GENDER AND METALLURGY: AN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL RESPONSE TO A

DISAPPEARING CRAFT IN EASTERN AFRICA

By:

William Paul Anderson

Submitted to the Faculty of

The Archaeological Studies Program

Department of Sociology and Archaeology

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Bachelor’s of Science

University of Wisconsin- La Crosse

2015
Copyright © 2015 William Paul Anderson
All Rights Reserved

ii
GENDER AND METALLURGY: AN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL RESPONSE TO
A DISAPPEARING CRAFT IN EASTERN AFRICA

William Paul Anderson, B.S.

University of Wisconsin- La Crosse, 2015

The craft of metallurgy is considered one of the great achievements of eastern African

cultures. Oftentimes metallurgy has been studied from a technical focus, and an

understanding of its more complex relationships with ritual and social activities are not as

frequently appreciated. Through the application of ethnoarchaeology, archaeologists are

capable of better understanding these relationships by taking advantage of a diminishing

number of available resources. This study provides a compendium of ethnoarchaeological

research that focuses on the links eastern African metallurgy shares with gender,

reproduction, and fertility in hopes of bringing to light the relevance of ethnoarchaeology

as a viable research strategy.

iii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost I would like to thank my faculty reader Dr. Katherine Grillo for not

only her kind words of advice, encouragement, and guidance, but also for sparking my

interest in African archaeology and ethnoarchaeology. I have to thank Thatcher Rogers,

Victoria Sorensen, and Matthew Otto for their honest and helpful edits. I would also like

to extend gratitude to the entire faculty of the Department of Sociology and Archaeology

at the University of Wisconsin - La Crosse for without the privilege of being able learn

from such a distinguished group of individuals this would not have been possible. Last,

but certainly not least, I am thankful for my family and friends for their constant support,

interest, and also for supplying me with several cups of coffee throughout my writing

process.

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 INTRODUCTION

Metallurgy in eastern Africa is a cultural phenomenon heavily rooted in the rituals and

social dynamics of both past and present communities. Even though this highly

specialized craft is believed to have been a significant contributor to the rise of social

complexity through the trade of its products, its understanding in Africa has been inhibited

by ethnocentric and racist viewpoints (Herbert 1993; Kusimba et al. 2013; Schmidt 1997).

Africa has historically suffered from a severe lack of interest and a rapid decline in

accessible information (Killick 2009; Kusimba 1996). This improper treatment resulted in

archaeologists believing that some of the greatest technological feats in Africa, including

metallurgy, were products of outside interactions (Childs 1985; Connah 2001). These

beliefs stemmed from archaeologist viewing African cultures as time-locked, or “living

fossils,” unable of producing cultural advancements in the ways that had been seen in

other areas of the world (Schmidt 1997). This past scholarly ignorance has led the craft of

metallurgy to become a victim of circumstance. Prior to the late 1960s, there was only one

radiocarbon lab on the continent capable of processing metallurgical artifacts (Killick

2009). It was not until these viewpoints were abandoned and the uniqueness of African

archaeological record recognized that the study of metallurgy on the continent began to

flourish.

Upon the use of radiocarbon dating, distinguished scholars such as Bruce Trigger,

Peter Schmidt, and Claude van Grunderbeck were able to provide support to the idea that

1
metallurgy developed independently on the continent (Killick 2009). Although there

remains debate over the reliance of the earliest radiocarbon dating, since the source of the

data was from charcoal rather than metal, without this early research metallurgy would

still be subject to the ethnocentric viewpoints of the past (Killick 2009; Schmidt and

Childs 1985). Since these developments, the timeline of metallurgy is better understood

and its history can be traced southward through the eastern half of Africa, starting with the

earliest presence of Iron in Egypt dating at the 4th millennia B.C. then reaching to the

Great Lakes regions by the 1st millennia BC, to the Eastern Cape of South Africa by 300

cal A.D. (Killick 2009).

