GEC03 Module
GEC03 Module
Readings in Philippine
History
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COURSE DESCRIPTION
Philippine History viewed from the lens of selected primary sources in different
periods, analysis and interpretations.
The course aims to expose students to different facets of Philippine history through
the lens of eyewitnesses. Rather than rely on secondary materials such as textbooks, which
is the usual approach in teaching Philippine history, different types of primary sources will be
used – written (qualitative and quantitative), oral, visual, audio-visual, digital – covering
various aspects of Philippine life (political, economic, social, cultural). Students are expected
to analyze the selected readings contextually and in term of content (stated and implied).
The end goal is to enable students to understand and appreciate our rich past by deriving
insights from those who were actually present at the time of the event.
Context analysis considers the following: 1) the historical context of the source (time
and place it was written and the situation at the time). 2) the author’s background, intent (to
the extent discernable), and authority on the subject and the source’s relevance and
meaning today.
Content analysis, on the other hand, applies appropriate techniques depending on
the type of source (written, oral, visual). In the process students will be asked, for example,
to identify the author’s main argument, compare point of view, identify biases, and evaluate
the author’s claim based on the evidences presented or other available evidence at the time.
The course will guide the students through their reading and analysis of the texts and
require them to write reaction essays of varied length and present their ideas in other ways.
The course analyzes Philippine history from multiple perspectives through the lens of
selected primary sources coming from various disciplines and of genres. The end goal is to
develop the historical and critical consciousness of the students so that they will become
versatile, articulate, broad minded, morally upright and responsible citizens.
This course includes mandatory topics on the Philippine Constitution, agrarian reform
and, taxation.
COURSE GUIDE
This module emphasizes the relevance of studying Philippine History form multiple
perspectives based on selected primary and secondary source. Each section consists of
variety of traditional and non-traditional activities and tasks that will truly aid you in
comprehensively understanding the topics.
This module is designed for you to learn the lessons independently, diligently and
intelligently. Make your learning process more exciting, work with your module page by
page, and avoid peeking on the discussions. The following guides will help you in every step
of the learning process.
1. Allocate and manage your time to read, understand every part of the module.
You can read the discussion over and over until you absorb the point. There is
no particular schedule in studying the course, but be mindful of the schedule
dates of submission of outputs (refer to the schedule guide)
2. There are announcements, discussion and activities that will be posted, so
check course site, and group chat or text messages.
3. Before you start doing the tasks, read and be mindful of the assessment tool
and the instructions. Always aim for the highest standard.
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Overview
Lesson 1 introduces history as a discipline and as a narrative. It
discusses the limitation of historical knowledge, history as the
subjective process of re-construction, and historical method and
historiography. Lesson 2 presents sources of historical date, the
written and non-written sources of history, as well as the
differentiation of primary and secondary sources of information or
data. Lesson 2 discusses historical criticisms, the external and internal criticisms. It
explains how to evaluate primary and secondary sources materials. These are important
aspects in ascertaining the authenticity and credibility of primary sources upon which
narratives are crafted.
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is couched on his
On the other hand, history from theoretical frame of
the Filipino perspective term as pantayong pananaw, which is
kasaysayan, Ambeth Ocampo’s monumental for adds to the simple
definition has this to include: definition of history as a systematic
account of past events. The concept
Kasaysayan is rooted in two
of saysay or meaning is a major
words salaysay, which means a
element for a narrative to qualify as
narrative or a story and, more
historical account. A narrative
important, saysay or meaning. In
without meaning to the group of
my history classes, I always
propose the working definition of people will never be history.
kasaysayan or history as a
To Agoncillo, History is the
narrative (which can be written,
study of the relevant past. It is the
visual, oral or combination of all
three) about past events that has struggle of the Filipino people for
meaning to a certain group of freedom. While Constantino, define it
people in a given time and place. as the history of the inarticulate.
These two components are Salazar, elicited that:
inseparable. Without both you … itinatakda ng mga elit, na siyang “nag-
cannot have true history aarticulate” ng kung ano ang “relevant
(Ocampo, 2013, p.xii). past,” batay sa kanilang pagka-akulturado
sa wika-at-kulturang banyaga. Nakatuon sa
nakaraang politikal (i.e., pagbaka o
resistance sa kolonyalismo, imperyalismo) at
hindi sa mga kultural at pagkalinangang
katangiang Pilipino, dulot hindi lamang ng
nabanggit na sa itaas kundi dahil na rin sa
paggamit lamang ng mga nakasulat n abatis
(i.e., written sources) na sulat ng mga
banyaga. Hindi gumamit ng mga hindi
nakasulat na batis. Gumagamit ng
peryodisasyon umiinog sa mga “historical
markers” ng banyaga; PreColonial, Colonial,
post-colonial; prehistory, Spanish era,
American era, Japanese period, etc.
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3. Did the author conclude based on a single in a courtroom and yet if the
source, or o many sources of evidence? correspondent were a
skilled and honorable reporter and if the
If the evaluation of an available source presidential secretary were competent
shows any indication that it is an interpretative and honest, the correspondent s account
work rather than a factual firsthand account, it is might by a thoroughly accurate
considered as a secondary source. Thus, in statement of what the president in fact
conducting historical researcher, it is important had said. Even the most punctilious
to identify first whether the available sources are historian might retain that kind of evidence
primary or secondary sources. This is to for further corroboration.
determine how reliable and helpful these sources
are. Categories of Written Sources
1. Narrative - Chronicles or tracts
Hearsay and Secondary Evidence presented in narrative form, written to
When historian can find no primary impart a message whose motives for their
witness, he uses the best secondary witness composition vary widely.
available. Unlike the lawyer, he wishes to o A newspaper article might be intended
discover a nearly as possible what happened to shaped opinion; to so-called ego
rather than who was at fault. If he sometimes document or personal narrative such
has to make judgments, he does not have to pass as diary or memoir.
sentence and hence he does not have the same
hesitation as a judge to permit evidence that 2. Diplomatic sources - Those which
practice rules out of courtrooms. document/record an existing legal situation
In cases where he uses secondary or create a new one, and it is these kinds of
sources that professional historians treated
witnesses, however, he does not rely upon them
as the “best” source.
fully. On the contrary, he asks: (1) On whose
o A legal document is usually sealed or
primary testimony does the secondary witness
authenticated to provide evidence that
base his statements? (2) Did the secondary a legal transaction has been completed
witness accurately report the primary testimony and can be used as evidence in a
as a whole? (3) if not, in what details did he judicial proceeding in case of dispute
accurately report the primary testimony? 3. Social Document - Information
Satisfactory answers to the second and third pertaining for economic, social,
questions may prove the historian with the political, or judicial significance.
whole or the substance of the primary testimony o They are records kept by
upon which the secondary witness may be his bureaucracies.
only means of knowledge. In such cases the o Example. Government reports, such as
secondary source is the historian’s “original” municipal accounts, research findings,
source, in the sense of being the “origin” of his and documents like civil registry
knowledge. In so far as this “original” source is records, property register, and records
of census.
an accurate report of primary testimony, he tests
its credibility as he would that of the primary
Non – written Sources of History
testimony itself.
1. Material evidence
Thus, hearsay evidence would not be “archeological evidence
discarded by the historian as it would be by a o One of the most important
law court, merely because it is hearsay. It is unwritten evidences.
unacceptable only in so far as it cannot be o Artistic creations such as pottery,
established as accurate reporting of primary jewelry, dwellings, graves,
testimony. A single example will perhaps churches, roads, and other that tell
suffice to make that clear. A White House a story about the past
correspondent stating what the president had
2. Oral evidence
said at a press conference would be a primary
o Source of information for
source of information on the president’s words.
historians, told by the tales or
The same correspondent telling a presidential
sagas of ancient people. Folksongs
secretary’s version of what the president had
or popular rituals
said would be a secondary or hearsay witness,
and probably would be successfully challenged
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Name:_________________________________________ Score:_______________________
Directions: Determine whether the following are primary or secondary sources. Circle
the letter indicating whether the item is a "P" primary source or "S" secondary source.
For each one, explain your reasoning in complete sentence.
1. The story of your grandfather tells you about his experience during the World War
II. P S
Why:
______
2. A letter written by Alberto Dela Cruz to his mother about the latest developments in
the Revolutionary War. P S
Why:
3. The Diary of Anne Frank - the published diary of a teenage girl who experiences the
Holocaust first hand . P S
Why:
______
5. Your high school diplomas. P S
Why:
______
______
7. The information from the museum tour guide who shows you around the exhibit
and shares facts with you. P S
Why: _____________________________________________________________________
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Assessment #3
Analyzing Primary Sources
Instructions: Read the full transcript of the undelivered Arrival Speech of Senator
Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. and answer the following questions below.
The undelivered speech of Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr. upon his return from the U.S., August 21, 1983
retrieved from https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1983/08/21/the-undelivered-speech-of-senator-benigno-s-aquino-
jr-upon-his-return-from-the-u-s-august-21-1983/
I have returned on my free will to join the ranks of those struggling to restore our rights and freedoms
through nonviolence.
I seek no confrontation. I only pray and will strive for a genuine national reconciliation founded on justice.
I am prepared for the worst, and have decided against the advice of my mother, my spiritual adviser, many
of my tested friends and a few of my most valued political mentors.
A death sentence awaits me. Two more subversion charges, both calling for death penalties, have been filed
since I left three years ago and are now pending with the courts.
