذﺍا ﻓﻴﯿﻪﮫ ﺍا‬

‫ﺤُﻮﻩهُ ﺍاﻟﻨﺭرُﻬﮭﺎ‬
‫ﻞ ﺄﻳﯾﺗﻲﻢﺛﻳﯾﻤ‬
‫ﻙك ﺍا ﻟﻠ ﻴﯿ‬
‫ﻭوﻛﺬ ﺍا‬

(ii) Another admonition anecdote: Abu cAli al-Ḥusain b. cAli from Muḥammad b.
Zakariyya from Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān, from Hisham b. Sulaimān who
said: "When the people of Ḥijāz, Baṣrah and Kūfah met, they said they had never
heard better and more useful verses of poetry than the following two verses which
were inscribed on the grave of cAbd Allāh b. Jacfar b. Abi Ṭālib:

You are resident here until God resurrects His creation Your visit is not
welcomed though you are close,

Your body decompose every day and night You are forgotten while you
decompose although you have been much loved.

‫ﷲﺧ ﻠﻘﻪﮫ‬
َ‫ﻥن ﻳﯾﺒﻌﺚ‬
‫ﻣﻘﻴﯿﻢ ﻰﻟﺇإ ﺃأ‬

‫ﺖﻗﺐُﺮﻳﯾ‬
‫ﺟﻰﻭوﺃأ ﻧ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺎﺅؤﻙكﻻﻳﯾُ ﺮ‬

‫ﻞ ﻳﯾﻮﻡمﻭوﻟﻴﯿﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻳﯾ ﺪﺑﻠﻰً ﻓﻲﻛ‬ ‫ﺗﺰ‬

‫ﺖﺣﺐُﺒﻴﯿ‬
‫ﻭوﺗُﻨ ﺴَﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﺗُ ﺒﻠﻰ ﻭوﺃأﻧ‬

(iii) A further admonition anecdote: Abu cAli al-Ḥusain b. cAli from Muḥammad b.
Zakariyya from Abu cUthmān al-Mazini Bakr b. Muḥammad who said: "I went to
visit the Caliph al-Wathiq when he was ill. He asked me: 'O Bakr, do you have a

225
son?' I replied: 'No.' He asked: 'So, who did you live with in Baṣrah?' I replied: 'My
sister.' He asked: 'Is she older or younger than you are?' I replied: 'Younger.' He
asked: 'What did the poor girl say?' I said: 'She said what the daughter of the poet al-
Acsha said to her father:

'My daughter says when the time of departure has approached We are the same in
what will take place,

O father, we are better off when you are with us If you do not want to leave,

When you will be far away from us We will be unhappy and our relationship will
be cut off.'

‫ﺗﻘﻮﻝل ﺍاﺑﻨﺘﻲ ﺣﻴﯿﻦ ﺟﺪ ﺍاﻟﺮﺣﻴﯿﻞ ﺃأﺭرﻧﺎ ﺳﻮﺍاء ﻭوﻣﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻳﯾﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺨﻴﯿﺮﺍاﺫذﺍا ﻟﻢ ﺗﺮﻡم‬ ‫ﻓﻴﯿﺎ ﺃأﺑﺖ ﻻ ﺗﺰﻝل ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ ﻓﺄﻧﺎ‬

‫ﻭوﺗﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎ ﺍاﻟﺮﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍاﻧﺎ ﺍاﺫذﺍا ﺍاﺿﻤﺮﺗﻚ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬

Then, al-Wathiq asked me: 'What did you say to her after this?' I replied: 'Just what
the poet Jarir said to his daughter:

'Have faith in God who has no partner Have faith in the person who will be

successful when he is in the company of the Caliph.'

The Caliph al-Wathiq laughed and gave me a generous cash present."

6.7.2. Verses of poetry for admonition purposes

Among the verses of poetry used for admonition during or at the end of a
ḥadīth dictation session are the following:

226
Have you never heard of someone Who has been saved by a word of advice?133

If you think of losing your dignity due to asking for a favour You should lose it for
a generous person.134

More examples on admonition verses of poetry may be referred to for additional

information.135

133Āmālī Ibn al-Ḥaṣīn of Hibat Allāh b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥaṣīn al-

Baghdādi Abu al-Qāsim (d. 525/). This is a manuscript in the al-Asad
National Library (number 3834/Ta'/1).

134Āmālī Ibn Millah of Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Jacfar Abu Sacīd Ibn Millah. This
is a manuscript in al-Asad National Library, number 3817/Ta'.
135 (i)Āmālī Ibn al-Jarrāḥ of cIsā b. cAli b. cIsā b. al- Jarrāḥ (d. 391/). This is a
manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3846/Qāf
186/Ba'/line 7). (ii).Āmālī al-Qushairi of cAbd al-Karīm b. Hawāzin b. cAbd al-
Malik Abu al-Qāsim al-Ṣūfi al-Naisābūri al-Shāfici (d. 465/). He mentions more than
35 verses of his own poetry which he recited in his ḥadīth dictation sessions. This is
a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 1135). See Qāf
116/Alif, Qāf 116/ Ba', Qāf 117/Alif, Qāf 117/Ba', Qāf 118/ Alf, and Qāf 118/ Ba'.
(iii) Āmālī al-Khatli al-Sukkari of cAli b. cUmar b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Ḥarbi
(d. 386/). This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as
the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3725). See Qāf 239/Ba' and Qāf
247/ Ba'. (iv) Āmālī al-Khajandi. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3798).
See Qāf 150/Ba'. (v) Āmālī Abu Ḥāmid al-Shujāci of Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-
Sarkhi (d. 534/). This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library (formerly
known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3856). See Qāf
45/Ba'/line 7, Qāf 47/Alif/line 8, Qāf 47/ Ba'/line 4, Qāf 48/ Alif /line 6, and Qāf 48/
Ba'/line 1. (vi) Āmālī Rizq Allāh of Abu Muḥammad b. Abu al-Faraj cAbd al-
Wahhāb al-Tamimi (d. 488/). This is a manuscript within a group of other
manuscripts in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah
Library in Damascus) (number 3428). See Qāf 54/ Ba'/line 9. (vi) Āmālī al-
Rūdhbāri of Abu cAbd Allāh Aḥmad b. cAṭā' b. Aḥmad al-Rūdhbāri (d. 369/). This
227
It is worthwhile noting that verses of poetry usually used to be read at the end of the
ḥadīth dictation session. However, some ḥadīth scholars used to read the verses of
poetry in the middle of their ḥadīth dictation sessions such as the Āmālīof Abu Bakr
al-Anṣari,136 and that of al-ṣaffār137and of Hazzar Murd.138 Other ḥadīthscholars,

is a manuscript within a group of other manuscripts in the al-Asad National Library

(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3428). See Qāf
113/ Ba'/line 5 and Qāf 115/ Ba'/line 16. (vii) Āmālī Abu Bakr Muḥammad b. cAbd
al-Bāqi b. Muḥammad al-Anṣāri. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 4519).
See Qāf 6/ Ba'/line 12, Qāf 8/Alif/line 17, Qāf 10/ Ba'/line 11, and Qāf 15/ Ba'/line
24. (viii) Āmālī Abu Bakr al-Ṣaffār. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3849).
See Qāf 38/Alif/line 5. (ix) Āmālī al-Ṣābūni. This is a manuscript in the al-Asad
National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus)
(number 3849). See Qāf 43/ Ba'/line 3. (x) Āmālī al-Ṣābūni. This is a manuscript in
the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in
Damascus) (number 3849). See Qāf 43/ Ba'/line 3. (xi) Āmālī cAbd al-cAzīz of cAbd
al-cAzīz b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. cAli b. Sulaimān al-Dimishqi al-Kittāni (d.
466/). This is a manuscript in al-Asad National Library (formerly known as al-
Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus), number 3846. See Qāf 64/ Ba'/line 10, Qāf
65/Alif/line 1, and Qāf 67/ Ba'/line 6. (xii) Āmālī Abu al-Fatḥ of Naṣr b. Ibrāhīm
al-Makdisi. Thisis a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library (formerly known as
the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number 3839). See Qāf 98/Alif/line 10, Qāf
98/ Ba'/line 1. Also, see Nasr b. Ibrāhīm al-Makdisi's ḥadīth dictation session
number 121, Qāf 30/ Ba'/line 13, Qāf 31/Alif/line 12, Qāf 32/ Ba'/line 6.
136Āmālī of Abu Bakr al-Anṣāriis a manuscript in the al-Asad National
Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus)
(number 4519).
137Āmālī of al-Ṣaffāris a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number
3849).
138Āmālī of Hazzār Murdis a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number
3787).

228
such as al-Sarkhasi139and al-Sukkari,140used to read the verses of poetry in the
middle and at the end of the ḥadīth dictation session.

There were ḥadīth dictation sessions during which there was no reference to
verses of poetry by the ḥadīth scholar. There were also ḥadīth dictation sessions
during which only verses of poetry were read by the ḥadīth scholar without any
anecdotes, wise sayings, or innocent jokes. We can, therefore, claim that this was the
practice of ḥadīth dictation sessions during the early centuries, as seen in Āmālī al-
Muzki141,Āmālī Abu Muslim al-Katib142, Āmālī Abu Naṣr al-Ghazi143, and Āmālī
Abu Mūsā al-Madīni144, among others.

6.8. Time of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions

The following sections discuss the number of days during which the ḥadīth dictation
sessions were held, the specific day, the usual time of the sessions, and the most
common places where they used to be held. These places included grand and small

139Āmālī al-Sarkhasi is a manuscript available in the al-Asad National

Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus)
(number 3798).
140Āmālī al-Sukkari is a manuscript available in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Zahiriyyah Library in Damascus) number
3725.
141Āmālī al-Muzki is a manuscript available in the al-Asad National Library
(formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in Damascus) (number
3790.

142Āmālī Abu Muslim al-Kātib is a manuscript available in the al-Asad

National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in
Damascus) (number 3840).

143Āmālī Abu Naṣr al-Ghāzi is a manuscript available in the al-Asad

National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in
Damascus) (number 1178).

144Āmālī Abu Mūsā al-Madīni is a manuscript available in the al-Asad

National Library (formerly known as the al-Ẓāhiriyyah Library in
Damascus) (number 3842).

229
(local) mosques, roads, ḥadīth scholars' houses, public places (such as squares),
palaces of rulers and governors, and the Ṣufi lodging places.

6.8.1. How Many Times a Week?

Ḥadīth dictation session would take place at various times of the day across the
week, (al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:252 and al-Suyuti (1994, 2:132). For al-Suyuti (1994,
2:132), based on al-Bukhāri (2008, p 8 (ḥadīth number 70)) as narrated by Abu
Wā'il: "Ibn Mascud used to hold his ḥadīth dictation sessions once a week on
Thursdays". This was due to the fact that if more ḥadīth dictation sessions were held
during the week, people would have felt bored and would have lost interest in
learning ḥadīth.

According to cIkramah, Ibn cAbbās said: "Give ḥadīth dictation sessions on Fridays
and do not teach more than twice a week, and the maximum is three days a week"
(al-Bukhāri (2008, p 533(ḥadīth number 6337)). It is also noticeable that al-Ṣuyūṭi
(1994, 2:132) appears to have contradicted himself, as once, as mentioned above, he
considered that the ḥadīth dictation sessions should be held once a week but later he
was of the opinion that they should be held more often than that.

The maximum number of times for holding ḥadīth dictation sessions was not to
exceed three days a week, probably for a number of pedagogical and psychological
reasons, such as:

(i) to avoid boredom among ḥadīth students,

(ii) to avoid errors during the recording of ḥadīth when dictated to students,

(iii) to give more time to the ḥadīth scholar to prepare his teaching materials well,

(iv) to give more time to the ḥadīth student to revise, prepare his ink, paper and other
materials, do some work to earn financial support for his family, to have enough
time for his family, and to become psychologically prepared for the next ḥadīth
dictation session the following week,
230
(v) to allow more time for debate and questions after the end of the session, since a
large number of students would continue their discussion with their ḥadīth teacher,
and

(vi) to avoid overcrowding at a ḥadīth diction session. For instance, the ḥadīth
diction session of the ḥadīth scholar Abu Bakr Jacfar al-Faryabi (d. 301/) was
attended by more than 30,000 people and the number of repeaters (mustamli)
required was 316 (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 7:201). Thus, it would be more reasonable to hold
more ḥadīth diction sessions during the week on different days.

6.8.2. Which Day and What Time During the Day?

According to al-Suyuti (1994, 2:132), most major ḥadīth scholars, such as Ibn
c
Asākir, al-Khaṭīb, and al-Samcani, used to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions on
Fridays immediately after the Friday sermon. Among scholars who claimed that the
ḥadīth dictation sessions were held after the Friday sermon were al-Nasā’i
(1994:51). Other sources also refer to the same time and day145.

However, based on my literature review of manuscripts, I believe the time was not
immediately after the Friday sermon but following the afternoon prayer on Fridays.
This is also based on the opinion of al-Buhaiqi in his al-Shucab (1986, 1:410,
number 563). Holding ḥadīth dictation sessions on Fridays was the practice of the
ḥadīth scholar Abu Ṭāhir Ahmad b. Ibrāhīm al-Aṣbahāni of the al-cAdiliyyah School
in Alexandria, Egypt, which was established in 564/ by King Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b.
al-Sallar who was known as "al-Mālik al-cĀdil" (the Just King) (Ibn al-Abar 1885:49
and Ibn Khalkan 1968, 1:105).

145See, for example, manuscripts number 3756/Ta' 4, number 3725, and

number 3782 in the al-Asad National Library.

231
Among the sources referring to the Friday ḥadīth dictation sessions as being after the
afternoon prayer (ṣalāt al-caṣr) are the manuscript number 3761/Tā’ 14, and Jarrar
(2007, 7:228). Other scholars argue that the ḥadīth dictation sessions used to be held
on Fridays but after the evening prayer (ṣalāt al-cīsha') al-Shehhri (2007, page 337);
al-Aṣfahāni (1989, 3:58; al-Dhahabi (1955, 1:141).