The spread of metalworking through the continent is not surprising when

considering the craft is credited as a catalyst for the increased complexity of social

interactions, urbanism, subsistence strategies, and craft specialization. This was done

through the trade of metallurgic products and tools, both domestic and as exports. This is

supported by the craft’s presence in Egypt, but also Great Zimbabwe, Aksum in Ethiopia,

and The Kingdom of Karagwe (Connah 2001; David and Kramer 2001; Gokee and Logan

2014; Killick 2009; Kusimba et al. 2009; Reid and MacLean 1995). There is also

significant evidence that early iron working took place at Kilwa, Manda, and other sites

along the Swahili Coast (Connah 2001) (Figure 1).

2
Figure 1. Map of Africa containing important archaeological sites with evidence of
metallurgy as well as the locations of cultures discussed throughout this paper.

3
 Previous research conducted on metallurgy has more often been concerned with

the process from a technical, rather than a socially symbolic, perspective (Barndon 2004;

Schmidt 2009). Despite these hindrances, archaeologists are still capable of unlocking a

greater understanding of a culture from even the smallest of data. This understanding can

be achieved by approaching the data from multiple perspectives to specifically address the

agency of artifacts (Barndon 2004; Hodder 2000; MacEachern 1996). The study of

metallurgy has the most to benefit from the use of multiple perspectives due to the

complex social meanings it has in eastern African cultures.

The process of metalworking in Africa, due to its transformative properties, has

been understood to be symbolic of the human processes of gestation and birth (Barndon

2004; Schmidt 2009). The strong ties that metallurgy shares with gender and reproduction

are clearly expressed within social practices of smelting communities through songs,

proverbs, and vocabulary, each of which acknowledge and celebrate the craft’s reputation

of being a powerful and demanding force that requires respect (Childs 1991; Haaland et al.

2002). In order to show this respect, there are several taboos that exist in the hope that

they will protect the functionality and success of the smelt while also protecting the smiths

and other members of the community. These cultural restrictions on metalworking

manifest themselves in relation to gender. For example, women are typically not allowed

to partake in the practice for they risk the success of the smelt and their personal

reproductive health if they do not abide by these cultural restrictions (Kusimba 1996). The

close relationship between these taboos and the functionality of metallurgy raises the

questions of what remains to be understood by archaeologists.

4
 Unfortunately, the time archaeologists have had to further study metalworking in

the region is limited. Metallurgy is no longer as widely practiced as a direct result of

colonialism impact on the cultural landscape of Africa (Hassan 1998). Smelting was all

but abandoned on the Swahili Coast by the mid-19th century after European sources and

techniques became readily available (Kusimba 1996). This trend continued throughout the

metalworking cultures of eastern Africa to the point where metallurgy was considered

obsolete by the 1950s (Haaland et al. 2002; Reid and Maclean 1995). Therefore, it should

come as no surprise that the number of informants who can provide cultural

anthropologists and archaeologists with their exclusive knowledge of the craft is

dwindling. The impact and spread of metallurgy and the limited resources available to

understand it makes it imperative to study the craft at length in hopes of achieving the best

possible understanding of eastern African cultures.

Ethnoarchaeology can make use of the diminishing community of eastern African

metallurgists by using their knowledge to generate informed hypotheses about the craft of

metallurgy in the past. While the use of ethnoarchaeology is no stranger to Africa, as it is

where some of it earliest implementation occurred, the combined use of it with gender is a

developing approach (MacEachern 1996). The use of the two together provides a strong

methodology for unlocking the deeper social meanings that exist within the artifacts. The

following utilizes a synthesis of published ethnoarchaeological accounts and

ethnographies from books, articles, and films in order to further explore the craft within

the archaeological record, allowing for the development of multiple perspectives. This

paper, while providing a compendium of previous research of metallurgy in eastern

Africa, will show that ethnoarchaeology used in conjunction with traditional methods of

5
excavation and interpretation can allow for a more complete understanding of the

archaeological record.