I could have opted to seek political asylum in America, but I feel it is my duty, as it is the duty of every
Filipino, to suffer with his people especially in time of crisis.
I never sought nor have I been given assurances or promise of leniency by the regime. I return voluntarily
armed only with a clear conscience and fortified in the faith that in the end justice will emerge triumphant.
According to Gandhi, the willing sacrifice of the innocent is the most powerful answer to insolent tyranny
that has yet been conceived by God and man.
Three years ago, when I left for an emergency heart bypass operation, I hoped and prayed that the rights
and freedoms of our people would soon be restored, that living conditions would improve and that blood-
letting would stop.
Rather than move forward, we have moved backward. The killings have increased, the economy has taken a
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turn for the worse and the human rights situation has deteriorated.
During the martial law period, the Supreme Court heard petitions for Habeas Corpus. It is most ironic, after
martial law has allegedly been lifted, that the Supreme Court last April ruled it can no longer entertain
petitions for Habeas Corpus for persons detained under a Presidential Commitment Order, which covers all
so-called national security cases and which under present circumstances can cover almost anything.
The country is far advanced in her times of trouble. Economic, social and political problems bedevil the
Filipino. These problems may be surmounted if we are united. But we can be united only if all the rights and
freedoms enjoyed before September 21, 1972 are fully restored.
The Filipino asks for nothing more, but will surely accept nothing less, than all the rights and freedoms
guaranteed by the 1935 Constitution—the most sacred legacies from the Founding Fathers.
Yes, the Filipino is patient, but there is a limit to his patience. Must we wait until that patience snaps?
The nation-wide rebellion is escalating and threatens to explode into a bloody revolution. There is a growing
cadre of young Filipinos who have finally come to realize that freedom is never granted, it is taken. Must we
relive the agonies and the blood-letting of the past that brought forth our Republic or can we sit down as
brothers and sisters and discuss our differences with reason and goodwill?
I have often wondered how many disputes could have been settled easily had the disputants only dared to
define their terms.
1. Six years ago, I was sentenced to die before a firing squad by a Military Tribunal whose jurisdiction I
steadfastly refused to recognize. It is now time for the regime to decide. Order my IMMEDIATE EXECUTION
OR SET ME FREE.
I was sentenced to die for allegedly being the leading communist leader. I am not a communist, never was
and never will be.
2. National reconciliation and unity can be achieved but only with justice, including justice for our Muslim
and Ifugao brothers. There can be no deal with a Dictator. No compromise with Dictatorship.
3. In a revolution there can really be no victors, only victims. We do not have to destroy in order to build.
4. Subversion stems from economic, social and political causes and will not be solved by purely military
solutions; it can be curbed not with ever increasing repression but with a more equitable distribution of
wealth, more democracy and more freedom, and
5. For the economy to get going once again, the workingman must be given his just and rightful share of his
labor, and to the owners and managers must be restored the hope where there is so much uncertainty if not
despair.
On one of the long corridors of Harvard University are carved in granite the words of Archibald Macleish:
“How shall freedom be defended? By arms when it is attacked by arms; by truth when it is attacked by lies;
by democratic faith when it is attacked by authoritarian dogma. Always, and in the final act, by
determination and faith.”
I return from exile and to an uncertain future with only determination and faith to offer—faith in our people
and faith in God.
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Assessment #3
Analyzing Primary Sources
I. First Impressions
1. What are your first impressions about the undelivered speech?
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F. What is the purpose of the document? What made you think so?
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III. Thinking Further
A. What do you think is the most important information that the author of the
document was conveying? Why?
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B. What is the point of view of the author? Is it objective? Why?
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Santiago Alvarez (a.k.a. Gen. Apoy or Kidlat ng Apoy) was born on July 25,
1872 at Noveleta, Cavite. He was the only child of Gen. Mariano Alvarez (a.k.a.
Gen. Maninam) leader of the Magdiwang faction and Nicolasa Virata. His
parents’ ambition for him was to become a teacher thus he studied under the
tutelage of Antonio Dacon at Imus, later under Ignacio Villocillo, and then
transferred to Tondo under Macario Hernandez. He was 24 years old when his
education was interrupted at the outbreak of the revolution. He led the
revolutionaries in the Battle of Dalahican. He continued his education after
the revolution where he entered UST, transferred to San Juan de Letran to
finish his Bachelor in Arts degree and eventually earned his law degree at
Liceo de Manila (Alvarez, 1977, p. 2). He was already having his law practice in
the 1920s when a new air of vibrance was blowing in the hope that the
Americans would grant the Philippines its independence come 1921. The hope
was drawn from the promise of the Jones Law of 1916 which stated in the
preamble that the US will grant independence upon proof of the Philippine’s capability to govern itself. The
eager anticipation would usher in a new era that would place the heroic acts of the Revolution of 1896 and the
living veterans of the revolution in oblivion. In the preface of his book, Memoirs of a General, he implied his aim,
to make known to the youth the fading struggle of the revolutionaries and the story of the revolution. Working
from his notes, he reconstructed the story of the revolution as a participant-eyewitness. His work was first
serialized in Tagalog weekly magazine Sampaguita in 36 parts beginning July 1927. In June 1973, Carolina Malay
translated the original Tagalog version into English which was completed sometime in 1977.
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Preface
As the country moves toward change, the youth become more discerning and discriminating regarding
the competence of authors, especially those of historical writings. They begin to question the credentials of
anyone who dares to write a history of the people or even of mere episodes. They look for motivations for
such writings and inquire about their sources.
Before we look into the period of Philippine history concerning the Katipunan and the Revolution that I
discuss in the following pages, I wish to say a few things about my humble self. I shall be fifty-five years old on
25 July 1927; I was born in the year 1872 in Noveleta, Cavite. In my early years, I studied under Macario Her-
nandez at his school located on Camba Street in Manila. Subsequently, I attended San Juan de Letran College
and the University of Santo Tomas. After the tumultuous cry for national freedom (the Revolution), I resumed
my studies in 1902, at the law school of the Liceo de Manila, and later worked at the law offices of Felipe
Buencamino, Sr., and of R. del Rosario. While working in the latter’s law office, I earned my law degree.
For five full years, from August 1896 to August 1901, I was one of those who guided the Revolution. But
even before the outbreak of the Revolution, I was already active in the Katipunan as a member and as a
delegate; as such, I was often in the company of the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, Dr. Pio Valenzuela, and Mr.
Emilio Jacinto. We organized chapters and propagated the movement in general. In the process, I was able to
keep some notes about our experiences. As these were written in pencil on ordinary paper, they are now
faded with age and have become difficult to read, especially by people other than myself. The following
narrative, therefore, is not only of an eyewitness but also of active participant.
I am greatly indebted to my colleague and friend, Mr. Lope K. Santos, whose nationalist sentiments
encouraged me to undertake this project. He prodded me into writing these memoirs by arguing that since I
could shed more light on the different facets of the Revolution, I would be doing a service to the youth,
whom he saw as the direct beneficiaries of this work. I myself would prefer that I reconstruct those events
from my notes now instead of somebody else doing it after my death. My notes would appear disjointed and
unclear to anyone else aside from myself, and any attempt to utilize them to write a historical account of the
period would prove of little value.
The events I have related in this account of the Katipunan and the Revolution reverberate with shouts of
“Long live our patriots!” and “Death to the enemy!” These were in answer to the enemy’s assaults with
mausers and cannon, the latter fired from both land and sea.
The Magdiwang government honored me with an appointment as captain general, or head of its army.
Gen. Artemio Ricarte was lieutenant general.
I will now attempt to write down what I saw and what I know about the Katipunan and the Revolution.
First I shall narrate the events relating to the revolution beginning from 14 March 1896; then I shall deal with
the organization and activities of the Society of the Sons of the People (full name: Kamahalmahalan at
Kataastaasang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan [The Most Venerable Supreme Society of the Sons of the
People]). The Katipunan account is based on records which were entrusted to me by the original founders of
the Katipunan.
In the interest of honorable truth, I shall now attempt to write a history of the Katipunan and the
Revolution which I hope will be acceptable to all. However, I realize that it is inevitable that, in the narration
of actual happenings, I shall run the risk of hurting the feelings of contemporaries and comrades-in-arms. I
would like to make it clear that I shall try to be as objective as possible and that it is far from my intention to
depreciate anyone’s patriotism and greatness.
I shall be honored if these memoirs become a worthy addition to what Gen. Artemio Ricarte has already
published in this weekly… (Alvarez)
The Revolution was facing a grave crisis. The Katipunan forces in Cavite were suffering defeat after
defeat with great loss of life. Magdalo territories had passed to Spanish hands after the Battles of Salitran,
Zapote, and Dalahikan. Imus, the rebel capital was in a state of imminent collapse. To strengthen defenses so
that they could stop the Spanish advance into the rest of the province that was still held by the Magdiwang
and to forestall the loss of more lives, the Supremo Bonifacio, with the approval of other revolutionary
leaders, called a meeting of the Magdalo and Magdiwang leaders. This meeting, scheduled for 24 March 1897,
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was postponed for the next day because of the death of Lt. Gen. Crispulo Aguinaldo, Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo’s
brother, on that day in the Battle of Salitran.
The Magdiwang leaders were waiting for their Magdalo counterparts at the Tejeros friar estate house,
the designated place, long after lunch on that day. They had designated place, long after lunch on that day.