Clearly Friday was not always the day on which the ḥadīth dictation sessions took
place. For al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:71), Friday was the preferred day and the mosque was
the preferred place for most ḥadīth teachers such asMuḥammad b. Zarqawaih, Abu
al-Ḥasan, Abu al-Qāsim cAli, cAbd al-Mālik Ibn Bushran, Abu Bakr al-Hiri, Abu al-
Qāsim Muḥammad al-Sarraj, Abu Bakr Ibn Iṣḥaq, and many others.

However, for al-Kittani (1986:159), the ḥadīth dictation sessions used to be held
twice a week: on Fridays and Tuesdays. I believe this was quite reasonable in terms
of the nature of teaching ḥadīth, since there is a time gap of three days (Saturday,
Sunday, and Monday) after Friday and a time gap of two days (Wednesday and
Thursday) after Tuesday. There is, I believe, a pedagogical value in this time gap
arrangement. It was likely, therefore, that there used to be two kinds of ḥadīth
dictation sessions:

(i)General ḥadīth dictation sessions: These were held on Fridays, and were held
for the general public, whether literate and illiterate, from all walks of life and of
various professions and social status. Usually, ḥadīth teachers used to teach general
ḥadīths which were related to prayer, how to perform it, ablution, fasting, the good
deeds and their benefits, and the bad deeds and their consequences. Thus, a Friday
would have been the most appropriate day for such ḥadīth dictation sessions since
different people of different age and status attended the mosque for Friday prayer.

(ii)Specific ḥadīth dictation sessions: These were held on Tuesdays, specifically

for ḥadīth students. Usually, ḥadīth teachers used to teach specific ḥadīths which
required a knowledgeable audience to understand and not become confused, such as
232
the ḥadīths on what was allowed and what was forbidden, matters related to
consuming alcohol, the names and attributes of God (ṣifāt Allāh), ḥadīths related to
the status of the Companions, and problems related to different opinions among
people with regards to the four rightly guided Caliphs. Thus, Tuesdays were the
most appropriate day for the ḥadīth teacher to hold his sessions on, since he had a
three-day gap after his general sessions on Fridays.

Therefore, the difference between the above two types of ḥadīth dictation sessions
was represented by the teaching material taught, the style of teaching, and the kind
of discussion and questions raised by the audience.

It is worth noting that al-Samcani (1993, 1:241) did not specify a particular day or
time for holding the ḥadīth dictation sessions and left it open to the ḥadīth teacher to
decide. However, most ḥadīth scholars preferred Fridays. Nonetheless, Thursdays
were also used for ḥadīth dictation sessions, since in Islamic tradition the two days
of Monday and Thursday are specifically preferred days of the week according to
the ḥadīth which is believed to have been spoken by Muḥammad: "uṭlubu al-ḥadīth
yawm al-ithnain wal-khamīs fa'innahu muyassarun li-ṣaḥibihi" (Learn the ḥadīth on
Mondays and Thursdays because it will be made easy for you) (cAiyad 1970:51).

Some ḥadīth scholars, preferred Mondays instead for holding their ḥadīth dictation
sessions. For instance, Abu Sahl b. Ziyad al-Qaṭṭan used to hold his ḥadīth dictation
sessions on Mondays (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:73), as did Abu Isḥāq al-Muzakki Ibrāhīm
b. Muḥammad al-Naisābūri (d. 362/) (manuscript number 3790/Tā’/ in the al-Asad
National Library).

Al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:72) though maintains that ḥadīth dictation sessions were held on
Sundays and Thursdays during the Successors' and the late Successors' lifetimes and
that Abu cAbd Allāh al-Muḥamali used to teach ḥadīth on Sundays and Thursdays.
c
Aiyad (1970:51) and al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:71) are also of the opinion that Thursdays
were the preferred days for holding the ḥadīth dictation sessions. This is supported
233
by Ibn Mājah in his Sunan (2008, p 2535 ḥadīth number 992) and Aḥmad (1969,
6:154-155), (manuscript number 1178, Tā’/ 8, in al-Asad National Library),
(ĀmālīcAbd al-Wahhāb b. Mandah, in Copreli Library, manuscript number 252/1/1,
Qāf /28/line 6 and Qāf /31/Alif/line 7 and Qāf/99/Alif/line 18). Some ḥadīth scholars
used to name their ḥadīth dictation sessions by the day, Thursday, and called them
al-Āmālī al-khamisiyyah (The Thursday Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions), such as those
of Yaḥyā b. al-Ḥusain al-SḤajari (al-SḤajari 1983).

However, according to al-Kittani (1986:159) and al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:72), ḥadīth

scholars preferred Tuesdays for holding their ḥadīth dictation sessions. For instance,
the ḥadīth scholar Abu Bakr al-Shāfici. al-Khaṭīb (1997, 4:189) mentions that the
ḥadīth scholar Aḥmad b. Salmān al-Najjād al-Ḥanbali (d. 348/) used to hold his
ḥadīth dictation sessions on Tuesdays. According to Sabri (2002:98 and 120), the
ḥadīth scholar Abu al-Ḥusain Muḥammad b. Samcun also held his ḥadīth dictation
sessions on that day.

According to al-Khaṭīb (1994, 2:72 and 1997, 9:388) and Āmālī al-SḤajari (1983,
1:226), ḥadīth scholars such as Abu MuḥammadcAbd Allāh b. Isḥāq al-Jawhari (d.
332/) used to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions on Wednesdays, while according to
Jarrar (2007, 5:92), ḥadīth scholars such as Abu al-Muẓaffar cAbd Allāh b. Shabib
al-Ḍubbi would hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions on Saturdays.

Furthermore, the manuscript the ḥadīth scholar Rizq Allāh (d. 488) (date 63 of Qāf
51-54 among other manuscripts in the former al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library (now the al-
Asad National Library)) mentions that the ḥadīth scholar Rizq Allah Abu
Muḥammad b. Abu al-Faraj cAbd al-Wahhāb al-Tamimi al-Baghdādi also used to
hold his ḥadīth dictation sessions on Saturdays. The manuscript (General, number
3823, among other manuscripts (87) in the former al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library (now the
al-Asad National Library)) mentions that the ḥadīth scholar Abu Muḥammad Ibn
Sacid Yaḥyā b. Sacid also used to hold his ḥadīth dictation sessions on Saturdays.

234
It has also been claimed that some ḥadīth scholars preferred Sundays for holding
their ḥadīth dictation sessions. According to Ṣabri, page 83 (Āmālī Ibn Samcun), the
ḥadīth scholar Abu Bakr cAbd Allāh b. al-Ashcath al-Sijistāni used to hold his ḥadīth
dictation sessions on Sundays in the al-Raṣafah area of Baghdād. Moreover, the
ḥadīth scholar Abu cAbd Allāh al-Muḥamali used to hold his ḥadīth dictation
sessions on Sundays and Thursdays (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:72).

It is also worth noting that some ḥadīth scholars used to hold their ḥadīth dictation
sessions only once a year, such as Abu al-Faraj Aḥmad b. Kamil b. cUmar al-Mucdil
(d. 405/) (al-Dhahabi 1992, 18:215).

Ḥadīth scholars also used to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions in particular months.
For instance, Ibn al-Shuhnah al-Saghir Muḥammad b. Ghazi al-Ḥalabi (d. 890/) used
to give his ḥadīth dictation sessions in the month of Dhu al-Qicdah of 718 and
finished in Dhu al-Qicdah of 877 (Āmālī al-Ḥurafi edited by Muḥammad al-Shahri
2007, 186), while Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. al-cAbbās al-Asfati did so in Dhu al-
Qicdah of 372 (Āmālī al-SḤajari 1983, 3385).

Some Ḥadīth scholars held ḥadīth dictation sessions in the month of Ṣafar; for
instance, the ḥadīth scholar Abu ḤafṣcUmar b. Aḥmad b. Shahin, who taught ḥadīth
in Ṣafar in 384 (Jarrar 2007, 3:378 Āmālī al-SḤajari). Others held their ḥadīth
dictation sessions in the month of Jamadi al-Akhirah: Aḥmad b. cAbd Allāh Ibn al-
Niri al-Bazzaz, for example, held his sessions in 318 (Jarrar 2007, 6:336), and the
ḥadīth scholar cAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad b. cAbd Allāh al-cAṭṭar did so in the
month of Jamādi al-Akhīrah in 367 (Jarrar 2007, 1:307 Āmālī al-SḤajari), while Abu
c
Abd al-Raḥmān Aḥmad b. Shucaib al-Nasā’i held his ḥadīth dictation sessions in the
month of Jamādi al-Akhīrah in 303 (al-Nasā’i 1994:51).

Other ḥadīth scholars held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in the month of Rabic al-
Akhir: Abu al-Muẓaffar cAbd Allāh b. Shabib al-Ḍubbi, for instance, did so in the
month of Rabic al-Akhir in 49 (Jarrar 2007, 5:92 Āmālī al-SḤajari).

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Ḥadīth scholars also held ḥadīth dictation sessions in the month of Rajab, such as
Abu Bakr Jacfar b. Muḥammad al-Firyabi who held his in the month of Rajab in 297
(Jarrar 2007, 6:167 Āmālī al-SḤajari). Other ḥadīth scholars held their ḥadīth
dictation sessions in the month of Ramdān; for instance, Sahl b. Salmān Abu al-
Ṭaiyib who did so in the month of Ramdān in 399 (Jarrar 2007, 6:519 Āmālī al-
SḤajari).

Some held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in the month of Shawwāl, such as Abu
Bakr Aḥmad b. Salmān al-Najjād who held his sessions in the month of Shawwāl in
346 (Jarrar 2007, 5:345 Āmālī al-SḤajari).

Others held theirs in the month of Shacbān; for example, Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b.
Samcun, who held his ḥadīth dictation sessions in the month of Shacbān in 387
(Ṣabri 2002:162 Āmālī Ibn Samcun), and the ḥadīth scholar Abu Bakr cAbd Allāh b.
Sulaimān b. al-Ashcath al-Sijistāni who held his in Shacbān of 314 in the mosque of
al-Raṣafah in Baghdād (Ṣabri 2002:83 Āmālī Ibn Samcun).

6.9. Place of Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions

For a variety of reasons, Ḥadīth scholars used to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions
in different places, such as mosques, ḥadīth scholars' own houses, and public places
such as roads, market places and squares. Among the reasons that caused the ḥadīth
dictation sessions to be held in places other than the mosque was the massive
increase in the number of people attending to learn ḥadīth. In this section, we shall
provide a discussion of the places where these sessions used to take place.

6.9.1. Mosques
The mosque, as a place of worship, has been the most common place for teaching
the ḥadīth and for ḥadīth dictation sessions. There are two types of mosques, and
scholars hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions in both:

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(i)The grand mosque (al-masjīd al-jāmic), which is spacious enough for holding the
five daily prayers as well as the Friday prayer. The main grand mosques in the
Islamic world are the holy mosque of Makkah (known as al-masjid al-ḥarām), the
holy mosque of Madīnah (known as the Prophet's mosque – al-masjid al-nabawi),
and the mosque of Jerusalem (al-masjid al-aqsā). Grand mosques are usually built
in towns and big cities rather than in villages.

(ii)The small mosque (al-masjid al-maḥallī) which is usually built in small areas or
villages and used for performing the five daily prayers but not for the Friday prayer.
For the latter, people from such areas usually go to the nearby grand mosques.

It is worthwhile noting that scholars used to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions in
both grand and small mosques. For instance, Abu Bakr al-Shāfici used to teach
ḥadīth in his local mosque in Dārb al-Qaṣṣārīn on Tuesdays, and in the grand
mosque on Fridays (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 4:189). Thus, the mosque has been the most
popular and preferred place for ḥadīth scholars to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions
(ibid, 2:71 and al-Kittani 1986:159).

6.9.1.1. Grand Mosques

Among the ḥadīth scholars who held ḥadīth dictation sessions in the holy mosque of
Makkah and the holy mosque of Madinah were Aḥmad al-Baghdādi (al-Samcani
1993, 1:181) and Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-sakhawi (d. 902/), who held his
ḥadīth dictation sessions in the holy mosque of Makkah in 870/ ( al-Sakhawi 1996,
2:783; al-Shehhri 2007: 186 ).

Among the ḥadīth scholars who held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in the holy
mosque of Madinah were: al-cIrāqi and his son Aḥmad al-cIrāqi, Abu al-Faraj
Muḥammad b. Maḥmud al-Qizwīni, and Muḥammad al-Warrāq (Tadrib al-Rawi al-
Ṣuyūṭi 1994, 2:132; al-SḤajari al-Ima' 2007, 7:73; Jarrar al-Aghrab by al-Nasā’i
2007, 6:44; Miscid al-Sacdani 1997:35; Fath al-Sakhawi 1992, 3:51).

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Among those ḥadīth scholars who held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in the mosque
of Jerusalem was Naṣr b. Ibrāhīm al-Nābulsī (Jarrar Fawa'id Tammam 2007, 4:282).

The ḥadīth scholar cĀṣim b. cAli b. cĀṣim held his ḥadīth dictation sessions
in al-Raṣafah grand mosque in Baghdād and his audience was estimated at
120,000 people including both students and non-students, such as ordinary
people, government employees, cabinet members, and dignitaries (al-
Samcani 1993, 1:155-156). The ḥadīth scholars Abu Bakr Yūsuf b. Yacqūb
al-Bahlul al-Azraq, Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. cUbaid, and Abu cUmar Ḥamzah
b. al-Qāsim al-Hashimi also held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in al-
Raṣafah grand mosque in Baghdād. See Makdisi (1990, p 215), while al-
Ḥusain b. Muḥammad b. Ḥamdūn held his ḥadīth dictation sessions in
Jarjaraya's grand mosque in 297/ (Jarrar Āmālī al-SḤajari 2007, 6:382).

Theḥadīth scholar al-Khatalli al-Sukkari cAli b. cUmar al-Ḥarbi (d. 386/) held his
ḥadīth dictation sessions in the al-Manṣūr grand mosque in Baghdād146 The
ḥadīth scholars Abu al-cA' Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl and Abu cAli al-
Ḥasan b. Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm al-Labbad al-Warrāq held their sessions in
Aṣbahān grand mosque (al-Samcani 1993, 1:608; Jarrar Āmālī al-SḤajari 2007,
5:498; Jarrar Āmālī al-SḤajari 2007, 2:228), and the ḥadīth scholar Muḥammad
b. Muḥammad b. Ghāzi al-Ḥalabi (d. 890/) held his in the al-Mu'aiyadi grand
mosque (Āmālī al-Ḥurfi edited by Muḥammad al-Shehhri 2007: 186 ).