REVIEW OF ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Neither a methodology nor theory, the research strategy that is ethnoarchaeology is

capable of discerning the hidden meanings behind material culture in a way that traditional

archaeological methods alone cannot (David and Kramer 2001:2). Broadly, but well-

defined by MacEachern (1996:247), “[…] ethnoarchaeological research involves

investigation of material culture, behaviors, and beliefs of present day populations with

the object of that research being the generations of propositions about the cultural context

of residues recovered from archaeological occurrences.” Therefore, by its implementation,

ethnoarchaeology allows for archaeologists to bridge the gap that exists between material

and nonmaterial culture through use of analogy (David and Kramer 2001; MacEachern

1996). Ethnoarchaeology uses a variety of types of analogies that can be as simple as

asking a comparative question to those that are as intricate as a laboratory experiments and

development of complex models (David and Kramer 2001:43). When utilizing analogies,

archaeologists are responsible in making sure that the cultures compared are similar in

several variables including location, behavior, and in a technical case, materials and

methods. Furthermore, when analogies are employed they must be supported using a wide

range of archaeological methods and techniques that allow for the testing of a hypothesis

(David Kramer 2001:47).

6
 When properly used, scholars agree that the use of ethnoarchaeological research in

Africa is imperative in direct response to the disappearance to the technologies such as

metallurgy as a result of globalization (Childs and Killick 1993; MacEachern 1996). The

use of ethnoarchaeology can benefit our understanding of eastern African metallurgy and,

more importantly, the archaeological record. By using ethnoarchaeology, archaeologists

can assemble a more complete picture of the archaeological record by providing additional

context, cultural perspective, and the ability to recognize the agency possessed by artifacts

that may be uncovered (Barndon 2004: Childs 1991: Schmidt 1997). In regards to eastern

African metallurgy, ethnoarchaeologist Peter Schmidt (1998) provides an example

explaining that research strategy can be used to interpret spatial distribution of artifacts

related to fertility and metalworking, which is usually very difficult with the absence of

observable slag within the record. Additional and more specific benefits of

ethnoarchaeological research in metallurgy will become apparent, as they are the focus of

the remainder of this paper.

Considerations

While ethnoarchaeology benefits the archaeological community greatly, it also has its fair

share of disadvantages that need to be considered when incorporated into research. The

concept of time is problematic for ethnoarchaeologists for several reasons, many of which

question the reliability of the information that can be obtained. The first of these being that

while the intention of the research is to understand the past; ethnoarchaeology is based on

information gathered in the present. Frequently, it is difficult to find a present day culture

that shares a direct historic or spatial relationship to the one being studied

7
archaeologically. This means that the analogies that can be made are broad in scope

(David and Kramer 2001; Schmidt 1997). The present also establishes problems in the

reliability of informants; more often than not informants do not have a large amount of

personal experience in the technology and practices that interest archaeologists and those

informants who do are few in number (Childs and Killick 1993; David and Kramer 2001;

Schmidt 1997).

Further informant-based issues are those faced by every ethnographer, the

informant may only tell the researcher information that they believe the researcher wants

to hear, or at the same time, withhold specific information in order protect culturally

valuable material (David and Kramer 2001; O’Neil et al 1988). Lastly, and most

importantly in regards to the purposes of this paper, it needs to be mentioned that when

studying metallurgy, no ethnoarchaeologist has ever been able to witness a smelt that was

done out of necessity, but only reenactments and reconstructions that serve to entertain the

western researchers (David and Kramer 2001). However, research in eastern African

metallurgy has shown that even with these several shortcomings that occur when research

is conducted, there remains a great deal that can be learned using ethnoarchaeological

research techniques.

TECHNICAL UNDERSTANDING OF METALLURGY

Metalworking is arguably the most complex of all African technologies, as the craft

requires special attention to several different factors that are imperative to forming a

successful product (Schmidt 1997). Ethnoarchaeology has allowed for a greater

8
understanding of the complexities of the technology. What is crafted varies regionally,

however common products include items of personal adornment; household items for food

preparation; agricultural tools such as hoes, scythes, sickles, and blades; in more

metropolitan areas a variety of coins; near coastal communities fishing hooks and spears

as well as other weaponry and hunting tools (Connah 2001; Kusimba 1996; Larick 1991).