They had to start in the afternoon to allow the usual enemy raids, which came in the morning, to subside
before they ventured out to Tejeros, a village in the municipality of San Francisco de Malabon. When the
Magdalo group finally came at about five in the afternoon, they brought with the sad news of the death of
General Magdalo’s own brother. Heading a small group, General Magdalo recounted the circumstances of the
heroic death of his patriot brother. Then he begged to be excused to attend to arrangements for his beloved
brother’s funeral. Thus, the meeting was put off for the next day at the same place.
But before dispersing, Secretary of the Treasury Diego Mojica proposed a resolution of condolence
and prayers for patriots who had died heroically like Lt. Gen. Crispulo Aguinaldo. The Supremo Bonifacio
thought this was superfluous and objected to such a resolution. “True love of country,” the Supremo argued,
“and service to the cause of freedom for the Motherland are the noblest attributes that would ensure one’s
place in heaven. Lt. Gen. Crispulo Aguinaldo and the comrades who died before him are all truly blessed and
are now in their respective places in the heavenly kingdom. Moreover, they will always occupy an honored
place in the history of our country.”
The assembly at Tejeros was finally convened on 25 March 1897. The invitations to the meeting were
signed by Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras of the Magdiwang Council, and he presided over the assembly. Seated
with Lumbreras at the long presidential table were the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, Messrs. Mariano Alvarez,
Pascual Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, Mariano C. Trias, Diego Mojica, Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago V. Alvarez,
Artemio Ricarte, Santos Nocon, Luciano San Miguel, Pablo Mojica, Severino de las Alas, and Santiago Rillo, all
of them of the Magdiwang. Among the Magdalo seated at the head table were Messrs. Baldomero
Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, and Cayetano Topacio.
It must be mentioned that, before the assembly was convened, Secretary of War Ariston Villanueva of the
Magdawang Council received the confidential information that Mr. Daniel Tirona of the Magdalo faction was
set to undermine the proceedings of the assembly and that he had already succeeded in enjoining many
among the Magdiwang leaders to ally with him. Secretary Villanueva kept silent, but nevertheless alerted
Captain General Apoy, who had troops in readiness for any sudden eventuality.
The leaders were seated at the presidential table, as previously described, and all the others were
standing in groups on both sides of those seated. After Chairman Jacinto Lumbreras had declared the
assembly open, he announced the main topic of discussion, which was how to bolster the defenses in the
areas still under Magdiwang control. Presently, Mr. Severino de las Alas rose to speak, and when he was
recognized he said, “Before we discuss minor details, let us first tackle the major issue such as what kind of
government we should have and how we should go about establishing it. Once we make a decision about
these questions, the problem of organization and strengthening of defenses will be resolved.”
“As initiator of the Revolution,” Chairman Lumbreras replied, “the Katipunan now holds authority over
the islands. It has a government of law and a definite program. It is obeyed and respected by all because it
stands for freedom, brotherly love, and a well-organized and well-run government. The purpose of this
meeting is to discuss the best measures to take to strengthen the Magdiwang government vis-à-vis the
enemy. We should avoid surrendering the headquarters of the Katipunan army should the Magdalo
eventually lose out.”
The chair next recognized the Supremo. He concurred with what Chairman Lumbreras had just said and
explained that the “K” in the middle of the sun in the Katipunan flag used in the Revolution stood for
Kalayaan (freedom).
Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again. He countered that the letter “K” and the sun on the flag did not
indicate whether the revolutionary government was democratic or not.
The Supremo replied that from the rank and file to the highest levels, the Katipunan was united in its respect
for universal brotherhood and equality of men. It was risking bloodshed and life itself in its struggle against
the king, in order to establish a sovereign and free government. In short, it stood for people’s sovereignty,
not a government led by only one or two.
Mr. Antonio Montenegro spoke in defense of Mr. Severino de las Alas’s stand. He argued that if they
would not agree on the kind of revolutionary government they were to have and that if they were to let the
status quo prevail, then they who were in the Revolution would be no better than a pack of bandits or of
wild, mindless animals.
General Apoy was hurt by these words of Mr. Montenegro. He quickly stood up and looked angrily at the
previous speaker.
“We of the Katipunan,” he began, “are under the jurisdiction of our respected Highest Council of the
sons of the People. This Council is the defender of, and has authority over, the Magdiwang and Magdalo
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governments of Cavite. We are true revolutionaries fighting for freedom of the native land. We are not
bandits who rob others of their property and wealth. Nor should we be likened to beasts, for we know how
to protect and defend others, especially the political refugees who seek asylum with us. We are rational and
we do not expose those who talk big but do not accomplish anything. If you want to establish a different kind
of government that is to your liking, you must do as we have done. Go back to your localities and snatch them
from Spanish control! Then you can do what pleases you; but don’t you dare seek refuge among cowards
who might call you bandits and beasts. And for everybody’s satisfaction, I am now ordering you arrested!”
Captain General Apoy stopped speaking and looked intently at the person he was alluding to and ordered
a detachment under Maj. Damaso Fojas to keep him under guard. After a short while, Dr. Jose Rizal’s sister,
Trining, and his widow, Josephine, pleaded with General Apoy not to arrest Mr. Montenegro, but to let him
stay at the estate house where they themselves were staying. They volunteered to be held personally
responsible for Mr. Montenegro while in their custody. Captain General Apoy easily acceded to the request.
The strong and excited denunciation by Captain General Apoy of Mr. Montenegro alerted the Magdiwang
troops. The leaders eyed everyone suspiciously and were only awaiting a signal from General Apoy for them
to begin shooting. Disorder ensued and disrupted the assembly.
When order was restored, some wanted the convention adjourned, but the Supremo Bonifacio prevailed
upon the others to continue. However, the presiding officer, Mr. Lumbreras, refused to resume his role of
chairman. He wanted to yield the chair to the Supremo whom he thought to be the rightful chairman.
The Katipunan, as you know,” Mr. Lumbreras explained, “was responsible from the beginning for the
spread of the revolutionary movement throughout the Philippines. But because of the disaffection of some,
this assembly was called to establish a new overall revolutionary council. If we are to pursue this ambitious
and important undertaking, only the Supremo has the right to preside at this assembly, for he is the Father of
the Katipunan and the Revolution.”
Mr. Lumbreras’s speech was well received and his proposal was unanimously accepted. The Supremo
Bonifacio assumed the chairmanship accordingly and said, “Your aim is to establish a new overall government
of the Katipunan of the Sons of the People. This would repudiate the decisions made at the meeting held at
the friar estate house in Imus. In my capacity as President-Supremo” of the Most Venerable Katipunan of the
Sons of the People, I agree and we should respect all decisions properly discussed and approved in all our
meetings. We should respect and abide by the wishes of the majority.”
Because of a repeated clamor for the approval of the establishment of a government of the Philippine
Republic, the chair proceeded to prepare for an election to the following positions: president, minister of
finance, minister of welfare, minister of justice, and captain general.
The Supremo spoke again before the election began. He said that the candidate who would get the most
number of votes for each position should be the winner, no matter what his station in life or his educational
attainment. What should matter was that the candidate had never been a traitor to the cause of the
Motherland. Everyone agreed and there were shouts of approval such as, “That is how it should be – equality
for everyone! Nobody should be higher nor lower than the other. May love of country prevail!”
The Supremo Bonifacio appointed Gen. Artemio Ricarte as secretary. Then, with the help of Mr. Daniel
Tirona, he distributed pieces of paper to serve as ballots. When the ballots had been collected and the votes
were ready to be canvassed, Mr. Diego Mojica, the Magdiwang secretary of the treasury, warned the
Supremo that many ballots distributed were already filled out and that the voters had not done this
themselves. The Supremo ignored this remark. He proceeded with the business at hand as if nothing unusual
had happened.
When the votes for president were counted, Mr. Emilio Aguinaldo won over Mr. Andres Bonifacio, the
Supremo. The winner was acclaimed by applause and shouts of “Mabuhay!” (Long live!).
Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again to say that since the Supremo Bonifacio had received the second
highest number of votes for the presidency, he should be proclaimed vice-president of the government of the
Philippine Republic. When nobody signified approval or disapproval of the proposal, the presiding officer, the
Supremo Bonifacio ruled that the election be continued. For vice-president, Mr. Mariano Trias won over Mr.
Mariano Alvarez and the Supremo Bonifacio. General Vibora was elected captain over General Apoy. General
Vibora demurred, saying that he had neither the ability nor the right to assume the new position. But General
Apoy cut short his objections by saying that he personally vouched for General Vibora’s competence and right
to occupy the position to which he was elected. General Apoy’s endorsement was greeted with shouts of
“Long live the newly elected captain general!”
Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo wanted the elections to be finished before it got too dark. To facilitate the
counting of votes, he suggested that for all other positions to be voted upon, voters should stand on one side
of the hall if in favor and on the other side if against. The suggestion was adopted for the rest of the election.
For the position of secretary of war, Mr. Emiliano R. de Dios was elected overwhelmingly over Messrs.
Santiago V. Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, and Daniel Tirona. After the voters had given the proper honors to the
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new secretary of war, they proceeded to elect the secretary of the interior. Mr. Andres Bonifacio, the
Supremo, won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez. The crowd broke into shouts of “Mabuhay!” Mr. Daniel Tirona
requested for a restoration of order and then spoke aloud.