146Āmālī al-Sukkari, a manuscript in the al-Asad National Library (formerly al-

Ẓāhiriyyah Library), within a group of other manuscripts (number 55, General
3791, Qāf 175-180).

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 6.9.1.2. Small Mosques
Small mosques are usually the local ones near the ḥadīth scholar's house. Among the
ḥadīth scholars who held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in their local small mosques
were Abu cAli al-Ḥasan b. Shadhan al-Bazzāz, Abu al-Ḥasan cAli b. Muḥammad .
al-Qāsim, Aḥmad b. Sahl b. al-Fairazan al-Ashtani, al-Ḥasan Baqiyyah b. cAbd
Allāh b. Muḥammad al-Zahid, and Abu al-Qāsim cAli b. al-Ḥasan known as Ibn
Abu cUthmān al-Daqqāq (Jarrar 2007, 1:226; Jarrar 2007, 2:558; al-Ima' 2007, 3:85;
Jarrar 2007, 4:413; Jarrar 2007, 6:429). see Makdisi (1990, 215).

6.9.1.3. Ḥadīth Scholars' Houses

Ḥadīth scholars also used to hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions in their own homes,
such as al-Maqrizi (Kitab al-Khutat 1998, 2:144). It is worthwhile noting that one of
the major reasons that made ḥadīth scholars hold their ḥadīth dictation sessions at
home was the oppressive rulers who silenced some ḥadīth scholars (Madelung2011,
3:655). An example of this case was Imām al-Zinjani Abu al-Qāsim Sacad b. cAli b.
al-Ḥusain, the Imām of the holy mosque of Makkah (al-Dhahabi 1955, 3:1175-1176,
Ibn al-Jawzi 1985 , 8:320, and al-Dhahabi 18:387). Generally speaking, ḥadīth
scholars used to discuss ḥadīth in their own homes but when the number of people
increased, the session used to extend to the garden and outside yard, as was the case
with the ḥadīth dictation sessions held by Muḥammad b. Rafic al-Qushairi (d. 245/)
who used to teach ḥadīth while sitting under the tree in his garden, and leaning
against it (al-Samcani 1993, 2:531).

Members of the ḥadīth scholar's family also used to take part in the ḥadīth dictation
sessions held at home and some of them even wrote ḥadīth books on the sessions
given by their father, as for example cAbd al-Raḥmān, the son of the ḥadīth scholar
Abu Zarcah al-Razi (d. 268/) (al-Dhahabi 1992, 13:215). This also applies to the
family of the ḥadīth scholar Abu Muḥammad Sulaimān b. Mahran al-Acmash (d.
148/) (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 12:89-90).

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Other ḥadīth scholars who held their ḥadīth dictation sessions at home were al-
Ḥusain b. Ismācīl b. Muḥammad (d. 330/) (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 8:19), Abu Isḥāq Ibrāhīm
b. Ṭallḥah b. Ibrāhīm (Jarrar 2007, 3:251), al-Ḥasan b. Shabab Abu cAli (Ṣabri
Āmālī Ibn Samcun 2002:291), and Ismācīl b. Muḥammad b. al-Faḍl who held his
ḥadīth dictation sessions in his house in Aṣbahān (al-Samcani 1993, 2:399).

6.9.1.4. Roads
Ḥadīth dictation sessions also took place on roads and in wide streets to
accommodate the large number of those attending, and since the ḥadīth dictation
session did not last more than 2-3 hours, no inconvenience was caused to people and
businesses. Among the ḥadīth scholars who held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in
roads and wide streets were Abu Bakr Jacfar b. Muḥammad al-Faryabi in al-Kūfah
(al-Samcani 1993, 1:195) and Abu Isḥāq Ibrāhīm b. cAli al-Hajimi (al-Samcani 1993,
1:160; al-Khaṭīb 1994, 2:53).

6.9.1.5. Squares and Public Places

Squares and public places were also made use of by ḥadīth scholars to deliver their
ḥadīth dictation sessions to the general public and to ḥadīth students. Among those
scholars who held their ḥadīth dictation sessions in public places and squares were
Abu Muslim al-Kajji (d. 292/) (al-Khaṭīb 1992, 2:60) and Jacfar b. Muḥammad al-
Faryabi (d. 301/) (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 7:202).

6.9.1.6. Rulers' Courts and Palaces

Caliphs, governors and other rulers also showed an interest in learning ḥadīth. Thus,
they invited ḥadīth scholars to their courts and palaces to teach ḥadīth to whoever
worked in the palaces and courts, including the ruler himself as well as the
dignitaries of the city (Ibn cAbd al-Birr 1992:108; Ibn al-Athīr 1997, 1:151; Ibn
Ḥajar 1968, 1:71).

Abu Naṣr al-Ghāzi, for instance, held ḥadīth dictation sessions in the palace of the
Minister Abu al-Qāsim in Aṣbahān (al-Samcani 1993, 2:401; Manuscript in al-Asad

240
National Library, number 1178). Ḥaiyān b. Bishir was a ḥadīth scholar but was also
the Jurist of Baghdād and Aṣbahān. He held ḥadīth dictation sessions in his palace
for dignitaries and all the people working with him (al-Samcani 1993, 2:435). One of
the most famous ḥadīth scholars who taught ḥadīth to rulers in their palaces was
Anas b. Mālik (d. 93/) who taught ḥadīth in the Iraqi province of Wasit in the palace
of the governor of Iraq (al-Khaṭīb 1997, 8:259).

Also, some rulers were themselves ḥadīth scholars and held ḥadīth dictation
sessions. An example is the Abbāsid Caliph al-Ma'mun (al-Samcani 1993:162-163).
There is no doubt that the Caliph defended the practice of this technique and this
drew the attention of people around him to his power and leadership.

6.9.1.7. Ṣufi Lodges (al-khanqāh)

Ḥadīth dictation sessions were also held in the Ṣufi places of worship, called al-
khanqāh. For instance, the ḥadīth scholar Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Raḥmān al-
Sakhawi (d. 902/) held his ḥadīth dictation sessions in a Ṣufi lodge called Khanqat
Sacid al-Sucada', in Cairo (al-Maqrizi kitab al-Khutat 1998, 2:144; the Manuscript in
al-Asad National Library, number 3761/Tā’/14). The ḥadīth scholar Abu Isḥāq
Ibrāhīm b. Khalaf b. Manṣūr al-Ghassani al-Sanhuri also held ḥadīth dictation
sessions in Khanqat Sacid al-Sucada' in Cairo (Manuscript in al-Asad National
Library, number 3761/Tā’/14). In Alexandria, the Sufi place of worship was called
al-Madrasah al-cAdiliyyah, and was where the ḥadīth scholar Abu Ṭāhir Aḥmad b.
Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm al-Salafi al-Aṣbahāni held his ḥadīth dictation sessions (Ibn
Khalkan 1968, 1:105).

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7. Chapter Seven: The Ḥadīth Student's Learning Aids

7.1. Introduction

This chapter deals with the relationship between the ḥadīth student and the tools
required for the ḥadīth dictation sessions. It provides a discussion of paper as the
most important requirement in the recording of ḥadīth, and thus the paper industry is
explained in detail. The factors that damaged manuscripts, such as moisture, heat,
dust and sweat, are also discussed. The chapter also accounts for other learning tools
used by ḥadīth students and traditionists (al-muḥaddithūn) such as the pen, the
eraser and ink. The relationship between paper, ink and calligraphy, and the quality
of typeface and that of the pen used in writing are also discussed in detail, as well as
how these would affect the recordingf ḥadīth, its text (matn), chain of narration, and
the serious recurrent problems of semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf) and distortion
of the syntactic structure (taḥrīf). This chapter also provides details on the rules of
writing during the recording of ḥadīth by ḥadīth students.

7.2. The Paper Industry

The expansion of the Islamic conquests towards the East led Muslim conquerors to
reach as far as the borders of China, which was the furthest eastern point at that
time. In one of the battles in the summer of 751 AC, the Muslims took as captives a
group of Chinese who were experts in the paper industry. With their support, the
first paper factory was built in the City of Samarkand which after a short period of
time became famed for paper production. Soon afterwards, the paper industry
moved to Baghdād which was the greatest Islamic city at that time, with Al-Faḍl b.
Yaḥyā al-Barmaki, the Minister of the Caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd, founding the first
paper mill in Baghdād in 793. The use of paper spread fast, especially with the
Caliph issuing an order for people to write only on paper. The publication of Sobh
al-cIsha fi Sinacat al-Insha' (al-Qalqashandi 1922, 2:475) had a major impact on the

242
use of paper in writing. Afterwards, the paper industry spread from Baghdād to
Damascus, Tripoli, Yemen, Egypt, Morocco, and Spain (the Andalus), with the first
paper mills established in Egypt around 900 AC, in Marrakech about 1100 AC, the
Andalus around 1150 AC in the city of Shāṭibah (Xatiba), from where it then moved
to the city of Toledo in the 12th century.

Thus the paper industry became widespread in most Islamic countries. For example,
in Morocco alone, there were 400 paper-producing factories in the year 1200. The
flourishing movement of writing, literary scholarship and translation, as well as the
large number of schools, the wide interest in science, and the increasing number of
students had a major influence on the booming paper industry, and the ensuing
increased consumption of paper, to the extent that paper became the most popular
and plentiful product in the Muslim world. For instance, Egypt "was producing its
own share of paper which was so abundant that shop keepers in Cairo were using it
to wrap the vegetables and spices" (Korkis cAwad 1948, 13/357). It is worthwhile
noting that the Muslims produced paper from different materials such as cotton, rice
husks, leaves, berries and linen.

These developments took place at a time when Europe was going through a period
of intellectual stagnation. "What the Europeans may have seen then did not even
exceed a small rotten piece brought by one of the traders from the Orient, by way of
being witty. Paper was not very popular in Europe due to the small number of
people familiar with books. The paper industry did not come into existence in
Europe until the end of the 13th century AD. It was established in Italy in 1276"
(Seigand 1958: 80).

7.3. The Writing Tools Used in Ḥadīth Dictation Sessions

The development that took place in the paper sessions (majālis al-waraq) was
reflected in the writing styles and tools during different periods of time. This section

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will provide a definition of the most important writing tools in addition to the most
important rules of writing.

The value of paper for the ḥadīth students who attended ḥadīth dictation sessions is
evident. The scholarship process would not materialise unless an author used a pen,
ink and paper. The ink and paper had a prominent role in maintaining the quality and
soundness of the ḥadīth, its chain of narration, its content, and most importantly, the
quality of the manuscripts of the ḥadīth dictation sessions. The quality of the ink
rendered writing clearer and more resistant to natural factors such as humidity which
was not always felt.

7.3.1. Factors Affecting Paper

These factors include the following:

(i) Moisture:

I will not forget the incident that happened to me during my stay in a house in the
northern region of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I bought several books in this city
which was small and so high in altitude that temperatures used to take a dip during
the summer. I once left a small bird-hunting gun exposed and did not cover it with
anything. After nearly ten months, I found some rust on the gun similar to that on
iron; thus, I sought the advice of some of my friends about it and they informed me
that it was due to the moisture in the air. I realised then that if moisture can affect
iron, a strong material, it certainly does so with paper.

(ii) Sweat:Among the other things affecting paper is sweat, as a result of holding on
to paper with the hand. The manuscript can also be affected by sweat coming
off the reader’s forehead if he/she was in a humid place or during the summer
because of the extreme heat which makes humans sweat.
(iii) Heat:Among other factors affecting the manuscripts is heat, which may cause
the ink to become blurred, particularly if there is much of it on the paper. There
are many types of paper:
(a) soggy paper: This is where the ink percolates and the paper becomes heavy
because of the absorbed ink.
(b) tough paper: This is a kind of paper which does not absorb ink and has a tough
material.

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 (c) poor quality paper: This is where the ink can spread all over the paper
because it is of poor quality and the ink does not hold to one place. Because
of this, characters may overlap and this can spoil the whole manuscript.
Also, the writing becomes blurred with letters from the alphabet being mixed
up with each other, such as the letter sin) with the letter sād, and the letter tā̛
with the letter kāf, etc. As a consequence, the word may lend itself to several
interpretations and readings, which paves the way for taṣḥīf(semantic
misrepresentation) and taḥrīf(distortion of the syntactic structure). Thus, the
meaning can lost altogether
(d) Dust:Dust has damaged many manuscripts from ḥadīth dictation sessions. I
have witnessed the effect of dust on manuscripts during my visits to
international libraries. Dust can also affect the paper and ink as well
therefore the clarity of the calligraphy and damage quickly
(e) Light:Light can affect the ink, and therefore the clarity of the calligraphy by
causing the ink to fade in colour and be come illegible. It can also affect the
paper of the manuscript, causing it to become so dry over the years that it
will eventually fall to pieces.

Despite these challenges, there are some classical manuscripts from ḥadīth
dictation sessions which have been able to withstand the effects of heat, moisture,
light, and dust and have managed to maintain their conspicuous calligraphy. This is
largely attributed to the quality of the ink and paper used in these manuscripts.

7.4. Paper, Ink and Calligraphy

The traditionists (al-muḥaddithūn) took extra care when choosing the quality of their
ink and writing paper in an attempt to achieve the following goals:

(i) preserve the ḥadīth,

(ii) avoid taṣḥīf(semantic misrepresentation),
(iii) avoid taḥrīf(distortion of the syntactic structure), and
(iv) enable the reader to enjoy reading the manuscript.