The complexity involved in the creation of these everyday necessities takes place within a

furnace. The construction of furnace also varies between cultures based on technical and

ritual needs, but there exist some commonalities between overall form and function

(Figure 2).

Figure 2. Fipa (Tanzania) smelting draft furnace (adopted from Barndon 2004:Figure 4).

9
 In the simplest forms, tuyeres are blowpipes connected the base of furnace used in

combination with the use of bellows, usually in a rhythmic fashion, in order to heat metal

ore (Childs 1991; Schmidt 1997). When ore is placed within the furnace and heated with

charcoal a series of chemical reactions occur that turns the ore into a more workable

subsistence. David and Kramer (2001) provide a detailed description of the process using

iron:

Iron is obtained from various oxides of iron, ores in which metallic iron
(Fe) is bonded to oxygen (O). For example, the mineral hematite is Fe2O3
magnetite Fe3O4. The ores used in smelting also comprise a variety of other
minerals, mainly silica (Si) and aluminum (Al). The smelter’s task is to
separate the atoms of metallic iron from oxygen atoms, a process known as
reduction, and from other associated materials. This is done by heating the
ore to temperatures of around 1300°C while it is close contact with
charcoal, which is almost pure carbon. Heat breaks the molecular bonds
between the iron and the oxygen atoms, and the oxygen released combines
with carbon to create Carbon Monoxide (CO), which by reduction of iron
oxide becomes carbon dioxide (CO2) that, together with inert nitrogen (N)
from the furnace. Meanwhile the silica, aluminum, and other impurities,
melting at lower temperatures than metallic iron, drip down to the base of
the furnace in the form of slag, leaving an iron bloom to grow above by
coalescences of iron particles. [David and Kramer 2001:330-331]

Even with a scientific understanding of what occurs within the furnace,

archaeologists have been left to ponder the question: ‘How was it possible for early

African people to reach the extremely high temperatures required for the

separation of iron to occur?’ This question is one of several that were a result of

western biases that ran rampant amongst the early days of African archaeology. As

these biases began to disappear, new approaches and hypotheses were developed

in hopes of explaining these great feats.

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The Preheating Hypothesis

A well-known ethnoarchaeological theory that has been supported through

evidence in the archaeological record and modern experiments is called the

Preheating Hypothesis (O’Neil et al. 1988; Schmidt 1997; Schmidt and Avery

1978; Schmidt and Childs 1985). Researched heavily by Schmidt amongst several

cultures within people of Northwestern Tanzania, particularly in depth with the

Haya, this hypothesis suggests that reaching these high temperatures is possible

through placing the tuyeres into the furnace during the smelting process (Figure 3)

(O’Neil et al. 1988; Schmidt 1997; Schmidt and Avery 1978; Schmidt and Childs

1985). By placing the tuyeres farther into the furnace, the clay in which they are

composed of is heated to very high temperature. This process then heats the air

running through the tuyeres to higher temperatures prior to reaching the ore in the

center of furnace. The high temperatures needed for a successful smelt can thus be

reached (Schmidt 1997; Schmidt and Childs 1985). These high temperatures

combined with an increased rate of exposure to carbon from a bed of charred reeds

within the furnace allows of the creation of a high quality carbon steel bloom for

craft production (O’Neil et al 1988; Schmidt and Childs 1985).

11
 Figure 3. Idealized diagram of Haya furnace showing tuyeres placed deep within
furnace for the preheating of air (adopted from Schmidt and Avery 1978: Figure 3)

REVEALING THE SYMBOLISM IN METALLURGY

While the technical aspects of metallurgy are without a doubt important, closer attention

needs to be paid to the ritual and abstract aspects of the process. It has been suggested that

archaeologists need to distance themselves from the Western view that the more symbolic

aspects of craftsmanship are not equally important to the process (Barndon 2004). Childs

12
(1991) reiterates this perspective by providing a definition of technological style that

incorporates every conscious action within craft production. He states, “…technological

style [is] the formal integration of behaviors during the manufacture and use of material

culture which, in its entirety, expresses social information” (Childs 1991:332). When

taking this approach the ritual and spiritual aspects of a culture become an equally

important stage in the chaîne operatoire of the metallurgy as the more scientific and

technical aspects. However, finding these important parts of the process is not always

possible with traditional excavation alone, this is where the use of ethnoarchaeological

analogies and informants becomes best utilized.