“My brethren, the office of secretary of the interior is of so great a scope and of such sensitivity that we
should not entrust it to one who is not a lawyer. One among us is a lawyer. He is Mr. Jose del Rosario. Let us
reconsider the choice for the last position, for, he has no credentials to show attesting to any educational
attainment.
Then in as loud a voice as he could muster, Tirona shouted, “Let us elect Mr. Jose del Rosario, the
lawyer!”
Greatly embarrassed, the Supremo Bonifacio quickly stood up and said, “We agreed to abide by the
majority vote and accept its choice no matter what the station in life of the person elected. And because of
this, I demand from you, Mr. Daniel Tirona, an apology. You must restore to the voters and the one they
elected the honor you have only now besmirched.”
Then he pulled out his revolver and took aim.
Instead of replying, Mr. Tirona ignored the Supremo’s remarks and, perhaps because of fear, he slid away
and got lost in the crowd. Disorder ensued as the convention secretary tried to disarm the Supremo, who was
intent on shooting Mr. Tirona. The people began to disperse and the Supremo adjourned the meeting with
these words:
“In my capacity as chairman of this convention and as President-Supremo of the Most Venerable
Katipunan of the Sons of the People which association is known and acknowledged by all, I hereby declare
null and void all matters approved in this meeting.”
Then he left quickly and was followed by his aides and some others present.
Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, the Magdalo president, did not leave San Francisco de Malabon that night, in
order to convince the Magdiwang leaders to reconvene the disrupted meeting the following day. They
agreed to his proposal. That same night rumor had it that Messrs. Mariano Trias, Daniel Tirona, Emiliano R. de
Dios, Santiago Rillo, and others were in the parish house of the Catholic church at Tanza (Santa Cruz de
Malabon), and that they were conferring with the priest, Fr. Cenon Villafranca. Many attested to seeing them,
but no one knew what they talked about.
On the request of Magdalo Pres. Baldomero Aguinaldo, a meeting was called at the same friar estate
house in Tejeros. Called on the day after the tumultuous convention, its purpose was to continue and
revalidate the proceedings of the election meeting, to revive their former alliances, and to restore cordiality
and fraternal love in their relations. Aside from the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, among the Magdiwang who
attended were Messrs. Mariano Alvarez, Diego Mojica, Ariston Villanueva, Pascual Alvarez, Jacinto
Lumbreras, Santiago Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte, Nicolas Portilla, Santos Nocon, and Fr. Manuel Trias, the parish
priest of San Francisco de Malabon. They waited until five that afternoon, but none of the Magdalo members
came, not even their president who had initiated what would have been a reconciliation meeting.
That same night it was rumored that the Magdalo leaders were currently holding their own meeting at
the parish house in Tanza. Though it had reason to be apprehensive because the Magdalo were meeting in
territory under its jurisdiction, the Magdiwang leadership looked the other way because the Magdalo were
hard-pressed for meeting places since its territories had all been taken by the Spanish enemy.
The next morning, 27 March 1897, eyewitnesses who had spied on the proceedings revealed that, indeed,
a meeting had taken place at the Tanza parish house and that the Supremo’s decisions regarding the election
at the friar estate house were not respected. These revelations surfaced despite denials from many sectors.
At the gathering in the “Tanza parish house, those elected at the Tejeros convention knelt before a
crucifix and in the name of the Holy Father, the highest pontiff of the Roman Catholic church, invoked the
martyred saints and solemnly took their office. F. Cenon Villafranca officiated. With Messrs. Severino de las
Alas and Daniel Tiona as witnesses, the following took their oaths of office: Messrs. Emilio Aguinaldo, Mariano
C. Trias, and Artemio Ricarte. Conspicuously absent was the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, who was not invited
although he was one of those elected to office. It will be recalled that as chairman of the Tejeros convention,
he declared null and void all matters approved by the assembly because of a grave violation of a principle
agreed upon before the election.
It should be noted here that, unknown to the Magdiwang Council, the Magdalo posted troops to guard
the Tanza parish house for their oath-taking ceremonies. The troops were under strict orders not to admit any
of unwanted Magdiwang partisans. If the news about the secret ceremony had leaked out earlier, and the
underdogs in the power struggle had attempted to break into it, they would have been annihilated then and
there.
The Spaniards captured and occupied the town of Imus in the afternoon of 25 March 1897. They left three
days afterwards and marched into the San Francisco de Malabon territory up to the village of Bakaw. When
they reached Bakaw, they were intercepted by Mardiwang troops led by Supremo Bonifacio and General
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Apoy. A pitched battle ensued. But the Magdiwang initiative was foiled by the arrival of a great number of
enemy reinforcements at the height of the encounter. In the face of such an unfavorable situation, the
Supremo decided on a tactical retreat to their fortifications. General Apoy for his part, ordered Major Baluyot
to rally all other armed units of the Magdiwang army and assign them to the Tarike fortifications in San
Francisco de Malabon.
After the battle, the Spaniards encamped and rested in Bakaw, but throughout the night they were
harassed with potshots from small Katipunan bands.
Anticipating that the enemy encamped at Bakaw would try to penetrate the strong Dalahikan
fortifications in Noveleta from the rear, General Apoy ordered General San Miguel to pull out all troops from
Dalahikan and transfer them to some other fort.
On 3 April, the Supremo made a bid to recapture Noveleta. General Vibora and Gen. Santos Nocon
accompanied him in the offensive, which lasted the whole day. But despite a fierce determination on their
part and heavy enemy losses, they were unable to dislodge the Spaniards.
A few days after the Supremo’s unsuccessful attempt to retake Noveleta, fresh Spanish reinforcements
began arriving in great numbers in the open fields to the west of Bakaw and along the seashores of Noveleta
and Salinas. At nine that morn ing, artillery fire from mountain cannons began battering the San Francisco de
Malabon fortifications, extending from Tejeros to Tarike. A two-hour shelling was followed by ground attack
by cavalry and infantry troops.
After preliminary skirmishes, man-to-man combat broke out at the Tarike fort. It became a fierce
battleground as the rebels made a valiant defense. Every head that emerged from either side was quickly
bashed in or severed at the neck. All that could be heard was the rattle of gleaming blades, the burst of
gunfire, and the thud of bodies as they fell against the earth. Wielding a variety of arms such as spears,
machetes, daggers, revolvers, and rifles, the combatants locked in struggle and fell together. In one instance,
the tip of a bayonet piercing somebody’s middle came out straight through the back of another who himself
had a pointed machete sticking in his chest. In another instance, one who was mortally wounded by a sharp
dagger inflicted killed by the other’s gun. Another pair who fell together each had bayonet thrusts, one
through the navel and the other above the chest. Some had severed heads, others, severed hands or feet.
General Apoy and the Supremo Bonifacio lost many gallant troops in this bloody and miserable battle.
Among those who died were the valiant Maj. Pio Baluyot and head soldiers Francisco Arnaldo, Juan Brosas,
Lucio Poblete, and Nicomedes Esguerra. The enemy rode roughshod over their bodies as they rushed into
town to raise their flag of victory and to burn houses.
Very early that morning before the battle, Captain General Apoy had visited the Tarike fort to boost the
morale of the Magdiwang and Balara troops. Then at past seven o’clock, they saw the Spaniards massing a
great number of their troops. The commanders of the Magdiwang and the Balara contingents thought it was
the better part of discretion if the captain general was not with them inside the fort when the expected
attack took place. Thus, Major Baluyot and Captain Olaes escorted him across the river to the west of the
town of San Francisco de Malabon.
Gen. Pio Del Pilar and his troops, along with a small detachment from Imus, came to help the defense of
San Francisco de Malabon, but for some unknown reason he withdrew even before the enemy could attack.
He made his withdrawal without notifying those inside the fort.
Coming from Imus and Kawit, the enemy took Noveleta without resistance. They captured the
fortifications and collected Katipunan arms and ammunition. Coming in and spreading out into the open fields
around Imus, Kawit, Noveleta, and San Francisco de Malabon, they overwhelmed the People’s troops with
their sheer number.
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Assessment 4
Comparative Analysis: Primary vs Secondary
Sources
Author’s
Background
Objective of the
Author
Date written or
published
Mention of
dates
Key
Personalities
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Thematic
motivation of
authors (why
the Tejeros
meeting
failed?)
Sequencing of
events
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Synthesis:
Compare primary and secondary sources of historical records using the
two articles. Which do you think provides a more accurate and detailed information on
the story? State and justify your claim. Use an extra sheet of paper if needed.
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A heroic act is an extraordinary feat done during extraordinary times that inspired others. What
qualities should we develop as Filipinos in order to get rid of animosities and rivalries descriptive of
the bad side of politics
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References
Agoncillo, Teodoro and Guerero, Milagros (1977) History of the Filipino People. Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing
Co.
Gottschalk, Louis (1969) Understanding History: a primer of historical method. New York: A.A. Knopf.
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Overview
The complete Knowledge of the past through credible and reliable sources is essential to
the understanding and learning of you own history. History must be studies carefully; hence it
necessitates the application of historical method. Historical method is the process of critically
examining and analyzing the records and survivals of the past (Gottschalk, 1969).
The intent of the application of historical method is to make you competent in your
interpretation of facts and critical analysis of historical narrative or account. For this to be
achieved, you will be engaged in content and contextual analysis of the selected primary
sources.