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According to al-Khaṭīb, "it is preferable to use a bright ink and clear paper" (ḳirṭās –
writing-material). This is narrated by cAli b. Abu cAli al-Baṣri, Mohammad b. cAbd
allāh b. Moṭṭalib al-Kufi, and Abu Sacad Dawūd b. al-Haytham in Anbar (Iraq) on
the authority of al-Mubarrad who said: "I saw al-Jahiz smile whilst writing. Upon
asking him why so, he replied: ‘If the paper is of poor quality, if the ink quality is
not so pure, if the pen is not well-prepared, and the heart is preoccupied with
worldly affairs, then we expect the scholarly product to be of poor quality" (al-
Khaṭīb, 1994, 1:187-188). It is worth noting that al-Jāḥiẓ was a reputable scholar in
language and literature, and was also known for his writing and reading effort, so
much so that he is reported to have been killed after a large number of books in his
personal library fell on him. Explaining the above quotation of al-Jāḥiẓ, this scholar
advised the writers about the following:

(i) that the paper should be clear, namely, one smooth piece of writing
material, so that the pen would smoothly move across without scratching
or scraping it.
(ii) that the ink should be so pure, black and shiny that it should glow, due to
its concentration,
(iii) that the ink should not be diluted,
(iv) that the pen should be made from an appropriate material, prepared
beforehand, and wellsharpened.

Similarly, al-Jāḥiẓ advised authors about the following:

(i) that their mind should be carefree; in other words, free from any of life's
concerns, preoccupations or burdens that would otherwise occasionally
blur their focus and cripple the writer’s stream of thinking,
(ii) that their mind should be free from as many problems and
responsibilities as possible, so that their scholarship could be creative and
well-focused.

Traditionists and writers were keen to promote calligraphy and they discussed in
their gatherings the major role calligraphy could play in making the readers either
admire or loathe the book. High quality calligraphy, therefore, has a psychological
impact on the reader; it helps him/her to dedicate more time for reading; it

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encourages the reader to obtain the most benefit from the book, as opposed to poor
quality calligraphy, which discourages readers from any attempt to read on, and
makes them feel bored and displeased with the book.

According to al-Honaini, as reported by al-Samcani, Aḥmad b. Salamah al-Naisābūri

and Muslim b. al-Ḥajjaj (al-Samcani 1993, 2:459), "Three things are not
indispensable for the traditionists, namely; speed when walking, speed when eating,
and speed when writing." As such, they were engaged in a race against time and
strove hard in their lifetime to gain as much as they could from this interesting and
thoroughly beneficial type of knowledge. Drawing on some personal experience
while working on manuscripts, and as a result of following up the calligraphy of
many author-scholars, it has become apparent to me that the authors who published
several books developed low quality calligraphy. An example is Imām Yūsuf b.Ḥ-
asanb. cAbdul Hadi al-Dimishqi, al-Makdisi al-Ḥanbali (died in 902 AH/1496),
whose calligraphy still marks many of the manuscripts in the al-Ẓāhirīyyah Library
in Damascus (known today as the al-Asad Library).

Though Jalāl al-Dīn Ṣuyuṭi and many others have also left behind a wide range of
books and countless research, their calligraphy also exhibited such a low quality that
it was difficult to verify the manuscript of Yūsuf b. Ḥasan known as Ibn al-Hadi.
This is due to the speed and urgency with which this research material had to be
copied by these scholars so as not to leave out anything while writing. One way of
doing this was to select a student with a distinguished handwriting, which brings to
the fore the issue of whether good handwriting is a talent that can be passed on by
parents and grandparents, or an acquired skill as a result of learning and practising
the skill of calligraphy.

Indeed, a large number of renowned calligraphers have been identified as inheriting

this profession from their parents and proven equally skilled and occasionally even
outperforming them. What is more, people’s handwriting gradually develops with
time, and there is no doubt that those who attend calligraphy training courses benefit
most in terms of improving their skills in calligraphy, unlike those who inherit the
ability to do wonders with their handwriting and thus are not in need to brush up
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these inherent skills with additional courses. Interestingly, inheriting the art of
calligraphy is often associated with large families. For example, within some
families renowned for their knowledge and virtue, one might encounter a family
known for high quality calligraphy, while another might frequently display a
contrary writing behaviour with low quality calligraphy. This is a general feature of
these families and has been widely witnessed by those closely related to the field.

7.4.1. Features of Appropriate Calligraphy

Calligraphy has to fulfil certain conditions and guidelines for it to be regarded as an
art. For example, there has to be a certain degree of workmanship and a meticulous
attention paid to each character when writing, as well as the size and style of the
written items, and so on. One of the requirements is to write the text in a medium-
sized and clear style as small lettering might make it difficult to discern the words or
characters, or cause them to become muddled with each other. As such, it is
important to take into account the size of the characters used, as the larger it is, the
more the characters and words become visible and discernible.

In fact, one of the problems faced by the traditionists (al-muḥaddithūn) has been the
miniature size of the characters used, which causes confusion when reading. Ḥanbal
b. Isḥāq (al-Khaṭīb 1994:190-191) reported that Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, upon seeing him
using small lettering, advised him against doing so, as it would make it unintelligible
in the future when it would be most needed. In so doing, when reaching the review
stage of the writing process, the writer would undoubtedly leave out crucial parts
and valuable information due to the poor quality of the style and the miniature
lettering. In the past, the majority of traditionists allowed the use of small-sized
characters under one condition only, namely when paper was in short supply. In
addition, paper was far from affordable for a large sector of society. Widespread as
it is nowadays, paper was then like gold dust for many impoverished teachers and
students, who found it extremely difficult to obtain their own supply. When
travelling, students used to carry light ink and write with very small characters so
that the books would not become an extra hindrance when carried with other travel
kits. According to al-Khaṭīb (1994:190-191), "a student should not use small
248
lettering except in certain circumstances, such as when unable to afford paper or
while travelling in order to lighten one’s load. In fact, most travellers meet these two
requirements."

It is also widely held that travellers tended to include a large number of ḥadīth
students, which can be considered as a major achievement for students at that time.
However, these knowledge seekers would have to make concessions by reducing the
physical load in order to make it a comfortable and peaceful experience for
themselves and their means of transport (such as camel or horse) for the duration of
their journey. As stated by Imām al-Samcani on the authority of Abu Zakariyyah
Yazīd b. Muhammed b. Ayās al-Azdi (1993, 2:585), "upon the arrival of cAli Ibn
Ḥarb Ṭāi to Mucataz, the latter wrote something using his own calligraphic style
with tiny lettering. Ali told Mucataz that his calligraphy resembled that of the ḥadīth
scholars, to which Mucataz laughed in reply." It is also stated by al-Samcani (1993,
2:586 and al-Sakhawi (1992, 2:169), who reported on the authority of Ismācīl b.
Ṭāhir Nasafi, that "students of ḥadīth and other subjects are often asked for the
reason behind their tightfistedness, which they would ascribe to the lack of paper
and the load on their necks (when travelling)" (al-Fairuzābādī1951, 2:393: see the
section on qarmata in this dictionary).

7.4.2. The Quality and Perfection of the Handwriting Style

The quality and meticulousness of inscription increase the clarity and

intelligibility of the written content and leave no room for weakness and semantic
misrepresentation (taṣḥīf). Therefore, the traditionists have not been in favour of
mashq (writing very fast that leads to "scratching off " the paper) in writing and
condemned it for the effects it can have on the general quality of the handwriting,
such as the loss of calligraphic tracings and the potential of its exposure to several
readings, even leading to the loss of the original meaning. According to Ibn Manzur
(1900, 10:344), a scratched-off pen is one that scribbles wildly and goes fast on a
paper. Therefore, to "scratch off" is to write in a rushed manner. Such a pen is also
used for stabbing, hitting, eating food, as well as for writing.

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According to cUmar b. al-Khaṭṭab, the worst part of writing is mashq and the worst
part of reading is hathramah (reading very fast with no focus) (Ibn Kathīr 1977,
5:256) while the finest handwriting style is the one that is clearly presented (al-
Khaṭīb 1994, 1:191). As cUmar b. al-Khaṭṭab has identified, it can be noticed that the
most serious issue in relation to writing lies in being hasty, as with reading, where
speech becomes unintelligible and meaning is lost as a result. On the other hand, the
finest writing is the one that shows clear and intelligible characters, which are well
formed, as ample time is taken to do so. This helps in the smooth process of
unscrambling the words and phrases embedded in the written content.

Another good example of how writing should be taken as a slow-paced meticulous

process is that of cAli b. Abī Ṭālib, who ordered his writer Ibn Abī Rāfic to pay
particular attention to how he should use a pen, and to highlight those special
features of the characters used in the Arabic alphabet (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:191-192).

Using well-maintained and high quality pens also plays a major role in the clarity of
the handwriting.

The distinctive characteristics of the alphabet letters ascribe to each single

character a musical intonation. For example, the letternūn‫ ﻥن‬can have a musical
impact when inscribed or engraved, and this musicality can even be enhanced with
the concluding placement of a dot over the letter shape, with the diacritics
(vowelling) used to denote the focus on the represented sound. Another example is
that of the letter kha'‫ ﺥخ‬which has a sound similar to rippling water. An Arabic
consonant letter like the letterṣād‫ﺹص‬can give the impression of a fortified shape,
clearly shown in the large representation of the letter in writing. Even the letter
c
ain‫ﻉع‬, which is shaped like an eye (cain) in Arabic, is also translated as ‘eye’ with
the open gap at the top of the graph as a logical representation or shape. With the
letterkāf‫ﻙك‬, it is important to split it open to leave a space for the hamzah vowel
sound (‫)ء‬. This subtle description, given by the fourth Caliph cAli b. AbīṬālib,
emphasises the need to give each letter due attention in writing and to make it
clearly distinguishable from other letters, as required by the Arabic language.

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Among the most important factors helping the traditionist to perfect or enhance the
quality of the script and to better present the final product is his choice of tools and
materials; mainly a well-fashioned pen. The next section gives an overview of the
most important writing tools used in ḥadīth dictation sessions (majālis al-imla'). In
addition, it provides an outline of the most essential materials used in writing and
whatever was deemed of use in the ḥadīth dictation sessions or the texts which
included some specific tools to be clarified to the reader and those interested in
ḥadīth dictation sessions.However, a number of questions need to be raised in this
respect; in particular it is worth investigating how significant the role of writing
tools was in terms of influencing the writing process. It is also important to identify
whether the performance of these tools was the same or different from one script to
another. In other words, were there well-fashioned and ill-fashioned tools, or were
they similar at all times?

To a large extent, it can be said that writing tools play a significant role in
the presentation aspect of writing, as they make it possible for readers to make out a
discernible script.As for whether these tools themselves perform in a similar fashion,
it can bestated that it is not the case. The reason for this is thatthroughout
history,tools have often been elaborately prepared and decorated and even at times
made of precious materials before engaging in such activity. The pens have been
fashioned from reeds because of the flexibility of these plants. Initially, after
harvesting and drying the hollow reeds, a tip is then cut to the shape, width and
angle required by the writer so as to be the best match for the specific script to be
used. It is often thought that the pen is the calligrapher’s sword; indeed, the
sharpness of a good pen is what makes the script look neater and perfect in its
execution, just like a sharp sword. Therefore, the better shaped and cut a pen’s nib
is, the more clearly readable and artful the script is. In contrast, a poorly cut pen
reduces the quality of writing and makes a calligrapher’s job more difficult, as do
low quality ink (particularly lack of brightness) and paper with poor saturation.

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 7.4.3. Calligraphers’ Equipment
7.4.3.1. A pen (qalam)

Using wellmaintained and high quality pens also plays a major role in the clarity of
the handwriting. A pen can be defined as a tool used for the purpose of writing.
According to Ibn Ḥajar (al-Iṣāba fi Tamyīz al Ṣaḥābah (Ibn Ḥajar 1910, 3:512-
513), the poet Ibn al-cArabi, cAbbās b. Mirdās al-Salami (died around 81 AH)
used to chant:

Whenever I approached her to exchange some words,

Words she never exchanged with me,

So a message I secretly sent her with a man,

He knew nothing of what was traced with my pen

‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﯾﺪﺭر ﻣﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻴﯿﻬﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻗﺎﻟﻴﯿﻢ‬

The name given to the word ‘pen’ in Arabic is quite symbolic, as it virtually refers
to the act of cutting and to a 'reed'; it can also refer to other objects made from reeds,
such as fishing cane, sticks or bamboo. In fact, a cane is also referred to as a pen, as
it is cut from a reed. As reported by Ibn al-cArabi, cAbbas b. Mirdas al-Salami, each
cane which can be cut, whose nib can be sharpened, and which leaves a trace, is a
pen (al-Baghdādi 1973: 49; Ibn Qutaibah 1989: 13).

c
AbdĀllāh Bin Ḥansh Al-Awdi stated he had seen the muḥaddithūn write on their
palms with the tips of reeds (al-Dārmi 1931, 1:128), while Sohail Qāsha (Sohail
1980, 13) reported that to write using this, the pen’s nib should be dipped into the
inkwell, and then the ink is used for writing. According to KorkiscUwad (1946:95),

252
in their writings, Arab calligraphers used reeds, and this remained the prevalent
custom amongst them for approximately forty years. These were then replaced by
feather pens (Korkis cUwad1946:98).Carved from a dry bamboo stalk, the reed pen
has remained the primary instrument for senior calligraphers up until the present
time as it is easy to use and is fashioned by writers who can cut it into the shape,
width and angle they specifically require, as opposed to the factorymade feather,
which though well-maintained andsharpened, is too stiff in the hand and therefore
cannot meet the calligraphic requirements and criteria in a satisfactory manner (al-
Kurdi 1939:98).

Thus the pen, in the primitive sense of the word, was the only available tool for the
traditionists (muḥaddithūn) when writing the ḥadīth. However, the quality of the
pens used varied according to the material from which they were made and the
method of their manufacture. The pen was manufactured locally according to the
requirements set out by the traditionists and their intended script. In addition, the
traditionists stipulated that students of ḥadīth should make the appropriate decision
when it came to selecting a pen that would enable them to write well, being
malleable and flexible in the hands of the writer, otherwise it would be stiff and
prevent the writer from writing smoothly and uninterruptedly.

According to al-Khaṭīb, a traditionist’s pen had not to be stiff, as any stiffness could
prevent the pen from gliding smoothly across the paper. It also had not to be ragged
and loose, otherwise it would go flat; and finally, it had to be made from well-
moistened cane (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:185; al-Samcānī 1993, 2:564).