Sexuality and Reproduction

Eastern African metallurgy has been heavily rooted in sexuality and the process of

reproduction. The most prominent example of this is the common cultural ideology of

viewing the act of metalworking as the equivalent to the human processes of gestation,

birth, and reproduction (Childs 1991; David and Kramer 2001; Herbert 1993; Killick

2009; Kusimba 1996; Schmidt 1997, 1998, 2009). These processes are alike in that they

both draw power from their transformative nature. Both processes are capable of changing

natural substance into an irreversible state (Barndon 2004). The similarities continue into

the structural components of metallurgy. The furnace is the life-holding womb that when

working together with rhythmic power of the phallic tuyeres and bellows, produces new

life in the fetal ore and slag afterbirth (Hebert 1993; Schmidt 1998). This relationship

continues in some cultures with the addition of a variety of symbolic substances and

fertility medicines into the furnace. One such culture is the Pangwa people of Tanzania,

who include representations of every part of the reproductive cycle into a ceramic pot to

13
be buried in the center of the furnace. These include the common fertility medicines of

bees’ wax, castor oil. Additionally the pot includes multiple sexual symbols such as plants

that produce a white liquid representative of semen, phallic shaped creepers, and red

flowers act as menstrual blood. Lastly, dirt from the crossroads, an important place of the

renewal of fertility for a couple that has lost a child, is also added (Barndon 2011; Schmidt

and Mapunda 1997).

The addition of fertility medicine is imperative because a fertile furnace is capable

of producing higher amounts of useable metal to be used for tools that can contribute to

the reproduction and growth of society (Schmidt and Mapunda 1997; Schmidt 1998).

Because the sexuality of the furnace is so powerful, it necessitates strict regulations in the

form of taboos in order to ensure the success of smelt, the safety of the metalworkers, and

other members of community. It is not uncommon for a smelt to fail, therefore these

regulations are strictly observed in order to further increase the fertility of the furnace

(Herbert 1993; Schmidt and Mapunda 1997; Reid and MacLean 1995)

Taboos and Regulations

These regulations begin at the location of the furnace. Due to its intense power, the forge

is typically located away from the base community oftentimes in isolation. This secrecy

not only prevents the smelt from being interrupted, but also prevents the breaking of other

taboos, all while keeping the rituals and techniques hidden amongst a select few (Hebert

1993; Reid and MacLean 1995). In some cultures warning signs to outsiders are placed

outside the smelting area in order protect the smelters and community. Returning again to

the Pangwa for example, warning signs amongst this culture consist of a ritual plant that is

14
hung just outside the furnace area. This plant lets community members know that they risk

their personal health, and the health of the smelter upon entering, as the plant believed to

have the ability to release an odor that can cause stomach pains to the intruder which

cause the smelter to become weak and unable to continue with the smelt (Barndon 2011).

These protections are in place because the furnace is seen as a center of purification,

refuge, and healing and only those who are capable of wielding the power of the forge are

allowed access to it (Herbert 1993; Kusimba 1996).

Smelters and Smiths

Smiths and smelters are male and typically part of a familial line that passed down through

generations (Kusimba 1996). This passing down of technical skill and knowledge occurs

only when an individual receives a calling from the guardian spirit(s) of the furnace; it is

then that they may begin an apprenticeship that will lead them to become a master

metallurgist (Hebert 1993; Kusimba 1996). Those chosen by the spirit(s) usually are

members of an elite class, and becoming metalworker only raises their level of prestige.