Content analysis is a systematic evaluation of the primary source be it a text, or speech
that in the process you could develop and present an argument based on their own
understanding of the evidences from your readings. You will identify pertinent information
form the text/document and explain the its importance to your understanding of history in the
Philippine setting. Contextual analysis on the other hand, considers specially the time, place,
and situation when the primary source was written. The analysis as well includes the author’s
background, authority on the subject and intent perceptible, and its relevance and meaning to
people and society today.
In this module the following documents will be evaluated for content and contextual
analysis:
1. Customs of the Tagalogs by Juan de Plasencia
2. Kartilla ng Katipunan
3. Act of Proclamation of Independence
4. Filipino Grievances against General Wood
5. President Corazon Aquino’s Speech before the U.S Congress 18 September 1986
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After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately; but I postponed my answer in order
that I might first thoroughly inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid discussing the
conflicting reports of the Indians, who are wont to tell what suits their purpose. Therefore, to this end, I
collected Indians from different districts—old men, and those of most capacity, all known to me; and
from them I have obtained the simple truth, after weeding out much foolishness, in regard to their
government, administration of justice, inheritances, slaves, and dowries.1 It is as follows:
This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and were captains in their
wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or
spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.
These chiefs ruled over but few people: sometimes as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even
less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalog a barangay. It was inferred that the reason for
giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay
nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called – as is
discussed at length in the first chapter of the of the first ten chapters – became a dato. And so, even at the
present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and children,
relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars,
they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another except in
friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective
barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles,
commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not pay tax or
tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them
beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water
those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it.
The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they
inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one
knew his own. No one belonging to another would cultivate them unless after purchase of inheritance.
The lands on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay.
Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may
have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel
him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or
maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of
their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought
with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and he
divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not
so divided.
The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for
markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he
belonged to the chief’s barangay or village.
The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve their master, whether he be
a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied
him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are
lords of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The
children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can either
parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who
was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with
him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.
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The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his house and on his cultivated
lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited
through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For these reasons,
servants who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in
war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.
Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another thereby themselves making a profit,
and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among
those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir) – through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise –
happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself,
becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom was never less than five
taels, as they might agree, he became wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After
having divided all the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they
divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth
were left, they parted it in the middle.
The difference between the aliping namamahan and the alipinng sa guiguilir, should be noted: for, by a
confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that
the alcalde-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the
aliping namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping sa guiguilir, as servant in their
households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is
not an aliping as well as his father and mother before him no reservation is made as to whether he is
aliping namamahay or aliping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered alipin, without further declaration. In
this way he becomes a saguiguilir, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be
instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer
put in the document that they give him.
In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father’s and mother’s side continue to be
so forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon
explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if
one of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her
master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy.
In such a case half of the child was free – namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child
with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the
latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free, provided he were
not her husband.
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namamahay or
sa guiguilir, the children were divided; the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the
third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the
father were free all those who belonged to him were slaves, and the same applied to the mother. If there
should not be more than one child he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the
division, whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of
servitude which was their parent’s, either mamamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of
children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any certainty
when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of
these two kinds of slaves the saguiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor
could they be transferred. However, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance,
provided they remained in the same village.
The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to
another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller
according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the
entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left
and one which he entered. This applied equally to men and women, except that when one married a
woman in another village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two barangays. This
arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case – because, if the dato is
energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other
villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of
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dato that they now prefer not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in this,
for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.
Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those of his
barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another
village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not, since they had for this purpose some persons, known
as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy
lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they
did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to
drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.
They had laws by which they condemned a man follow birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a
child; likewise witches and others of the same class.
They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death penalty. As for the witches, they
called them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some
recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid
with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person aggrieved,
to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all
their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus
enslaving the culprit and his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of the
children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the
culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service
until he was paid- not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently,
as aliping namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of
what was let him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the master to
whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who let them wherewith to
pay.
In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is great hindrance
to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the
one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor
is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrower becomes slaves, and after the death of the father the
children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and can be
reformed.
As for inheritances, the legitimate children of father and mother inherited equality, except in the case
where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two three gold taels, or perhaps a
jewel.
When the parents gave a dowry to any son, when, in order to marry him to a chief’s daughter, the
dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole property
to be divided. Any other thing that should have been given to any son, though it might be for some
necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents
should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. If one had had children by two
or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase,
and that share of his father’s estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his
slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance; but the legitimate
children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something – a tael or a slave, if the father were a
chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides the
legitimate children, he had also some sons by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but
who was not considered a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by the
unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit equally
with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there were two children, the
legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasaya one part. When there were no children by a
legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasaya, the latter inherited all. If he had a
child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were no legitimate or
natural child, or a child by an inaasaya, whether there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance
went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the deceased, who gave to the
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be which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21, 1589.
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health, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece
of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large gold ring, thus worshipping the devil
without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and,
assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance – he being the cause of it – that she
seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she
uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those
idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a
tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. This, however,
happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed,
decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the
water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set
before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos – which is a small fruit wrapped in a
leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions – as well as fried food and fruits. All these
above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being
‘offered,’ as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters
there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a
good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a
happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.
In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days
and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and
drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her
head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the girls
might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them
widows in their youth.
The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The first, called catolonan, as
above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was
held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands.
The second they called mangagauay, or witches who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These
priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the
witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they
could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or
at least his substance. This office was general throughout the land. The third they called manyisalat, which
is the same as mangagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they
would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse
with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon
her, and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This office was also general
throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or
oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus be emitted except as the
priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived the house where
the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.
The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the
mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom
they chose. If they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so by using
other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were
able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his
liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no
one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calayan, they tore out in this way through the anus all
the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Merida.
The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons,
without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about carried, or pretended to carry, his head
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to different places and, in the morning, returned it to his body – remaining, as before, alive. This seems to
me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused
them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.
The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to ‘sorcerer;” they say that they have seen him fly,
and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalogs
these did not exist.
The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They made charms for lovers out of
herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people,
although sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends?
The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to “preacher.” It was his office to help one to die,
at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions
of this office to be fulfilled by other than people of high standing on account of the esteem in which it was
held. This office was general throughout the islands.
The eleventh, pangatahohan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. This office was general in all
the islands.
The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.
Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house; and,
if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose.
Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a boat which served as
a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of
rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos –
male and female of each species being together – as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was
the slave’s care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied
beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many
days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until
finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of
the Tagalogs.
The Aetas or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form of burial, but different.
They dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head
or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a coconut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they
went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this
end they conspired together, hanging a certain token of their necks until some one of them procured the
death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called maca, just as if
we should say ‘paradise,” or, in other words, “village of rest.” They say that those who go to this place
are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral
virtues. They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and
affliction, called casanaan, which was “a place of anguish;” they also maintained that no one would go to
heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, “the maker of all things,” who governed from above. There were
also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they
said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called sitan.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore as has been stated: catolonan; sonat (who
was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as
before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him); mangagauay, manyisalat,
mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma, pangathahoan.
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they called tigbalaang. They had
another deception – namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment;
and that, at night she could be heard lamenting. This was called pantianac. May the honor and glory be
God our Lord’s, that among all the Tagalogs not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now
marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.
Blair, E.H. & Robertson, J.A (2004). Juan de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs. In The Philippine Island,
1493-1898 (Vol.7) (pp.165-1987). Retrieved from
https://www.gutenberg.org/files/13701/13701-h/13701-h.htm#d0e1500
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Assessment # ______
Analyzing A Written Source
4. Evaluating our pre-Hispanic culture that did not perpetuate until today.
a. What were the customs of the Tagalogs, on account of de Plasencia’s work,
that did not perpetuate until today?
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b. What could be the reasons for the death of these customary ways?
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50
used from 1892 to 1894. Jacinto entered the living and take care of the family. In order to
organization in 1894 and wrote his Kartilya. sustain the family, he made tungkod and
Having read Jacinto’s Kartilya, Bonifacio abanico which he sold in Tutuban. Late in his
chose to have Jacinto’s version be the official teen, he was employed as clerk-messenger in
material to teach their doctrines for reason of Fleming and Co. He was promoted as agent
its beautifully crafted language. selling rattan, tar and other commodities.
Reproduced in a booklet, Kartilya, is not
given for free but is given to new members His salary was not enough so he
upon payment of a membership fee of 4 transferred employment to Fresnell and Co.
pesos (Richardson, 2013, p.129). as a bodigero, more like an account executive
today, taking care of accounts and liaising
with clients, while still making fans and
canes in his free time. He was a self-made
ABOUT THE AUTHORS man, who earned quite an amount of money
to buy him coat and tie which only the
Emilio Jacinto may have been the middle class can afford (Agoncillo, 1956, p.
youngest member to have entered the 66). According to his childhood friend, Gen.
organization in 1894 at the age of 19. He was Guillermo Masangkay, he was earning
born in Tondo on December 15, 1875. He ₱25.00 a month (Masangkay, 1990, p. 309).
was son to Mariano Jacinto and Josefa He was self-learned he who mastered a
Dizon. He earned his Bachelor of Arts in San good penmanship and read books such as
Juan de Letran and later enrolled at the The Wandering Jew, Noli Me Tangere, and El
University of Santo Tomas to study law Filibusterismo (both in Spanish), Les
which he did while dividing his time in Miserables, International Law, Penal and Civil
revolutionary work having been elected Code, The Ruins of Palmyra, and The Lives of
fiscal in early 1895, secretary in December the Presidents of the United States of America
1896, and secretary of war in August 1896. (Agoncillo, 1956, p. 67).