Interestingly, a good pen had to have three characteristics; first, it had to be smooth,
with no lumps or impurities, since a rough pen could be too difficult for its user to
handle. The second feature was the pen’s hole, as it needed to have a wide gap for
ease of use and flexibility. Finally, the third aspect related to lengthening the slit,
which was the part to be used for writing, to make it easy to dip into the inkwell. To
avoid smudging the pen with ink and breaking the tip of the nib, the writer had to

253
make an oblique cut for the point of the reed pen; thus make the writing activity
much easier and smoother.

In fact, there were some factors which contributed to letters occasionally either
appearing similar to others or being jumbled up, and this could wipe out any
physical trace of the letters and lead to semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf) during
the reading process. These factors included the very nature of the pen being left
unchanged, being locally produced or being different in terms of thinness or
thickness, mode of use, and ink quantity used.

In preserving the Prophetic ḥadīth and the chain of narration, which represents the
key to the validity and authenticity of the prophetic text, the traditionists therefore
paid meticulous attention to their writing tools, and warned against the dangers of
slipping into semantic misrepresentation. As such, they recommended careful
selection choosing the right material to avoid blunders, and also good maintenance,
taking care of these tools.

A good example of how a pen should be used is provided by Ibrāhīm b. cAbbās, who
was reported by Ibn Qutaibah to have told one of his students: ‘Let your pen be solid
yet at the same time a compromise between thin and thick, and do not sharpen it’
(Ibn Qutaibah 1989:14). Ibrāhīm b. cAbbās also advised his students not to write
with a bent pen or a nib that was not flat. When the Persian and Bahri pens were in
short supply, students were also advised to choose brownish pens if they had to
write with the Nabaṭi (Arabic styile) ones. A special knife also had to be used that
was solely for the purpose of carving one’s pen, the point of which had to be sharper
than a blade. It was also important to keep the pen under close scrutiny by ensuring
it was well maintained at all time (ibid:15). On the other hand, the harder or more
mature the bamboo, the fewer problems would arise once the pen was carved, and
the straighter the line would look. Finally, lettering had to be given equal weight
with reading; hence, just as the finest reading was the one that was most intelligible,
so too the finest script was one that was most discernible (al-Khaṭīb, 1994, 1:186).

254
 7.4.3.2. An inkpot (dawat)
According to al-Fairuzabadi (1951, 4:168), an inkpot is a container or a bowl used
for storing ink. The pen is normally dipped into the ink to soak, and then used to
write. In addition, this inkpot can be used for a feather and/or a pen to absorb ink or
just be stored away. Thus, the initial important kit for a writer is his/her inkwell and
pen. As famously reported, "an inkwell does one third of the job, a pen does the
next, and the hand the remaining third" (al-Baghdādi 1973:48).

The dawat (inkpot) is also mentioned in Ibn Manẓur's Lisān al-cArab (Arabic
Dictionary) as the place where ink is stored. In traditional Arabic poetry, an inkwell
is often compared to a deserted house, in the way ink leaves its dwelling to live on
paper, while a non-returning resident of a house is controversially shown to
resemble an ink that fades or disappears into the paper upon leaving an inkwell (al-
Baghdādi1973:48). Notably, during the pre-Islamic period (Jāhiliyya), the inkwell
was seen as a wellpraised symbol or a token. It is metaphorically derived from dawa'
(medicine); thus it can be said that it aimed to correct (literally, to heal the illnesses
of) the writer’s methods of writing (al-Zubaidi 2002).147

The inkwell was also mentioned in the poetry of early Muslims, with cAdī Ibn Ar-
Reigāc,(died around 95 AH/713) comparing a baby deer’s horn tip to "a needle
as pointed as a pen hitting an inkwell" (Maḥmud Muḥammad Shakir: he
explains this (al-Jumaḥī 2001 , 2:707).

In addition, inkwells were mentioned in some of the quotes of the Companions and
the Tābicīn (Student of the Companions). For example, Abu Sarħid Al-Khouthari
narrated: "I saw a vision in my dream of myself writing surah ṣād (Q38), but when I

147See section on dawa' in al-Zubaidi's Tāj al-cArūs Arabic Dictionary (2002).

255
reached prostration (sajdah), I saw the inkwell, pen, and all the other stuff around
me performing prostration. I told the Messenger of Allāh, and he had never ceased
to prostrate in that Qur'anic surah" ( Aḥmad 1969, 10:260 and 245, number 11680).
As shown, there is an explicit association between the inkwell and the pen in this
narration, proving that this term ‘inkwell’ (midwat) dates well back to ancient times
when standard Arabic was the norm.

Unlike a sword, which is symbolic of authority and power, a pen signifies

knowledge and is regarded as its first tool or weapon. It is worth investigating,
though, which of the two is more important and to be prioritised. According to Imām
al-Samcani (1993, 2:568), most people prioritise and prefer the pen to the sword.
This viewpoint is arguably more convincing and can be supported in the story
reported by the same narrator. Al-Samcani (1993, 2:568) citing Muḥammad b. Jacfar
al-Danuri, stated that some Greek kings had for long argued that matters in life and
faith are under the influence of two things; namely, a sword and a pen, with the
former giving way to the latter. In this way, a sword can but yield to the power of
the pen, as the latter represents knowledge which in turn is responsible for
developing swords. A sword is the language of power and physical might, but may
still fall behind to the unparalleled and sublime force of the pen al-Samcani (1993,
2:568). Makdisi referred to the lesson of the elements of the practical inkwell
shortly. Makdisi (1990, 213)

7.4.3.3. Ink (ḥibr)

Traditionally, midādreferred not only to the ink which is poured into an inkwell, but
also to any kind of refill (Abu Ḥaiyān 1993 7:233; al-Rāzi 1981 21:177). Another
figurative meaning is clearly shown in Allāh’s verse in the Surah Al-Kaḥf (Q18:109
The Cave): Say: “If the ocean were ink (wherewith to write out) the words of my
Lord, sooner would the ocean be exhausted than would the words of my Lord, even
if we added another ocean like it, for its aid”.

256
As for ink (ḥibr), it was defined as ‘colour’. Hence, if someone had a brightly
coloured ink, the word ḥibr indicated its special colour, in terms of its brightness,
purity and features that distinguished it from other colours. A poetic description is
provided by Ibn al-Aḥmar, who once romanticised his beloved by giving a vivid
description of her very dark hair set in contrast to her pale skin that was so pure in
heber (colour). As also argued by al-Asmacaī, ḥibr was known as such because of its
influence. For instance, a relevant idiomatic expression is the one that says someone
has teeth with ḥibr all over them, as a result of going too yellow until they finally
turn black. Another definition of ḥibr was given by Abu al-cAbbās who ascribed the
name to the manner in which books and scripts were written and prepared (Ibn
Qutaibah 1989, 120). To support this, Al-Ṣuli (1994, 102) mentioned that the name
ḥibr was chosen as it improved the line of writing, in other words, it made the line
look neater and well-presented.

It should be noted that one of the characteristics of the ink used in those times was
its high quality, which explains why it has kept its mark for more than seven
centuries on many of the manuscripts with such degree of clarity and purity. Even
more, this clearly evidences the swift development and high sophistication of the ink
industry during those times.

7.4.3.4. A Knife (Sikīn).

The knife is a crucial tool in the cutting and carving of a reed or bamboo pen.
Traditionally, a knife served to carry out several tasks, including the slaughter of a
wide range of animals, such as cattle, camels, sheep, and birds, as well as for cutting
other food stuffs and materials such as ropes. However, knives can also be classified
as lethal weapons as they can be used insensibly and dangerously to attack, maim or
kill other people. In this study, however, the focus is on the function of a knife in
writing and the contribution it makes to the beautification of writing by being used
to carve the very tool utilised when writing. As such, the sharper the knife, the better
the impact on the end product; namely, the pen.

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Looking into the literature, the knife should be small to enable the writer to cut
easily and effectively. Nowadays, the small knife has been replaced by a sharpener
that more or less performs the same job of cutting the edges. To demonstrate that a
knife should be small, al-Khaṭīb (1994, 1:256); al-Samcani (1993, 2:571); and al-
Ṣuli (1994, 115) stated that a knife should only be used for pen sharpening, carving
and cutting purposes, and before writing, the writer needs to ensure that the blade is
very thin, sharpedged, and not rusty. Other vivid descriptions of the knife are given,
for example by al-Ḥasan Ibn Wahāb (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:256; al-Samcani, 1993,
2/571) when offering it as a present to a friend and writing to him: “I have given you
a gift; a knife sharper than sharpness”, and Mohammad b. cUbaid Allāh b. Tawbah
al-Adib (al-Khaṭīb, 1994, 1:257; al-Samcani, 1993, 2:572) who reported that as a
result of an argument between a married couple, the wife supplicated God that her
author husband be given a blunt pen, a rusty knife, a wretched paper, a glum day,
and a fast-extinguishing lamp.

7.4.3.5. An Eraser(Maḥa)
This is an essential tool in the writing process and relates very much to the ink.
According to Ibn Fāris, the very letters constituting the word maḥa (erase) in Arabic
can denote the act of leaving no trace (Ibn Manẓur1990, see section on maḥa). In
addition, al-Ṣuli asserts that the act of erasing in language indicates the total
effacement of any traces left as a result of writing, so that they are not identifiable
anymore (al-Ṣuli 1994: 129). It is also known that erasing something leaves nothing
of it in the end. A final note on this tool is in fact found in the Qur'an, "Allāh
eliminates what He wills or confirms, and with Him is the Mother of the Book"
(Thunder:39).

7.4.3.6. The Paper (qirṭās)

The paper used was a wellknown material made from the papyrus plant in Egypt.
The word used, qirṭās,can be inflected differently with consonant pointing, but
preserves the same meaning in all instances. Thus, we have qurṭas, qirṭās, qarṭas,
etc. A definition of qirṭās, which is the most accepted word form,is "a sheet of paper
suitable for writing" (Abu Ḥaiyan 1993, 4:440-441). The word qirṭāshas occurred

258
several times with this meaning in pre-Islamic poetry, as shown in the verses by
Makhsh al-cAqili:

They left their own houses

Like lines of the Psalms written on a piece of qirṭas

The poet thus described the traces and remnants of the house as if they were
calligraphic representations of the Psalms on sheets of paper. Another explanation of
this verse is given by Muhammed al-Anbari, who stated that the houses being
deserted or left for a while resembled the lines of a book deserted for a long period
of time. Even burntout houses can denote similar imagery, with the ashes left behind
reminiscent of the blackness of the ink (al-Ḍubbi 2000: 743).

It seems that the use of qirṭās was also widespread in Sham, as the Romans used to
import it from Egypt (al-Juburi 1994: 266). Therefore, it was attributed by the
famous pre-Islamic poet Ṭarafah b. al-cAbd to al-Sham (Syria), when he wrote a
poem describing his camel:

And a face it has as white as a qirṭas from the Sham

Neat and hairless like a balm.

As shown in the poetic verse, the poet compared the camel’s cheek to a clear
untouched qirṭās before any writing had taken place. One might also suggest that the
smoothness and sleekness of the camel’s face is similar to that of the qirṭās, while
the lack of hair on the face is compared to the absence of impurities in the qirṭās
(Ibn al-Anbari 1963: 174; al-Tibrizi 1933,116; Schoeler 2006, 47). However, the
259
qirṭās may refer to papyrus here rather than the skin, because it is set in contrast to
the tanned cow’s skin (sabt); thus when he described the camel’s cheek, he
compared it to the qirṭās in terms of its purity and whiteness (al-Asad 1988: 92). It
can thus be inferred that the Arabs in the pre-Islam period and early days of Islam
had been acquiring this item through their successive trading trips to the Levant.

The qirṭās is also mentioned twice in the Qu'ran, with the first instance in Q6:7:
"Had we sent down unto thee (Muḥammad) actual writing upon parchment, so that
they could feel it with their hands, those who disbelieve would have said: This is
naught else than mere magic."

Speaking of the papyri documents found in the world today, Qāsim al-Samārra'i
confirmed that there was a large volume of papyri acquired from the time of the
Caliphates. He states that many of these documents were quite ancient, from
between the year 22 and 780 AH (al-Samrray 1983: 21). In fact, one of the most
important tools aiming at perpetuating and recording ḥadīthwas writing, which could
only take place in the presence of a writer, who had to use a pen, ink and paper to
accomplish the writing procedure. As such, paper and ink have played a prominent
role in preserving the ḥadīth, in terms of both the text and the chain of transmission,
when these were carefully chosen.

As reported by al-Mubarrad, upon seeing al-Jāḥiẓ smile while writing, he asked him
why so; then al-Jāḥiẓ replied: "If the qirṭās is not as clear, and if the ink’s quality is
not so pure, and if the pen is not well-prepared, and the heart is preoccupied; then
expect it (the writing) to be tired" (al-Khaṭīb, 1994, 2/257 and al-Samcani, 1993,
2:574). In addition, as narrated by Muḥammad Ibn Aḥmad al-Anṣari, a writer was
asked what he wished for most, and the answer was "a pen as sharp and an ink as
bright and a paper as white" (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:257 and al-Samcani, 1993, 2:575).

Similarly, according to Imām al-Samcani, a group from the righteous predecessors

(salaf) stated that they would write on animal skin, slabs, porcelain, pottery, soles
and slippers if they ran short of paper (qirṭās).Interestingly, in terms of using

260
anything other than paper, al-Samcani (1993, 2:578) reported that while tracing
ancient archaeological sites in the town where he used to live, he found some
writing on several large black rocks known as basalt stones. The writing was in
different Romanian languages, including that of the Sabaean (al-ṣabi'ah) language,
which dates back more than three thousand years, and the Asyrian language in Iraq,
as well as the parallel civilisation of the Pharaohs in Egypt. These early Egyptians
wrote in the ancient hieroglyphic language, which represented the early phases of
writing with paintings of animals, insects, birds and humans. From then on, writing
has evolved tremendously with the introduction of symbols then letters and
characters. Writing continued to develop in the Sassanian era, which was
contemporary to the pre-Islamic period of jāhilīyyah when letters started to be
written in Arabic, which was the language spoken by the inhabitant of the Arab
peninsula. In addition, witnesses have discovered writing at the time of the
Nabataeans in their capital Petra (which is also the name of their currency). While
under the Roman rule, these Arabs would go trading abroad from Yemen. However,
their writings and drawings remained firmly engraved on the rocks in such
prominence that they have remained intact to the present days. This could also be
due to the quality of the ink which has almost eternalised this writing. Even though
the history of writing is of such importance, it is not a primary concern in this study,
since the researcher is more preoccupied with the topic of what has been so far
written by students and how their works have been passed on generation after
generation.