When one masters the craft there is an increase in power as they act as an intermediate

between the spirit and natural worlds (Herbert 1993). Additionally, the power of

metalworking is associated with the mastered control of the fire, a catalyst of the

transformation within the furnace, as well as the control of the ancestral powers that are

embodied within the tools used (Barndon 2004; Childs 1991; Larick 1991). Metalworkers

knowledge frequently expands beyond just these powerful forces and extends into other

areas, such as the occult, circumcision, healing, and divination. The exclusivity of this

knowledge leads to the metalworkers becoming revered and feared (Kusimba 1996). But

15
the power expands past the symbolic; it also represents an increase in responsibility and

control in economics because smiths are responsible for working with, producing and

managing, the valuable resources that metal provides (Herbert 1993).

Those who are selected by the spirit(s) to become metalworkers are subject to a

number of restrictions prior and during use of the furnace. The most common of these

requirements is that anyone who has an active role in the process observes sexual

abstinence (Kusimba 1996). Metalworkers are betrothed to the furnace throughout the

process; to participate in sexual activity would be to commit adultery against the furnace

(Herbert 1993). This bond begins at the construction of the furnace when it is referred to

as a fertile young woman ready to be married (Childs and Killick 1993). Then, just before

smelting, begins the ceremonies and it is common for a ritual offering of beer to ancestral

spirits to occur similar to those that at marriage ceremonies solidifying the marriage

between smelter and furnace (Schmidt 2009). Therefore if a metalworker were to break

abstinence, they would betray to not only the furnace, but also the guardian spirits whom

without they would be unable to give birth to their child, a workable metal bloom

(Barndon 2004; Schmidt 1998). Physical representations of this relationship can often be

seen on the furnace itself; for example, amongst the Shona of Zimbabwe furnaces are

constructed in the female form complete with breast and vaginal openings. Moreover the

Shona also decorate their furnaces with fertility belts worn by women called mutimwi and

scarification often given to sexually mature women called nyara (Figure 4) (Schmidt

2009).

16
 Figure 4. Shona (Zimbabwe) furnaces showing construction representative of the female
form and nyara scarification (adopted from Schmidt 2009: Figure 3).

Some of the more strict observances of this taboo are that those involved in the smelt, at

any point no matter how small their role, cannot have contact with those anyone who is

sexually active. Furthermore, those who are sexually active cannot have any contact with

the tools and supplies of the smelt. These restrictions only end when the furnace is no

longer in use (Herbert 1993).

Women and Metallurgy

Perhaps the strictest and most well known taboos attributed to metalworking in eastern

Africa are those that are concerned with women. A woman’s fertility is a powerful and

17
uncontrollable force that could interfere with the power and fertility of an active furnace

or vice-versa as the guardian spirit(s) of the forge could be confused by the presence of a

womb that is not the spirit (Herbert 1993; Kusimba 1996; Reid and Maclean 1995). It is

because of the risks presented to both the biological and economic reproduction that these

taboos are strictly observed. Commonly, the restrictions placed on women are related to

menstruation and pregnancy. Menstruating women are viewed at the height of their sexual

power and have the potential to pollute a smelt and pose a threat to maintenance of the

abstinence of the metalworkers (Herbert 1993; Schmidt 1997). In some cases, such as

those discussed by Herbert (1993) in Rwanda, the potential for pollution was so high that

if a smelter’s wife were menstruating, the smelt would have to be delayed until such a

time that she was not in order to minimize risk as much as possible. Pregnant women pose

a similar risk to the smelt, but they not only risk the well-being of the smelt, but also their

child. An example comes from the Phoka people of Malawi were if pregnant woman or

her husband partook in smelt they risk their child having bad luck for its entire life (Childs

and Killick 1993). Additional consequences that exist from the breaking of these taboos

include sterility, miscarriage, and unexplained blindness. Smiths can lose their technical

skills, or be served physical punishments such as the hammering of hands, or being burned

by the forge object (Herbert 1993; Kusimba 1996).

The overwhelming risks that menstruating and pregnant women have to the

success of a smelt and the possible negative personal consequences may explain the

absence of women in the craft. That has not prevented archaeologists and anthropologists

from developing alternative explanations for how these taboos may have coalesced.