He was the editor of Kalayaan,the newspaper
of the Katipunan and became a general in As a young man, he joined his
charge of the war campaign in Laguna friends in establishing Teatro Porvenir in the
(Agoncillo and Guerrero, 1977, pp. 171172). locality where he was able to master Tagalog
by memorizing lines. He married a lady by
Born with humble means, Andres his neighborhood Monica but she died of
Bonifacio was born on December 2, 1863 to leprosy. In 1872, at the time when Katipunan
Catalina de Castro and Santiago Bonifacio in was to be founded, he fell in love with
an environment characterized with poverty. Oriang (Gregoria de Jesus) from Kalookan. It
Believing that children are a source of took a year before her parents could give her
wealth, the couple added four more hands for marriage for they knew he was
children: Ciriaco, Procopio, Expiridiona, Mason. (Agoncillo, 1956, p. 71). With the
Troadio, and Maxima (Agoncillo, 1956, p. establishment of the Katipunan, the
65). Decalogue which he penned became the
primary teaching tool for values until
Though life was difficult to come by, Jacinto’s version came along and the
Andres was sent to study under Maestro Kartilya became the official organ for
Guillermo Osmeña but the boy reached only teaching values to the members (Agoncillo,
primary school when his mother and later 1956, p. 71).
his father died, leaving only him to earn a
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A life that is not dedicated to a great and sacred cause is like a tree without a shade, or a poisonous weed.
A good deed lacks virtue if it springs from a desire for personal profit and not from a sincere desire to do good.
True charity renders in acts of compassion, in love for one’s fellow men, and in making true Reason the measure of
every move, deed, and word.
Be their skin dark or pale, all men are equal. One can be superior to another in knowledge, wealth, and beauty…
but not in being.
A person with a noble character values honor above self-interest, while a person with an ignoble character values
self-interest above honor.
An honorable man’s word is his bond.
Don’t waste time; lost wealth may be recovered, but time lost is lost forever.
Defend the oppressed and fight the oppressor.
An intelligent man is he who takes care in everything he says and keeps quiet about what must be kept secret.
Along the thorny path of life, the man leads the way and his wife and children follow. If the leader goes the way of
perdition, then do so those who are led.
Do not regard a woman as a mere plaything, but as a helpmate and partner in the hardships of this existence. Have
due regard to her weakness, and remember the mother who brought you into this world and nurtured you in your
infancy.
What you would not want done to your wife, daughter, and sister, do not do to the wife, daughter, and sister of
another.
A man’s worth does not come from him being a king or in the height of his nose and the whiteness of his face, or in
him being a priest, a REPRESENTATIVE OF GOD, or in his exalted position on the face of this earth. Pure and truly
noble is he who, though born in the forest and able to speak only his own tongue, behaves decently, is true to his word,
has dignity and honor, who is not an oppressor and does not abet oppressors, who knows how to cherish and look
after the land of his birth.
When these doctrines have spread and the brilliant sun of beloved liberty shines on these poor Islands, and sheds
its sweet light upon a united race, a people in everlasting happiness, then the lives lost, the struggle and the suffering
will have been more than recompensed. If the applicant understands all these, and believes he will be able to fulfill
these duties, he should put his request in writing as follows:
Having fully understood the principles and teachings proclaimed by the Katipunan of the sons of the People,
I wish with heart and soul to become a member. Respectfully, therefore, I beg to be deemed worthy of admission and
to be counted as one of the sons of the association, and I pledge to comply teachings with its and submit to its Orders.
=========================================================================================================
Decalogue
Extract from “Katungkulang gagawin ng mga Z.Ll.B.” (The “Decalogue”), c.1896” by Andres Bonifacio, with studies
and notes by Jim Richardson in Katipunan: Documents and Studies Reprinted with permission by Jim Richardson as
indicated in his website.
Assessment # 5:
Kartilya ng Katipunan by Emilio Jacinto
1. Give three reasons why the Kartilya ng Katipunan is important to the grand
narrative of Philippine History.
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2. Identifying the values that we need or lack in order for us to become dignified and
noble citizens of our nation.
Complete the matrices below by supplying the values that we need in order to
create a dignified society and nation which can be derived from the Jacinto’s Kartilya
and Bonifacio’s Decalogue. On the left column, write the teachings and on the right side,
derive the values.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
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7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
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Learning outcome
At the end of the lesson you should able to:
Historical context
The first phase of the Philippine Revolution ended in a stalemate between the Spaniards
and the Filipino rebels. In December 1897, a truce was declared between the two forces with the
Filipino leaders, led by Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, agreeing to be exiled to Hong Kong while the
Spaniards paid an indemnity for the damages caused as a result of the conflict. The truce,
however, lasted for only a few months before it collapses. The renewed conflict would have
been disastrous for the Filipinos if not for the deteriorating diplomatic relations between Spain
and the United States over another revolution in Cuba. This eventually led to the Spanish-
American War in 1898 and the arrival of a new colonizer to the Philippines—the Americans
Even before the Battle of Manila in 189 8, Aguinaldo had already been meeting with
the Americans in Singapore. He talked with consul E. Spencer Pratt regarding US-
Filipino collaboration against the Spaniards before he went back to Hong Kong to meet
up with Commodore George Dewey, commander of the Asiatic Fleet. Unfortunately,
Dewey had already left for the Philippines to attack the Spanish fleet following
America’s declaration of war against Spain in April.
Aguinaldo remained in Hong Kong and met with the American consul general
Rounseville Wildman. He paid Wildman a total of P117, 000 to purchase rifles and
ammunition. A first shipment worth P50, 000 was made but the other half was never
delivered. Wildman never returned the money given to h i m
On May 19, 1898, Aguinaldo finally returned to the Philippines on board the U.S.
cruiser Mc Collock. Aguinaldo conferred with Dewey on Philippine conditions and was
supplied with arms captured from the Spaniards. From his headquarters in Cavite,
Aguinaldo announced the resumption of the revolution against the Spaniards, thus
beginning the second phase of the i evolution. The Filipinos immediately flocked to the
province to jointhe army. By the end of May, Aguinaldo was in command of army of 12,000
troops.
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On May 28, the Filipino forces won their first victory to Alapan, Imus. The newly-
made Filipino flag was hoisted in Alapan then later unfurled at the Teatro Cavitefio in
Cavite Nuevo (now Cavite City) in front of the Filipinos and captured Spanish soldiers. A
group of American officers and soldiers also witnessed the ceremony.
Earlier, On May 24, Aguinaldo announced the creation of the dictatorial government.
The formation of this type of rule was a necessity when the growing nation needed a
strong leader. He emphasized that the dictatorship was only temporary as it would be a
prelude to the establishment of a republican form of government.
On June 12, 1898, Aguinaldo declared Philippine independence from Spanish rule at a
ceremony in his house in Kawit, Cavite. Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista read the declaration
that was later signed by 177 persons, including an American military officer. The
Philippine National Anthem, then known as “Marcha Nacional Filipina,” composed by
Julian Felipe, was played by the Banda de San Francisco de Malabon and the Philippine
flag was again unfurled.
The internal dissent caused by Bonifacio’s death weakened the Katipunan further. The
Spanish troops regained Cavite and Aguinaldo was forced to retreat to the mountains of Biak-
na Bato. But the Spaniards soon realized that going after the rebels in their mountain hideout
was futile. A stalemate ensued broken only by a truce proposal to which the rebels agreed. In
exchange for an indemnity, amnesty, and colonial reform, Aguinaldo and his officers went into
exile in Hong Kong in December 1897.
The Spanish-American War in 1898 eventually changed Philippine history. After the
Americans won the Battle of Manila Bay in 1898, Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines
with their help and announced the resumption of the revolution against Spain. After
winning several victories against the Spaniards, he declared Philippine independence on
June 12, 1898.
But the Filipinos soon realized that the Americans were to become their new
colonizers. After the Spanish defeat in 1898, the United States began to send Fresh
troops to the Philippines. In 1899, Aguinaldo convened a Congress in Malolos,
Bulacan in which the delegates wrote a Constitution and established the Philippine
Republic with Aguinaldo as President in January 1899.
Three weeks later, the continuing friction
with the Americans erupted into a conflict in
February 1899. The Philippine- American War
eventually ended in 1901 with the capture of
Aguinaldo. Soon after, he pledged allegiance to the
United States and returned to private life on his
family farm. He briefly hugged the limelight when
he ran for the presidency of the Philippine presidency
of the Philippine Commonwealth but lost to
Manuel L. Quezon,
Aguinaldo was charged with collaboration by the Americans for helping the Japanese
during World War II but was later freed in a general amnesty. As a private citizen, he devoted
his time to the cause of veteran revolucionarios until his death at the age of 94 on February 6,
1964.
Relevant
Nothing is more relevant to Philippine history than the declaration of
independence from colonial rule. The Declaration is, of course, that sole
document that proves the value Filipinos place on their freedom. At present,
our independence has been questioned especially in relation to our dealings
with the United States (which colonized us for almost half a century and later
recognized our independence in 1946). However, it must be understood that the
independence we attained in 1898 was freedom that was fought for with the
lives of Filipinos. The goal or objective of this independence, however, is
something that we might have failed to achieve and protect properly. It in this
context that the Acta must be studied again
References:
Batis: Source in the Philippine History’; Jose Victor Torres; Published in 2018 by C&E publishing
839 EDSA, South Triangle, Quezon City, Copyright 2018 by C & E Publishing, Inc. and Jose Victor Torres
Assessment # ______
Guide Questions
1. Who is Emilio Aguinaldo? How did he end up as the
leader of the revolution?