According to al-Samcani, writing would ideally be on paper. The availability of

paper though, might pose an issue if it could not be acquired because of the high
associated costs or the inability of students to purchase the material. One of these
paper types is known as al-tirs which we would call a broadsheet (al-Fairuzabadi
1951, 2:234).

One piece of evidence for using paper to write on was accounted for by Abu
c
AbdĀllah known as Jucal. He was told by cUbaid b. cAbd al-Waḥid b. Sharik that
upon attending an overcrowded study circle, the latter felt a scribble and a scratch.

261
As he was about to leave, someone sat him down and told him that he (the other
person) was in the middle of noting down the lecture on Sharik's back, and requested
him to wait till the study circle was over (al-Fairuzabadi 1951, 2:578-579).

In terms of pinpointing the main difference between paper and qirṭās, one can safely
say that in general, no difference can be traced. However, qirṭās may refer to paper
that has been already been used or contains a writing of some sort, while paper
(kaẓidh in Arabic) refers to unused paper. This is clearly shown in the verse in Q6:7:
"Had we sent down unto thee (Muḥammad) actual writing upon parchment, so that
they could feel it with their hands, those who disbelieve would have said: This is
naught else than mere magic."

Another important material, worthy of mention, used for writing was animal skins,
which included tanned animal skins that were deemed clean and suitable for human
use in the Qur'an and according to Islamic jurisprudence. It is, therefore, forbidden
to use pig skin or dog skin, given the clear religious prohibition stated in the Qur'an.
It is also prohibited to use goat skin if the animal died as result of a disease or from
falling from a height, such as off a cliff, as opposed to being slaughtered in the
traditional method. In such case, it is not permissible to make use of its skin; hence
the prohibition is related to the manner of dying rather than the type of animal as
previously shown with pigs and dogs. One of the most popular kinds of animal skin
is riq, which is a thin skin used for writing (al-Fairuzabadi 1951, 3:244, see under
section on riq). Other materials used for writing include wooden boards and also
bones, especially the hipbone, which can be larger than other bones in animals. Also
used in the writing process are porcelain, wet or burnt clay (pottery), shoe soles, and
slippers.

7.5. Defining the Writing Rules

If these tools were attained as mentioned in the above discussion, it was then
possible for the traditionist to start writing and recording the ḥadīth in accordance
with the rules referred to and agreed upon in the literature and works of the

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traditionists. These rules were established and confirmed by the traditionists' actual
practices in ḥadīth dictation sessions and ḥadīth books. These rules involved the
following:

7.5.1. Setting the Ḥadīth in Terms of Vowelling (tashkīl) and Dotting

Consonants (icjām)
In Arabic, tashkīl means the supplementary diacritics (ḥarakat) for short vowels
(fatḥah, ḍammah, kasrah) which provide a phonetic guide for accurate
pronunciation. However, icjām refers to the dots used either on top of or under the
consonants that have the same form, in order to distinguish between them, such as
the tā’ ( ‫)ﺕت‬, the yā’ ( ‫)ﻳﯾـ‬, the ḥā’ ( ‫ )ﺣـ‬and the (khā’ (‫( )ﺧـ‬al-Ramaharmazi 1984, 608-
609).

After writing the ḥadīth and codifying it, the traditionists specified that the writer
should pay meticulous attention to the tashkīl and icjām, so as to avoid confusion
and for the reader, not to fall into semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf ) and distortion
of the syntactic structure (taḥrīf ). Therefore, it is important to ensure that the
process of icjām takes place as the lack of it often leads to the pitfalls of semantic
misrepresentation in the narrated texts or chain of reporters. A major characteristic
of the Arabic language is the way in which letters are represented. Each of these
letters represents a sound and has a typical shape. Some letters may have dots to
differentiate between them. importantly, the patterning of dots is never shared for
more than one letter.

It should be noted that semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf ) is more identifiable with

people’s names in the narrated ḥadīths. According to cAli b. Madini, most instances
of taṣḥīf occurred with names (al-cAskari 1982, 1:12). As for Abu Ishaq Ibrāhīm b.
c
Abd Allāh al-Najirmi (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:199), he stated that the first matter to be
addressed is the names of people, because proper nouns could not be corrected by
the application of qiyās (analogy) (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:199).

Over the years, the traditionists took extra care to present their works in the best
form in terms of tashkīl and icjām, especially those issues that would be hard to

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resolve. Not only were they meticulous with regard to the diacritical part of
language, but they made every endeavour to keep the language clear of semantic
misrepresentation, despite shortages of paper and the type of pens required for
writing. The issue of jumbled writing and dots lost in between the lines had to be
resolved by using conventions to achieve control and avoid confusion. These
conventions included managing the book’s footnotes, which faced the accented
character; leaving the problematic letter of the word in the margin to be vowelled or
adjusted; tracing a small character under the marginalised letter, such as the
consonant ḥā' under the ‫ ﺡح‬or a cain under the ‫ ﻉع‬and placing a glottal stop (hamzah)
under the letter to show it is being marginalised (cAiyaḍ, 1970:175; al-Suyuṭī 1994
2:72).

Additionally some of the traditionists used to resolve the issues with the tashkīl by
using common sense. This would be approximate to the correct meaning. In fact,
this was one of the most successful means to maintain the meaning as accurately as
possible. For example, the word might be matched or substituted by a counterpart
that would keep the meaning intact. As narrated by cAbdullah b. Idris Kūfī on the
authority of Shucbah who reported the ḥadīth of Abu al-Ḥawra' al-Sacdi as reported
by al-Ḥasan b. cAli, the footnote had to be used to explain that "Abu al-Ḥawra'" is
written with a ḥā’ (no dots above or underneath the Arabic letter) so that it could be
distinguished from jawza’ with a jīm, which is a completely different name (al-
Khaṭīb, 1994, 1:199). Therefore, to avoid semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf ) and
confusion with other names, the narrator’s name, Abu al-Ḥawra’, was mentioned in
the margin with reference to a similar noun (hūr) to preserve the /h/ and /r/ sounds
and not to risk distorting the original authority with other names, such as "Abu al-
Jawza’", "Abu al-Jawra’" or "Abu al-Ḥawza’". Such pitfalls could make it difficult
to identify the source narrator and could lead to a major issue of reliability and
accountability. For example, a trustworthy source could be replaced, as a result of
semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf), by a suspicious or unreliable narrator, which
could weaken the chain of transmission and lead to the reference being abandoned
altogether.

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 7.5.2. Connecting the Narrator to the Ḥadīth Scholar
Once the ḥadīth scholar had collected his ḥadīths into one volume and followed the
adjustment processes of tashkīl and icjām, another task no less important came into
perspective; namely, counterchecking the narrator with the original Sheikh, or
another narrator for the original authority. The purpose of this process was to correct
what the ḥadīth scholar could have mistakenly done while reporting the ḥadīth, in
terms of dropping, repeating or mistyping words or parts of words through the
misplacement or wrong representation of some letters. In order to avoid such errors,
the traditionist stipulated the need to link the peripheral narrator to the source
Sheikh. If this process were not to take place, the book would have no academic
value and the chain of transmission would not be generally accepted by the people
conducting the validation process.

As reported by Hisham b. cUrwah, his father asked him if he had counterchecked

what he had written, to which he replied that he had only written without
counterchecking the original source. The father’s response was that his son did not
in fact write in the most reliable way (al-Khaṭīb, 1994, 1:205; al-Khaṭīb 1989: 237;
c
Aiyaḍ 1970:160). As for al-Akhfash, he stated that "if one copies and does not
countercheck or writes without counterchecking, the writing becomes unintelligible"
(al-Khaṭīb 1989:237-238).

It should be pointed out this process of counterchecking is part of the scientific

methodology that the traditionists adopted with the purpose of preserving the
prophetic sayings and texts as well as the chain of narrators dating back to the
Prophet, may Allāh’s peace and blessings be upon him. As already shown, the
semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf) of people’s names was as sensitive an issue as
semantic misrepresentation of conversations and texts, due to the consequential
impacts in terms of authenticating the weak ḥadīths or weakening the authentic ones,
or even stopping the whole process of counterchecking.

265
The counterchecking took place when the student verified his account against his
Sheikh’s most authentic and documented text. Once he had completed doing so with
one ḥadīth, he had to leave a dot or draw a line in the circle that separates this and
the following ḥadīth, indicating that counterchecking had taken place (al-Khaṭīb,
1994, 1:202). It should be pointed out that upon the completion of one ḥadīth, a
circle was drawn, and once counterchecking had been carried out, a dot was placed
in the middle of that circle).

7.5.3. The Verification of ḥadīth (takhrīj al-hadīth)

The purpose of the counterchecking tool, as already mentioned, was for the students
of ḥadīth to identify errors and mistakes that could be committed during the writing
or listening process since “the mind could lose concentration and the heart could
lack attention, while the eye could deviate, and the pen might not be as straight”
(cAiyaḍ 1970:160).

As stated by al-Sakhawi, several sections of the ḥadīth text (matn) which had been
read out all of a sudden were exposed to semantic misrepresentation (tashif ) and
errors that were not rectified until a later stage. This could also be at odds with the
initial reading and risked misrepresenting the content if the reading did not
correspond to the intended meaning (al-Sakhawi, 1992, 2/188). Being a systematic
process within the framework of scientific documentation, takhrījcould have three
meanings, as defined by experts of ḥadīth; first, it was related to researching the
chain of narration (sanad) of the ḥadīth in the books of ḥadīth written by others,
which was not the same as the chain of narration contained in the book, and this
could be called istikhrāj (verification of ḥadīth). Second, it could be described as a
text in which the ḥadīth that moved into a writer's work was also contained in the
other works that stated the name of the constituent. Third, it could be seen as an
effort to identify the level of the chain of narration and ḥadīth narrator that was not
clarified by the writer of a book of ḥadīth. According to these ḥadīth experts, the
more additions and clarifications that were added to the original text, the more it
achieved in terms of scientific value, because it demonstrated the great care shown
through the evaluation and review of its contents.
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Imām al-Shāfici stated that if a book contained a large number of modifications and
clarifications in the footnotes, then one should take it as valid (al-Khaṭīb 1994,
1:208). Similarly, Abu Zaid al-Naḥwi would not classify a book as sound until it
"went dark" – as a result of corrections (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:207).

Therefore, the traditionists specified that clarifications or additions to the original

were to be done through the drawing of a line with the subject matter in an upward
position under the line above it; then this line curved to the point of takhrījin the
footnote in a way that referred back to it. In the footnote, the modifications are then
introduced facing the curved parentheses between the two lines, and moving upward
toward the top of the page, with the inclusion of a separate comment under
‘corrected’ or ‘true’. Others may prefer to use the expression muqabalah (matched
or matching); in other words, matching one ḥadīth text with another to verify the
correct wording of a ḥadīth, or laḥq (adding, addition) (cAiyaḍ 1970:162).

According to the above, laḥq is joining something to the original text, which should
accompany it and not to be left out at all. Based on this statement, if someone had to
add something to the original text, they had to draw a line from where the laḥq was
supposed to be. As there was no place for the added content to be written, the
traditionist had to draw a line between the words and extend it to the bottom, either
on the left or right, and if possible in the footnote, where a space was available. In
the footnote, the space could be used from right to left or left to right to fill in the
missing details. Once done, concluding remarks such as muqābalah (matched or
matching), saḥ (correct) or laḥq (adding, addition) could be added. The latter might
be seen as the most appropriate for the clarity evoked.

7.5.4. The Corrections

A traditionist (al-muḥaddith) may have to contend in his writing with some grammar
or spelling errors. Some of these errors, as previously shown, can occur with tashkīl
and icjām, causing serious issues such as semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf ) and
distortion of the syntactic structure (taḥrīf ). After scrutinising and dealing with

267
these errors, the traditionist is then allowed to write the wording ‘correct’ to confirm
the accuracy of meaning and narration, so there is no risk of the reader falling into
semantic misrepresentation or language errors upon coming across these
problematic areas.

According to Judge cAiyaḍ, writing the word ‘correct’ above the letter is there to
confirm its meaning and narration, and should not be done except for that purpose as
part of a corrective measure to resolve an issue pertaining to the matn (text)
(1970:196). It is important therefore that when reviewing the ḥadīth books the
traditionist should identify areas of concern and major debatable points, such as
names of narrators, and rectify the problem accordingly. As narrators can be
exposed to errors of judgement, mistakes, and forgetfulness, editing these errors has
to be undertaken by writing ‘correct’ above the problematic word to signify that the
issue has been resolved. However, al-Sakhawi (1992, 2/199) pointed out that
correcting is a sign that the traditionist could have been suspicious about the word
and had to investigate it until he ascertained its validity. He then wrote it to ensure
he would have no qualms about it anymore. As such, the process of correction,
which is a familiar and agreed upon term, was adopted by scholars of ḥadīth as
another means of documentation to avoid the pitfalls of semantic misrepresentation
(taṣḥīf) of the original work and those stopping to read. It is also used to overcome
the problem of distrusting the problematic word and indecision on the part of the
traditionist or others reading or reporting from this book.