Blood, especially menstrual blood, is viewed as a hot substance that is capable of raising

18
the temperature of a forge to levels that could interfere with a successful smelt (Barndon

2004). An additional explanation for the origin of the taboos on menstruation is in regards

to what it biologically represents: a failure to conceive. Therefore, those working with the

forge attempt to distance themselves as much as possible from an omen to the success of

their smelt (Herbert 1993). The power of blood can also help combat the taboos that may

be broken. Ritualized slaughter of domesticated animals, particularly the shedding of their

blood over the furnace, can help repair the disorder that occurs from when a taboo is

broken. This sacrifice can cure all those who have been negatively affected, including the

furnace that will be restored to full functionality. It is said that the blood is representative

of life because the slaughter of animals usually occurs at the lively, often celebratory

events that bring people together (Kusimba 1996).

Furthermore, Kusimba (1996) provides insight into women’s participation, or lack

of, in a case study of metallurgy of the Mijikenda on the Kenyan coast. An informant

explains that to teach a woman the methods of metalworking would ultimately be a waste

of time. This is because the information taught through the apprenticeship would be lost

when the time came for the woman to be married. Kusimba’s informant further explains

that if a woman would want to learn, it would be possible; however, the apprenticeship

would be extremely difficult to manage with their other domestic responsibilities (398).

But that does not mean that metallurgy is a completely male dominated craft.

Many archaeologists that study eastern African metallurgy, including Peter Schmidt

(1998), acknowledge that the participation of women in smelting is not the norm, however

there are still some tasks where women have a role. Women, usually those who are

prepubescent or post-menopausal, are able to have a very limited role in the metallurgic

19
process (Herbert 1993; Kusimba 1996). Women are typically banned from the smelting

process itself, but there are some cases where they able to help with the preliminary

preparations. A woman’s participation in metallurgy can include such tasks as the

preparation of food that is eaten at induction ceremonies of new smiths, and the occasional

preparation of ore into smaller sides. But a woman is never allowed to touch any

hammering or shaping tools (Haaland et al. 2002; Kusimba 1996).

Divisions of Labor and Ceramics: An additional explanation for the exclusion of women

in the craft is that it merely a method of economic division of labor where men are put in

charge of the industrial portions of society and women are responsible for more domestic

tasks. It is worth mentioning that a possible explanation for the present day division of

labor is related to the spread of Islamic and Christian faiths throughout the region.

However, there is archaeological evidence in areas in the Swahili coast show that women

were not always limited to gendered tasks (Askew 1999). Therefore it is reasonable to

assume that this division began as a way to maximize the productivity of the society

(MacLean 1998). In regards to metallurgy this is especially important because the process

itself is especially time consuming. Ethnoarchaeological accounts amongst the Haya by

Schmidt (1988) have revealed that the process in its entire, bloom to tool production, can

take up to two weeks to complete.

When this division of labor does occur, women are typically responsible for a task

that is complementary to metallurgy and that is pottery (Haaland et al 2002). Upon further

observation the interweaving nature of these crafts can be observed physically and

symbolically. The relationship between these crafts frequently can be seen in decorative

20
forms, for instance, decorative patterns found on Urewe pottery near Lake Victoria,

Tanzania are similar to those which appear on the region’s furnace bricks. Additionally,

Zulu pottery has decorations that are thought to have control reproductive process

(Wadley 2012).

The symbolic similarities between the metallurgy and pottery are seen within the

crafts’ close relationships with fertility and reproduction. Like metallurgy, pottery

provides several ethnographic and archaeological examples of this relationship such as

amongst Karanga speakers in Zimbabwe where pots are representative of a woman’s

womb (Wadley 2012). Additionally, in many Bantu speaking farming communities

ceramic pots are often found deliberately broken near the graves of children are

interpreted as a way to combat the omens of infertility that are associated with the death of

child (Wadley 2012).