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“Corazon Aquino, President Corazon Aquino’s Speech before the U.S. Congress
Sept. 18, 1986 [Speech]”
Learning outcome
At the end of the lesson you should able to:
1. Discuss the context and perspective of the document
2. Explain how the Philippines achieved its independence from
Spanish colonial rule.
3. Examine the state of Philippine independence today
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GEC03 Readings in Philippine History
Relevance:
Through this would be one of many speeches that Cory Aquino would
deliver as President of the Philippines, it was this speech that gave credence to
the People Power Revolution not only to the Americans but to the world – that
change was possible through peaceful means. When she finished her speech,
Senate Majority Leader Robert Dole said Mrs. Aquino, “Cory, you hit a home
run” . Aquino smiled back and said, “I hope the bases were loaded “. Five hours
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later, the House of Representative voted, 203 to 197, in favor of $200 million as
emergency aid for Philippines.
References:
Torres, J.V (2018), Batis: Source in the Philippine History’. C&E publishing, Quezon City
Assessment # ______
Guide Questions
1. Discuss the context the speech was delivered.
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2. Watch the speech of Cory Aquino. Describe the scne. How was the speech? How did the
audience react to her half-hour-long address?
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3. What was in her speech that convince the House of Representative to grant $200 million
dollar emergency aid to Philippines? What were the issues raied or views pointed out in
her address?
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4. How did the speech affect you as a viewer? In what way would it be rendered relevant
to the current condition of our country? Cite specific lines from the speech.
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5. What are the points in her speech that you agree and disagree with? Which line hit
home?
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This section focuses on the grievances of Filipinos against the governance of Governor Wood. The
discontent of the Filipinos under the rule of Governor Wood led to the Cabinet Crisis of 1923. This section
also highlights hoe these grievances reflected the nature of the American colonial government.
Learning outcome: At the end of this section, the students are expected to:
1. Identify the points that comprise the grievances of Filipinos against governor Wood;
2. Explain the importance of the Grievances against Governor Wood to the grand narrative
of Philippines history; and
3. Explain the relevance of Grievances against the Governor Wood to the present time
however, to our expectations, his conduct of the government has been characterized by
a train of usurpations and arbitrary acts, resulting in the curtailment of our autonomy, the
destruction of our constitutional system, and the reversal of America’s Philippine policy.
This line of conduct recently culminated in the issuance of Executive Order No. 37, by
which he has attempted to nullify laws creating the Board of Control and assumed the
functions of that body. The gravity of this last step is the more evident when we recall the
series of usurpations theretofore committed by him.
He has refused his assent to laws which were the most wholesome and necessary for
the public good.
He has set at naught both the legal authority and responsibility for the Philippines
heads of departments.
He has substituted his constitutional advisers for a group of military attachés without
legal standing in the government and not responsible to the people.
He has reversed the policy of Filipinizing the service of the government by appointing
Americans even when Filipinos of proven capacity were available.
He has obstructed the carrying out of national economic policies duly adopted by
the Legislature, merely because they are in conflict with his personal views.
He has rendered merely perfunctory the power of the Legislature to pass the annual
appropriation law by reviving items in the law of the preceding year, after vetoing the
corresponding items of the current appropriation act, in flagrant violation of the Organic
Law.
He has made appointments to positions and authorized the payment of salaries
therefore after having vetoed the appropriations for such salaries.
He has used certain public funds to grant additional compensation to public officials
in clear violation of law.
He has arrogated unto himself the right of exercising the powers granted by law to the
Emergency Board after abolishing said board on the ground that its powers involved an
unlawful delegation of legislative authority.
He has unduly interfered in the administration of justice.
He has refused to obtain the advice of the Senate in making appointments where
such advice is required by the Organic Act.
He has refused to submit to the Senate appointment for vacancies occurring during
the recess of the Legislature in the contravention of the Organic Act.
He has continued in office nominees whose appointments had been rejected by the
Senate.
He has usurped legislative powers by imposing conditions on legislative measures
approved by him.
He has, in the administration of affairs in Mindanao, brought about a condition which
has given rise to discord and dissension between certain groups of Christian and
Mohammedan Filipinos.
He has by his policies created strained relations between resident Americans and
Filipinos.
He has endeavoured, on the pretext of getting the government out of business, to
dispose of all the companies capitalized by the government worth many millions of the
people’s money to powerful Americans interests.
He has sanctioned the campaign of insidious propaganda in the United States against
the Filipino people and their aspirations.
He has attempted to close the Philippine National Bank so necessary to the economic
development of the country.
He has adopted the practice of intervening in, and controlling directly, to its minute
details, the affairs of the Philippine Government, both insular and local, in violation of self-
government.
He has insistently sought the amendment of our land laws approved by the Congress
of the United States, which amendment would open up the resources of our country to
exploitation by predatory interests.
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Not content with these and other arbitrary acts, the Governor-General has recently
promulgated Executive Order No. 37, declaring that the laws creating and defining the
powers of the Board of Control which is authorized to vote the stocks owned by the
government in certain private corporations, are absolute nullities. In the same order the
Governor-General also announced his purpose to exercise solely and by himself the
powers and duties developing upon the said board. This executive order is purported to
be based on an opinion rendered by the Judge Advocate General of the United States
Army and the confirmatory opinions of the Acting Advocate General on November 7.
Despite this fact, he has found it convenient to withhold the publication of his order until
November 10, a few hours after the Legislature had adjourned, thus depriving the
Legislature of the opportunity to consider the matter.
The laws creating and defining the powers of the Board of Control have been in force
and acted upon by the present Governor-General and other officers of the government
for a number of years, and they have neither been repealed by the Legislature, annulled
by Congress, the Governor-General by a mere executive order can set them aside, is to
subvert the whole system of constitutional government and destroy the theory of
separation of powers which the Governor-General has always been so intent in
upholding.
In the face of this critical situation, we, the constitutional representatives of the Filipino
people, met to deliberate upon the present difficulties existing in the Government of the
Philippines Islands and to determine how best to preserve the supremacy and majesty of
the laws and to safeguard the rights and liberties of our people, having faith in the sense
of justice of the people of the United States and inspired by her patriotic example in the
early days of her history, do hereby, in our behalf and in the name of the F ilipino people,
solemnly and publicly make known our most vigorous protest against the arbitrary acts
and usurpations of the present Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, particularly
against Executive Order No. 37.
The consciousness of our sacred and inescapable duty to our country and our sense of
loyalty to the people of acts of the present Governor-General as arbitrary, oppressive and
undemocratic. We appeal to the judgement and conscience of the American people in
justification of our stand and for the vindication of our rights.
Commission on Independence, Filipino Grievances Against General Wood (Zaide 1990, vol. 11, pp. 230-234).
[Petition Letter]
Exercise # ______
I - Complete the matrix below by going through the readings above and picking out some of the
complaints of Filipino politicians against Governor General Wood
Complaints against him as lifted Gov. Gen. Wood’s Efforts His Intentions
from the document
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(Percival, 2018)
III - Give three reasons why a Filipino grievance against Governor Wood is important
to the grand narrative of the Philippine history.
1. ________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
2. ________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
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________________________________________________________________________
3. ________________________________________________________________________
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There is more to just reading history. There is also the task of studying historical
accounts. Much of our history is written because there are accounts of eyewitness or
participants of specific events. And this is where the problem comes in which account
should we believed?
As the saying in historical studies goes, “there is one past but many histories.” Thus,
controversies on and conflicting views of events in Philippine history exist. This
situation, however, does not detract from any form of historical study, rather it
contributes to the scholarship or study, and rather it contributes to the scholarship or
study of historical sources by analyzing how perspectives are made on Historical events
The panel was convened in response to the requests from various institutions, including
the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), even as the anticipation of
the Filipino Catholic faithful had just begun for the 500th anniversary of the introduction
of Christianity in the Philippines (see attached brief background about the process).
Republic Act No. 10086 or Strengthening People’s Nationalism Act of 2009 mandates
the NHCP to “actively engage in the settlement or resolution of controversies or issues
relative to historical personages, places, dates and events.”
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Church Support
The issue of the exact location of the historic Mass was earlier resolved by the NHI, the
forerunner of NHCP, through two panel of expert; the first led by former Supreme
Justice Emilio Gancayco in 1995 and second by historian Benito Legarda in 2008. Both
panels ruled that the site of the 1521 Ester Sunday Mass was Limawasa Island.
The panel reassessed the studies and literature on the matter, gathered the exact copies
of Antonio Pigafetta’s chronicles and other account abroad, surveyed the presumed
sites of the event in Butuan and Limasawa , consulted expert in geology and
cartography, and submitted its report for review by the history departments of various
Philippine universities.