7.5.5. Incomplete Text of Ḥadīth(taḍbīb) and Ailment of Ḥadīth

(tamrīḍ)
In ḥadīth studies, the expression taḍbīb refers to a ḥadīth whose narration is sound
but whose text is incomplete due to one word or more being missing due to
carelessness, summary, or weak narration of the ḥadīth. The expression tamrīḍ,
literally means "ḥadīth whose quality is ill" (mariḍ), that is, "poor". A close look at
the original works which copied or quoted the narratives of the traditionists reveals
the accuracy, judiciousness, honesty, and scholarly integrity that characterised the
work of these scholars since the first instance of reporting the ḥadīth up to its
268
recordation. In the process, they did not try to challenge what had been authenticated
but lost any meaning since the term carried by the narrator could have been
incorrectly conveyed in terms of nominal or adjectival suffixation or been exposed
to semantic misrepresentation, alteration, and deletion of a word, as well as
misplacements of words in the matn due to a deficiency in the narrator. If any of this
occurred, the student entrusted with the ḥadīth had to write it as reported without
applying any changes or modifications. The reason behind this was to ascertain the
accuracy of the narration on that ground and to avoid misinterpreting what could
initially have been correct. Instead, the student had to leave the opportunity for
others to review the problematic terms and prove their authenticity. The most
important part in the process was to write the words as they appeared and extend a
line such as the ṣād (‫)ـﺼـ‬, known as ḍabbah in ḥadīth studies as a sign indicating that
the ḥadīth narration was sound but there was a flaw in the wording of the text of the
ḥadīth.

Judge cAiyaḍ (cAiyaḍ 1970:166-168) stated that if a word was not accurate in terms
of its nominal and adjectival suffixation and statement, or when there was an
imbalance evident in the semantic misrepresentation, change or omission of a word,
that violated the true meaning, or a deletion of part of a speech that changed the
meaning altogether, either as result of a failure to memorise the text, or because of
abbreviating and explaining the core meaning using only a word or two as opposed
to preserving the entire text (known for many as al-aṭraf - the beginnings and
endings of a ḥadīth), or where a word was misplaced that could ultimately change
the meaning; then the people in charge of the treatment of these texts had to draw a
line similar to the ṣād that had to be unattached to the word so that it would not be
mistaken for ḍarb, otherwise known as ḍabba or tamrīḍ(the ṣād of correction was
written there with a long letter-form to differentiate between the letter itself and
what had been validated in form and meaning). It was, thus, an indication that the
narration was correct and sound, but the meaning was not, leaving the ḥadīth open
to more interpretations. The insertion of this line showed that there was a weakness
only as far as the text was concerned and that the narration was intact. As such, the
practice of tamrīḍwas there to indicate that the reporter had come across an

269
authentic narration needing attention of some kind, which an authority would then
render more meaningful, as we are told in the Qur'an (Yūsuf, Q12:76) “And over
every lord of knowledge there is one more knowing”. Some of the contemporary
corrections of these narrations prove the process of challenging previous accounts,
with traditionists refuting what had been deemed true and rectifying what had been
deemed wrong. In fact, those stopping on what had been noted in Mashāriq Al-
Anwār cala Ṣiḥāḥ al-Athār could testify to the validity of the above claim (cAiyaḍ
1970:166-168).

In short, the traditionists unanimously agreed that when one of them

suspected a word that was accurately reported but had lost its meaning in the
process, it was possible for them to write a /‫ـﺼـ‬/ as an indication of tamrīḍ and
taḍbīb in order to achieve a rational scientific approach. Many have actually
benefited from this scientific approach adopted by the traditionists. Among those
profiting are people involved in scientific investigation and observational work on
Arabic manuscripts. These have gone as far as to suggest that it is not permissible to
change or do anything else with the text received from the original author whose
book should be preserved as it is, and commented on only in the margins (cAiyaḍ
1970:166-168).

7.5.6. Deletion of Unwanted Content Detected in the Text of the

Muḥaddith
It has happened that sometimes a traditionist (al-muḥaddith) could write
more than the original speech or text entails. Where this was the case, he had to
cross out the unwanted words by drawing a line that had to avoid losing any of the
features of the unwanted material. The traditionists therefore advised against
drawing such a line by means of erasing or scratching, as it could lead to accusations
that the narrator intended to alter, modify, or falsify the content.

To delete the unwanted word(s), the traditionists saw the following as the
most important part of a reliable scientific approach. A traditionist had to draw a line
across the unwanted word(s). However, the line was not to completely obscure the

270
word(s) in a way that rendered them unintelligible. The word qāla (to say) would
then look something like (‫ )ﻗﺎﻝل‬in Arabic. According to some scholars, scraping was
an allegation, and the finest ḍarb was when someone ensured that the wordsat issue
were not obscured. Therefore, a thin line had to be placed across the word(s) to
indicate that they have been made redundant, but one could still read through that
line (al-Ramaharmazzi, al-Muḥaddith al-Fasil:606; cf. al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:208). As
for cAiyaḍ (1970:171), he stated that the traditionist should place a curved line from
the start of the word(s) to the end so that it can be differentiated from other words.
While some traditionists tend to keep the unwanted material between two brackets
or two half circles, as follows: [ ] / ( ), others write the word ‫( ﻻ‬no) at the beginning
and the word ‫( ﺇإﻟﻰ‬to) at the end to indicate the start and finish stages of the ḍarb
process or include the unwanted word(s) within two small circles or zeros, as
follows: (0.... 0) (cAiyaḍ 1970:171).

It is well documented that these traditionists used such symbols in order to retain the
contents of the original message unambiguous in the belief that it could be authentic
in a different story. It could also be ascribed to the fact that the narrator could have
heard the text from a different scholar or sheikh who was reported to having stated
such an ‘addition’; and if so, the traditionist was only to make a reference to that
sheikh above the ‘added’ material.

7.5.7. The Circle Separating Two Ḥadīths

In spite of the acute shortage of adequate tools, the basic writing instruments
(pens), and the nature of the ink, the traditionists (al-muḥaddithūn) had a particular
approach to the organisation of the ḥadīth material. There were three measures to be
taken:

(i) The traditionists would separate two ḥadīths by using a circle like the
capital letter "O".
(ii) Once the process of copying was completed, it was followed by the
counterchecking process whose aim was to correct the student’s own

271
 mistakes, including semantic misrepresentation (taṣḥīf), reporters’
names, and ḥadīth texts (matn).
(iii) As soon as the above two processes were completed, the traditionist
would then place a dot or a line inside the circle (O ،٬∅) to indicate that
the writer's work had been reviewed, double-checked, and his errors
corrected where relevant.

While reading a book of Abu cAbd Allāh Aḥmed Ibn Mohammed b. Ḥanbal, al-
Khaṭīb Al-Baghdādi observed that the renowned Imām had left a circle between
each couple of ḥadīths and placed a dot in the middle of some circles, while other
circles had been left blank. Similar observations were also made with regard to the
books of Ibrāhīm al-Ḥarbi and Muḥammad Ibn Jarir Ṭābari. Moreover, it was
important that these circles were closed, so that for each comment a dot or a line
could be drawn in the middle. Interestingly, some scholars would not take a book
seriously unless it contained such observational work (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:202).
However, one of the tips provided by early traditionists was to avoid wrong or
unacceptable wording such as writing cAbd (servant) at the end of the line and the
words Allāh bin fulan (God is the son of someone) at the start of the following line
when writing the noun cAbd Allāh, so that it does not appear that Allah is part of the
second combination rather than the first (God forbid), or writing cAbd on one line
and Raḥmān (All Compassionate) in another followed by Ibn (son), which has to be
avoided and taken into account by the writer (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:197). Another
unacceptable practice is to write the word rasūl (the messenger of) at the end of one
line, and start the next line with the rest of the sentence "Allah peace be upon him"
which should surely be avoided (al-Khaṭīb 1994, 1:198).

7.5.8. Recording What the Ḥadīth Student Heard

One of the most important characteristics of Islamic studies is the discipline of the
chain of narration (isnād). It was not only the ḥadīths of Muḥammad that were
transferred to us through the chain of narration (isnād), but also the ḥadīth books
which recorded these ḥadīths. Additionally, in their ḥadīth gatherings, the scholars

272
were concerned about writing the names of all those attending the ḥadīth circles and
those hearing the Sheikhs’ accounts, as well as the setting where these circles took
place and their history.

According to al-Khaṭīb, upon hearing a book read out, the student should write
above the title the names of others attending who heard it with him, and the date and
time of hearing. He could in fact write that in the footnote of the first page of the
book, as this had been the case with the majority of Sheikhs. The note ‘delivered’
also had to be left on the page. Al-Khaṭīb (1994, 1:198) gave witness that he saw a
book written by Abu cAbd Allāh Aḥmed b. Muhammed b. Ḥanbal, which he heard
from his son cAbd Allāh, and in a footnote there was a note saying: "delivered by
c
Abd Allāh".

As for the great scholar Muḥammad b. al-Wazīr, he noted that with ḥadīth books,
the scholars are mostly interested in the listening and correction procedures, and
their handwriting in these books can be seen as a living witness for those receiving it
through hearing. None of the Islamic books have truly shown such a meticulous
attention in this regard, with the scholars of ḥadīth glorifying its status, and
upholding its values, as well as stating how it had been an underpinning of Islamic
sciences and a cornerstone in religious endeavours (al-Yamani 1917, 1:16).

It is important to note that multiple ‘hearings’were considered as a type of protection

and an ongoing treatment of a ḥadīth book so that one could avoid additions,
deletions, modifications and falsifications by the party claiming to have heard or
received an ijāzah (license) in ḥadīth. For example, classical traditionists used to
write what they heard and the names of those attending every ḥadīth dictation
session; as such, those claiming to have heard when they had not because they
missed that ḥadīth circle were suspect. In case they added their name with a line
similar to that of the first hearer, it would then be referred to as "false" (al-Mucallimi
1986, 1:234).

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There were two authentic means of narrating or verifying a ḥadīth:

(i) listening to ḥadīths directly from ḥadīth scholars (al-samāc); that is,
through ḥadīth dictation sessions, and
(ii) the ḥadīth licences (al-ijāzah).

Both of the above means played an important role in exposing some narrators who
claimed to have heard what they had in fact missed out, and who narrated ḥadīths
when these narrators had not been given a ḥadīth licence in that respect. Thus, they
exposed their false identity. For example, a number of false narrators would report
under the pretence that they had heard from the original source of ḥadīth so that
people would endorse their narration. However, they would soon be exposed upon
returning to the original sources. This happened to cAbd al-Razzaq al-Jili, who did
not declare his ḥadīth license. Even Aḥmad b. Salmān al-Ḥarbi read out some
ḥadīths to him, using the ijāzah(licence) of al-Marstan. When the system of ḥadīth
license became popular and each person had to declare his license to people, cAbd
al-Razzāq al-Jili was found out as a false traditionist. His name was added in more
than a thousand volumes. Thus, his narration was invalid (al-Dhahabi 1995, 1:339-
340).

In conclusion, one can clearly observe the value of the ḥadīth dictation sessions,
their impact, and the role they played in safeguarding the Prophetic Sunnah against
alteration, distortion and semantic misrepresentation (tashif). Therefore, for those
aiming to edit a ḥadīth dictation session among the several ḥadīth dictation sessions,
they had to study the ḥadīths which had been heard directly from a ḥadīth scholar.

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 8. Research Conclusions

The method of dictation (imlā’) was considered in early Islam, and right
through to the Middle Ages, the apex of transmission in Muslim scholarly circles.
The respect – nay reverence – with which it was held had to do with the robustness
of this method, which afforded greater authenticity to the information, traditions and
sciences being conveyed via it. When the information being transmitted was as
esteemed, sacred even, as Prophetic statements, this method would really stand apart
from any other mode of transmission. The robustness being referredto here has been
described at length in this study, availing any need to repeat it here. Unfortunately
within the study of ḥadīth there has hitherto been no serious attempt to study this
phenomenon historically, with a view to unearthing the idiosyncratic characteristics
that marked it apart. This has been the primary purpose of the present study. A
feature of this study is the microscopic detail with which, inter alia, the ḥadīth
dictator (mumlī), the repeater (mustamlī), the tools of dictation and the setting has
been described. The study to this extent is nothing less than an historical
anthropology of the phenomenon of dictation, one which it is hoped fills the present
void in scholarship on the subject. Despite the important contributions of Makdisi,
Schoeler and Madelung, each of whom featured in the literature review, a fuller
picture of the phenomenon has long been overdue. With it we are able to understand
with greater clarity why the method was eventually adopted by Christian Europe in
the form of the ars dictaminis, as Makdisi has taught us. There remains only to
highlight the most important contributions that this study makes to the study of
ḥadīth.

Among the findings of this study is that the ḥadīth dictation sessions went through
the following three major phases:

(i)The formative phase, which began during the second half of the 1st/7th century
and lasted to the end of the 2nd/8th century;

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 (ii)The growth phase, which began from the second half of the 2nd/8th century
and was led by the late successors (awakhir al-tabicin). However, this phase
culminated during the 4th/10th and 5th/11th century and began to decline during
the 6th/12th century; and
(iii)The stagnation phase, which began from the end of the 5th/11th century or
beginning of the 6th/12th century and came to an end during the 10th/16th century
after the death of Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭi, which marked the end of ḥadīth
dictation sessions as a robust academic activity.

The ḥadīth-amālī sessions constituted an independent academic discipline which had

its own valid reasons for evolving. These sessions had their own characteristic
features and also had a special value as a discipline. The ḥadīth-āmālī sessions have
contributed positively towards the documentation and the preservation of the
standard practice of Muḥammad (the Sunnah) and have become a unique
educational process between the ḥadīth scholar and his students. Thus, these
sessions represent a teaching and learning relationship. The ḥadīthĀmālīsessions
have become documentationbased. This teaching process is based on three
fundamental pillars:the ḥadīth scholar,the student, andthe material; that is, the
ḥadīths, dictated by the ḥadīth scholar,

Each pillar has its own specific procedures and characteristics. The ḥadīth-
amālīsessions are a rich source for both the narration and the knowledge of ḥadīth.
Amālī has made the ḥadīth dictation sessions worthy of methodological and critical
studies. The study has shown that the increasing numbers of ḥadīth students made it
impossible for the ḥadīth scholar (mumlī) to make himself heard by students
attending his ḥadīthamālī sessions, particularly for those sitting at a distance from
him. Therefore, there was a need for introducing the system of a ‘repeater’
(mustamlī), someone who would repeat what the ḥadīth scholar said. This ‘repeater’
had specific qualities and only specific individuals were qualified to undertake such
a job. With the growth of the ḥadīthamālī sessions, the etiquettes and moral aspects
of these sessions developed, too, and became a major feature of the ḥadīth dictation
sessions. According to al-Suyūṭi (1994, 2:139), the ḥadīth dictation sessions came to
an end during the lifetime of the ḥadīth scholar Ibn al-Ṣalāḥ.