A New Focus: There are some archaeologists who believe that there is too much

emphasis placed on the exclusion of women and the focus on menstruation and pregnancy

in eastern African metallurgy. Schmidt (1998) in his ethnoarchaeological documentation

of the Barongo of Tanzania observed that menstruation was a process that was included

throughout the use of the forge and embraced as an essential process of reproduction. It is

worth mentioning that Barongo are not alone in their inclusion of menstruation within

their metal working process, referring back to a previous example, the Pangwa, added red

flower petals to their furnace in to represent menstrual blood (Schmidt and Mapunda

1997). Because of these relationships Schmidt (1998) suggests that rather than treating

21
menstruation as a taboo, archaeologists and anthropologists should seek for alternative

relationships that menstruation may have with metallurgy.

DISCUSSION

Based on the previous ethnoarchaeological work conducted within eastern Africa, the

understanding of metallurgy has increased in a way that would have been extremely

difficult to achieve through the reliance of traditional excavation methods alone. At face

value, many may argue that the shortcomings possessed by ethnoarchaeology are too great

in number for it to be a viable form of research, but upon closer examination, what has

been previously considered a disadvantage could actually be some of the practice’s

greatest strengths. As previously mentioned, the analogies that are produced are done so

using modern-day cultures that may or may not be closely related, spatially or

genealogically. Therefore, they are usually broad and require a great amount of testing to

ensure the greatest accuracy (David and Kramer 2001; Schmidt 1997). With this is mind,

it is easy to overlook the benefits that using analogies can bring, the most obvious of these

being the addition of new potential answers to questions posed by archaeological record

itself.

Frequently, the record presents artifacts and features that cannot be understood

from excavation alone, these anomalies are then regarded as “ritual” again and again by

archaeologists. The analogies produced by ethnoarchaeology has allowed for an

understanding of what this ritual could be. The study of metallurgy has displayed this on

numerous occasions, including explanations to the addition of plants as fertility medicines

22
into the furnace, and the purpose of mutimwi and nyara scarification on Shona furnaces.

The inability for these this new information to be used as blanket explanation throughout

all African metalworking communities is irrelevant, because at least provides one

explanation opposed to assuming that archaeologists are incapable of understanding it at

all.

Furthermore, by using ethnoarchaeology, archaeologists are able to expose some

of the striking generalizations that have been made within the archaeological record. It is

only through use of informants that archaeologists have been able to gain a proper

understanding of the exclusion of women within the craft and that it does not come from a

belief that of incapability, but for their protection and also as an economic strategy.

Moreover, informant based research has also validated the opinions of archaeologists that

there now exist a necessity for the examination of crafts from a new perspective.

Metallurgy can no longer just be focused on the exclusion and polluting factors that

women and reproduction have and instead the benefits they have to the overall process

and cultures where it exists.

A final advantage comes from an ethnoarchaeologist’s ability to provide

opportunities for the passing of cultural knowledge to younger generations. As pointed out

by David and Kramer (2001), the practice of metallurgy has never been observed by an

ethnoarchaeologist out of necessity, only ever as commissioned reenactments and

reconstructions. The intensity and workload associated with the craft of the metallurgy is

not only time consuming, but requires additional manpower. When one considers the

rapidly declining number of informants with knowledge and experience of the craft, it is

more than likely that many of those participating in these commissions of the forge have

23
little no experience at all. Therefore, these commissions can be viewed as an opportunity

for younger generations to learn about a part of their culture from older the generations.

Just by providing this opportunity, ethnoarchaeology is acting a catalyst for cultural

preservation in its purest, most direct form.

CONCLUSION

This study’s close examination of the elaborate practices, taboos, and overall complexities

of the eastern African metallurgy clear shows that ethnoarchaeology is a viable and

imperative research method. This method embraces multiple perspectives by taking

advantage of the untapped knowledge remaining within modern day populations. Each

new perspective gained is capable of providing additional context and potential

explanations that broaden the scope of interpretation within the archaeological record.

When used correctly, ethnoarchaeology can increase in the understanding of the

archaeological record technologically, symbolically, and socially, and also provides

opportunities for the maintenance and reeducation of cultural practices threatened by

globalization. While ethnoarchaeology clings heavily to its roots in African studies, its

application amongst other regions of interest is extremely promising.

24
25
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