276
The study of ḥadīth dictation sessions provides a valuable contribution to:

(i) Researchers who are interested in the study of Arabic manuscripts, in general, and
ḥadīth manuscripts, in particular.

(ii) Researchers who are interested in editing and publishing such manuscripts.

(iii) Postgraduate research students who are interested in this field of research.

One of the central research questions was to understand why there is a lack
of books on the ḥadīth dictation session from the second and third centuries. We are
now in a position to answer this: they were written in what is known as the age of
authorship, a period that produced the most important collections in the history of
Islam. Such books as the Ṣaḥiḥcollections of al-Bukhāri and Muslim, the musnads
and major dictionaries all found their way into dictation assemblies. These became
relied upon as the authoritative books of scholars for generations.

The study concludes that ḥadīth dictation sessions played a significant role in
the development of ḥadīth studies throughout the centuries. These sessions provided
primary but rich and varied material which was of great significance to ḥadīth
scholars and ḥadīth students in the past in terms of the ḥadīth text (matn) and its
chain of authorities (isnād). Ḥadīth dictation sessions have also given us an insight
into the recording of the standard practice of Muḥammad (sīra), as well as an insight
into the recording of ḥadīth in the formative and growth phases.

The ḥadīth material collected during the ḥadīth dictation sessions were
wellselected by the ḥadīth scholar (mumli). Thus, the ḥadīths he used to dictate can
be considered as sound or acceptable since he would pay special attention to their
selection and verification. The ḥadīth dictation sessions have provided a good
scholarly tool to eliminate the omission in the chain and the text of ḥadīth (al-saqt fi
al-sanad wal-matn).
277
These sessions have also provided:
(i) a scholarly tool for differentiating between old and new narrations,
(ii) scholarly insight into abrogating and abrogated ḥadīths,
(iii) good scholarly insight in pinpointing the unauthentic names (al-muhmal)
of ḥadīthnarrators when similar narrator names are encountered.
Ḥadīthscholars pointed out to their students the authentic names of
ḥadīthnarrators,
(iv) good scholarly insight into marking and eliminating the unknown names
of narrators in the text and in the chain of authorities of the ḥadīth,
(v) good scholarly insight into how to eliminate additions to the text (matn)
of the ḥadīth,
(vi) detailed comments on the semantic ambiguity (gharīb) of ḥadīth
expressions,
(vii) good scholarly insight into the specific procedures that can eliminate
strange narrations (gharīb al-sanad),
(viii) invaluable discussion and explanation of unknown causes (cilal) of
ḥadīth.

Although there were three major methods adopted by ḥadīth scholars in the
dictation of ḥadīths to their students (dictation from memory, dictation from a book,
and dictation from both memory and a book), it can be stated that regardless of
which of these three methods was adopted, the dictation of ḥadīths to ḥadīth students
under the supervision of their ḥadīth scholar remains the best and most reliable
source of documentation of ḥadīth. The reason is that the ḥadīth scholar and his
students were face to face and the ḥadīths were dictated to the students by a reliable
ḥadīth authority.

Another conclusion arrived atin thepresent study is that the repeater (al-
mustamli or al-munādi) was a knowledgeable and reliable source of ḥadīth. It
follows then that one can classify the ḥadīth taken from a repeater as authentic and
sound. Generally, one can conclude that the repeater constituted a reliable source of
authority in ḥadīth studies. When ḥadīth students missed out a word in a

278
ḥadīthcontent or a name in a chain of authority, they used to enquire about it
immediately by asking the repeater. Most importantly, the repeater was already
supervised by the ḥadīth scholar who double checked the accuracy of the repeater's
reading and comprehension skills and explained the ambiguities to the repeater and
corrected him if he made any error. Furthermore, in most ḥadīth dictation sessions
the repeater dictated to the audience from a ḥadīth book approved by the ḥadīth
scholar which most probably was the codex of the ḥadīth scholar. To sum up, a level
of trust can be afforded to the ḥadīths conveyed by the repeater provided he could
hear the ḥadīth scholar.

To support our conclusion about the status of the repeater, we can conclude
that the majority of ḥadīth scholars used to have repeaters who were wellknown for
their knowledge of ḥadīth, as well as for their intelligence and trustworthiness.
Based on ḥadīth literature, it can be concluded that the majority of ḥadīth scholars
employed such a category of repeaters and most importantly, praised their repeaters
and categorised them as akhyār wa afāḍil (the best, virtuous, honest people) (al-
Samcani 1993, 2:396 (ḥadīth number 270)).

The ḥadīthstudent is the focal point of ḥadīthstudies and has always played a
major role in the recording of ḥadīth. It is likely that the ḥadīthstudent was a would-
be ḥadīthscholar. Therefore, it was imperative that he possessed specific character
traits to qualify him for such an important task, such as moral etiquette, good
manners, pure intention for knowledge, academic motivation and keenness to learn,
willingness to travel to investigate the sound ḥadīths from ḥadīth scholars of good
repute in remote places and countries, and most importantly, the ḥadīth student had
to be morally and ethically upright.

The ḥadīth scholar (muḥaddith) also had to have specific features that
qualified him to be in such a position. For instance, such a scholar was required to
have ḥadīths of short chain of narration (isnādcali) especially ḥadīths which had a
very short number of narrators and the last person narrates directly from
Muḥammad. According to the above, a knowledgeable ḥadīth scholar of good repute
had to be accurate in his ḥadīth narration (itqān al-isnād) and also to be precise in

279
the content (matn) of the ḥadīth. If a ḥadīth scholar was to be a ḥadīth authority, he
needed to be wellknown for being the only narrator of a ḥadīth in the chain of
narration. I would also like to point out that the ḥadīthscholar needed to avoid
hypothetical and personal opinion (al-ijtihād) when giving a legal judgement about a
particular matter. In other words, he was required to provide conclusive evidence
(hujjah) from the Qur'an, the Sunnah, or a Companion's opinion before passing a
legal judgement.

The thesis can also conclude that the major sources on ḥadīth dictation sessions are
represented by al-Khaṭīb's al-Jāmic li-Akhlāq al-Rāwi wa Adab al-Sāmic, al-
Sakhawi's,Fatḥ al-Mughīth Bisharḥ Alfīyyāt al-Ḥadīth , and al-Samcani's Adab al-
Imla' wal-Istimla'. However, these major sources are characterised by
incomprehensible details and lack of wellstructured, focused analysis. It is perhaps
for this reason that they are not cited by Western scholars, with the exception of
Schoeler. It is the hope that the present study, which relied substantially on these
texts,will make available, sometimes for the first time, scholarship hitherto found
only in Arabic sources.

The ḥadīthscholar al-Samcānī, who lived during the 6th/12th and part of the 7th/13th
century, was well aware of the ḥadīth dictation sessions and was an authority on
ḥadīth studies. Although al-Samcani's Adab al-Imla' wal-Istimla'can be regarded as a
major and very useful source on ḥadīth dictation sessions and for ḥadīth studies in
general, it can be characterised as a descriptive book and does not provide analytical
and critical assessment of ḥadīths. Al-Samcani mentions all the ḥadīths with their
chain of narration, and sometimes expresses his opinion on the truthfulness or not,of
the chain of narration of a particular ḥadīth. However, he does not appear to give his
opinion on which ḥadīth is sound and which one is weak. Most importantly, he does
not differentiate in his book between ḥadīth circles where ḥadīth is taught to people
but not necessarily dictated, and ḥadīth dictation sessions where ḥadīth is taught and
dictated by a ḥadīth scholar to ḥadīth students. It follows then that his book Adab
al-Imla' wal-Istimla'can be characterised by lack of balance in terms of
methodology. He has given too many unnecessary details on the students without
giving enough details on the ḥadīth material such as content (matn) and chain of

280
narration (isnād). Thus, in Chapters 1-4, the book is not exclusively on ḥadīth
dictation sessions.

The ḥadīth scholar al-Khaṭīb's al-Jāmic li-Akhlāq al-Rāwi wa Adab al-Sāmic can also
be regarded as a major source in ḥadīth studies in general and in ḥadīth dictation
sessions in particular. He was the first scholar who authored the ḥadīth dictation
sessions. He lived a century before the ḥadīthscholar al-Samcani, and was also the
teacher of the ḥadīth scholars whom al-Samcani relied on in terms of learning or
quoting. However, it can be stated that al-Khaṭīb's book is characterised by the
repetition of the same topics that had already been dealt with. Most importantly,
however, the book deals with minor topics such as the etiquette required by the
students during the ḥadīth dictation sessions, the relationship between the ḥadīth
student and the ḥadīth scholar, and the ḥadīths in general in terms of their content
(matn) and chain of narration (isnād). By focussing on minor topics, in my point of
view, the book is not entirely on the ḥadīth dictation sessions which for me as a
researcher is the major topic in my investigation. Additionally, his book al-Jāmic li-
Akhlāq al-Rāwi wa Adab al-Sāmic is, to some extent, unbalanced in terms of
methodology. He has given twenty-nine chapters to the minor topics while he has
written only three brief chapters on ḥadīthdictation sessions. Thus, it can be stated
that al-Khaṭīb's al-Jāmic li-Akhlāq al-Rāwi wa Adab al-Sāmicdeals with ḥadīth
dictation sessions in general, but not in great detail nor with much focus on them.

After a comprehensive reading of the edited versions of al-Samcani's Adab al-Imla'

wal-Istimla' and al-Khaṭīb's al-Jāmic li-Akhlāq al-Rāwi wa Adab al-Sāmic, it can be
concluded that the these versions of the two sources are characterised by poor
quality research and no critical assessment of the ḥadīth dictation sessions, the
ḥadīths, or their chain of narration.

The major sources authored by ḥadīthscholars or ḥadīthspecialists have not

specifically dealt with ḥadīthdictation sessions only. Instead, these sources have
included other topics such as Qur'anic exegesis, jurisprudence, and creed (al-
c
aqīdah). As a result, ḥadīthdictation sessions have not been given enough
consideration in terms of details and scholarship.

281
 8.1. Recommendations for Future Research

Having discussed the above, I can propose the following recommendations:

1. To undertake further research on the ḥadīth dictation sessions.

2. To introduce ḥadīth dictation sessions as a module in the departments of Islamic

Studies to benefit students from this interesting discipline.

3. To encourage researchers to edit the manuscripts on ḥadīth dictation sessions that

are available in different international libraries.

4. Although al-Khaṭīb's al-Jāmic li-Akhlāq al-Rāwi wa Adab al-Sāmic and al-

Samcani's Adab al-Imla' wal-Istimla' are the major sources in ḥadīth studies, it is
recommended that the researcher dealing with ḥadīth dictation sessions should not
rely on them heavily. Instead, it is recommended that he/she consult the manuscripts
in international libraries.

5. To undertake research in the teaching and learning process involved in the ḥadīth
dictation sessions so as to benefit from the pedagogical techniques adopted by ḥadīth
scholars of the previous centuries and also benefit from their teaching techniques.

6. To provide a critical analysis of the claims made by different scholars in the

ḥadīth literature.

7. To establish a Ḥadīth Specialists Society (jāmciyyāt al-mutakhassisīn bil-ḥadīth)

to coordinate research related to ḥadīth, organise conferences on ḥadīth, exchange
information on ḥadīth manuscripts and publications on ḥadīth, and to be in contact
with national and international libraries that have ḥadīth manuscripts.

8. To contact the Arab League and major international Muslim organisations

through the Ḥadīth Specialists Society and alert them about the poor conditions and
circumstances the ordinary and rare manuscripts are in and about the serious danger
facing them, especially the rare ones.

9. During my visits to the al-Asad National Library in Damascus and the

Manuscripts Centre in Cairo, I have experienced serious research difficulties in

282
obtaining or photocopying the manuscripts I needed for my research. I have found
the two institutions were bureaucratic and some members of staff had an unfriendly
or lukewarm attitude. Some of them openly asked for money in order to facilitate
my research task. Therefore, I recommend that the Arab League and major
international Muslim organisations through the Ḥadīth Specialists Society should
contact the al-Asad National Library in Damascus and the Manuscripts Centre in
Cairo so that they abandon their old policies and become more cooperative with
researchers of all nationalities.

10. To establish a Ḥadīth Manuscript Preservation Fund (sandūq ḥimāyāt makhṭūṭāt

al-ḥadīth) so that care can be taken in terms of providing appropriate storage places
for the ḥadīth manuscripts in their relevant libraries.

11. To copy for distribution the lone ḥadīth manuscripts and send them to other
international libraries.

12. To encourage the owners of personal libraries to donate the ḥadīth dictation
sessions manuscripts to national and international libraries for the sake of proper
storage and safety of the manuscripts.

13. It is highly recommended that ḥadīth dictation sessions should be investigated

separately in each century and a book should be published on a specific century
only. This will allow more space and details for the study of ḥadīth dictation
sessions during one century.

14. I believe that more research is required in the critical analysis of many
manuscripts on the ḥadīthĀmālī sessions, many of which are still unedited in
libraries across the world.

15. Based on my literature and manuscript review, I recommend that researchers

investigating ḥadīth dictation sessions should not confuse such sessions with the
other disciplines of:

(i) (al-card) which means the reading aloud of ḥadīths to a ḥadīth scholar who
verified their accuracy in terms of content and chain of narration, and

(ii) (al-ijāza) which means the ḥadīth licence which was granted to a ḥadīth student
who could be trusted to narrate or teach ḥadīth.

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 Appendices

Appendix A: Amālī Ibn al-Ghūrī (Third Century)

284
285
286
287
Appendix B:Amālī al-khatli al-Sukkari (Fourth Century)

288
289
290
291
292
Appendix C: Amālī Ibn al-Banāni (Fifth Century)

293
294
295
296
Appendix D:Amālī Abu al-Qāsim al-Taīmi al-Faḍil (Sixth Century)

297
298
299
300
301
302
303
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