Reference
http://www.google.com.ph/amp/s/newsinfo.inquirer.net/1325039/limasawa-not-butuan-
affirmed-as-site-of-first-mass-in-ph/amp
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Reference: https://nhcp.gov.ph/official-position-of-the-national-historical-commission-of-the-
philippines-on-the-site-of-the-1521-easter-sunday-mass-
2/?fbclid=IwAR0mppGGLBxoK2tlkm7mqPn9jZgYy2rl5WEWvW99YrGGOKlSZD-NJ_3PPjQQ
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Assessment # ______
Guide questions:
1. Why Limasawa is the first mass?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
2. When was the first Mass in the Philippines?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
3. What are the issues concerning the first Mass held in the Philippines?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
4. Is Mazaua and Limasawa the same?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
5. What is the significance of this controversy in this contemporary time?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
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Assessment # ______
Guide Questions:
1. Who are the accounts of primary sources of the story? How did they participate
in the revolution?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
2. According to the accounts, where and when did the first cry of revolution
happen?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
3. What is the significance of the tearing of the cedulas? What did the cedulas
signify?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
4. What are the similarities and difference among the three accounts?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
5. How the National Historical Commission of the Philippines verifies or
authenticates the historical accounts?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
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________________________________________________________________________
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________________________________________________________________________
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Assessment # ______
Analysis: How credible the 3 account in explaining the Cavite Mutiny of 1872?
- It was drafted after the Congress of the Aguinaldo Revolutionary Government convened
on September 15, 1898 at the Barasoain Church in Malolos Bulacan.
- 85 deputies comprised the Committee on Constitution that was tasked to draft the
constitution of the Philippines.
- There were three initial drafts submitted for consideration:
1. The True Decalogue and Constitutional Program of Apolinario Mabini
2. The Pedro Paterno version; and
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3. The Felipe Calderon version, which prevailed among the three drafts.
- Majority of the arguments centered on the provision stipulating the separation of Church
and State and the provision contradicting it.
- It was promulgated on January 21, 1898 after it was formally adopted by Congress.
- Significant features:
1. The provision for an independent Republic of the Philippines consisting of three
independent powers distributed to the executive led by the president with a term
of four years and not eligible for re-election, a unicameral legislative, and the
judicial;
2. The Bill of Rights;
3. The Separation of Church and State.
- The overall structure of the Constitution was borrowed from Costa Rica, Chile, and Spain.
The Acts of the United States Congress (December 10, 1898 – March 24, 1934)
- The Philippines was a territory of the United States during these periods because of the
Treaty of Paris which transferred the sovereignty from Spain to the United States.
- The acts, such as the Philippine Organic Act of 1902, the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916,
and the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, passed by the United States congress were
considered as the Philippine constitutions because they provided for the fundamental
political principles and established the structure, procedures, powers and duties of the
Philippine government.
Philippine Organic Act of 1902, also known as the “Philippine Bill of 1902”
- The first organic law enacted by the US congress for the Philippines. It provided for the
creation of the Philippine Assembly, and a bicameral legislature composed of a Philippine
Commission (upper house) and the Philippine Assembly (lower house) were the
lawmaking power was vested.
- Enumerated the bill of rights for the Filipinos and provided for the appointment of two
non-voting Filipino Resident Commissioners of the Philippines that would represent the
Philippines in the US House of Representatives.
The 1943 Constitution (Second Philippine Republic, October 14, 1943 – August 17, 1945)
- The Preparatory Committee for Philippine Independence (PCPI) promulgated the 1943
Philippine Constitution during the Japanese occupation.
- The 2nd Philippine Republic was a single-party authoritarian republic with Jose P Laurel
appointed as President by the National Assembly (14 October 1943), and Benigno Simeon
Aquino Sr as speaker of the National Assembly.
1973 Constitution (Fourth Philippine Republic, January 17, 1973 – February 22, 1986)
- Promulgated by the 1973 Constitutional Convention, after Marcos declared Martial Law.
- A unicameral legislature was established during this period, whose members were
elected for a six-year term of office.
- The President was elected from among the members of the national assembly for a six-
year term and eligible for reelections.
- The elected president will serve only as purely ceremonial head of state. Executive power
was exercised by the Prime Minister who was also elected from amongst the members of
the national assembly.
- The PM was the head of government and Commander -in-Chief of the Armed Forces.
- The 1973 Constitution amended on four occasions:
1. In the 1976 amendments, the Interim National Assembly was replaced by the
Interim Batasang Pambansa, the President would also become the PM and would
exercise legislative powers until the lifting of martial law, the President can
legislate on his own on an “emergency” basis;
2. In the 1980 amendment, the retirement age of the members of the judiciary was
extended to 70 years;
3. In the 1981 amendments, the false parliamentary system was formally modified
into a French-style semi-presidential system were executive power was restored
to the President, direct election of the president was restored, and executive
committee composed of the PM and not more than 14 members was created to
“assist the President in the exercise of his powers and functions and in the
performance of his duties as he may prescribe,” and the PM was a mere head of
the Cabinet.
4. The 1984 amendment abolished the Executive Committee and restored the
position of Vice-President.
Contextually comparing the different constitutions of the Philippines. Look at the provisions of our
constitutions in the following websites. Then fill out the matrix.
The 1899 Malolos Constitution. The Law Phil Project (http://www.lawphil.net/ consti/consmalo.html)
The 1935 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Official Gazette of the Philippines,
(http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/constitutions/the-1935- constitution/)
The 1973 Constitution of the Philippines, Chan-Robles Law Office (http://www.
chanrobles.com/1973constitutionofthephilippines.htm)
The 1976 Amendments, Chan-Robles Law Office (http://www.chanrobles. com/1976amendments.htm)
The 1986 Provisional Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. Wikisource
(https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Provisional_Constitution_of_ the_Philippines_(1986)
The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines. The Law Phil Project, (http://www.
lawphil.net/consti/cons1987.htm) only pertinent provisions were included.)
Philippine Constitution
Complete the table below to compare and contrast the constitutions framed in the country
Malolos Republic
Constitution
1935 constitution
1973 Constitution
1987 Constitution
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Historical Context
Land was not a problem before the Spaniards came to the islands nor owning one presents so
much of a difficulty because of a small population in need of owning a parcel and because of the
abundance of land to inhabit and till. The undisturbed communities or barangays that the Spanish
missionaries witnessed in the Philippines were those lined up along waterways with easy access to
irrigation, water needs and transportation. The size of land to cultivate depended on the ability of
one to till and manage. The size would depend much on how many pairs of hands there were in the
family, for practically, farm labor was done with hands and a few bamboo or wooden implements
without plow since it was introduced by the Spaniards (Corpuz, 1997, pp.12-16). It was true to the
saying that the more children you have, the wealthier you will become. It was then a rule that each
family should have a piece of land, for it is the source of their cereal and an assurance for their
children to have an inheritance to begin their family anew.
But all these things changed when the colonial government of Spain was established by Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi in 1565. Without each native knowing it, the entire archipelago now belongs to the
king of Spain. The Philippines was his royal hacienda and all lands belong to him now. Thus, when the
Spaniards asked for them the rice and hen for each family, which natives may have simply
misunderstood for alms, what the Spaniards was asking for was tribute for they were now Spanish
subjects. It was only 1589 with the establishment of the pueblo that the natives finally realized what
colonization was about when they were forced out of their homes, forcefully dispossessed of their
productive land into a settlement near the mouth of river upon embracing the Christian religion. By
this time, they being landowners before had suddenly become landless. They were resettled into a
new piece land called pueblo which was owned by the King of Spain which they had never seen and
they would never see in their lifetime (Corpuz, 1997, p. 24).
The irony of this scheme was that the pueblo was not intended for the native farmers to be
productive but to make it easy for the tribute collectors to gather and move the tribute collection
from the pueblos to the public treasury in Manila. The resettled natives would still have to clear the
land of about 4 to 5 hectares appropriated per family which they would have to produce from in
order to defray their tribute paid in kind. Previously, while they were still occupying and cultivating
their pre-conquest farm, they produce from the land simply to feed the family. The larger the size of
the family, the more hands available to till the land, the bigger would be the size of the land, the
bigger would be its produce which compensates for the bigger family size. There was no problem
with land expansion since there were large lands available. The land should produce enough for what
they would eat for the whole year since there was only one planting season during the rainy months
(Corpuz, 1997, pp. 25-26).
With the pueblo system, the idea was not only to feed themselves but to produce surplus for the
colonial government. Their resettlement to the pueblo, however, served one thing. It made all
natives realize that the new land they were cultivating was not theirs. It belonged to the king. Even
the private encomiendas belonged to the king with the encomendero acting only as a tribute
collector. The crown encomienda which was the king’s reserved land and other fertile lands directly
under the title of the king or realengas produce in surplus for the government’s operation. Anyway,
the whole colony was the king’s royal hacienda. Thus, the native farmers were relegated to be
agricultural laborers in the service of the king, on a land they were dispossessed under a system
where land repossession would be wanting (Corpuz, 1997, pp. 30-31).
Pueblo dwelling also subjected the natives into institutional forced labor for some government
work needed to build a colony. It was work which the gobernadorcillos and cabezas de barangay
became agents-collectors of the need to supply workers for a work project intended for the state.
This could be a church building, road or galleon. The contract for each worker was 40 days of work
once a year without salary which could coincide with the work in the farm. Absence in this work
would penalize the native males 16 to 60 years old with 1.5 reales per day. The native farmers have
now become state laborers for the king for free (Agoncillo and Guerrero, 1977, p. 96).
If life in the pueblo was miserable, those who had the chance to rent land in friar haciendas had a
better chance of getting out of a less miserable life. Friar hacienda or ecclesiastical encomienda was
another land tenure system, which the king granted to missionary or friar orders who participated in
the king’s project to Christianize the natives. The king knew that these friars would never be able to
return to Spain and would live poor lives. As an act of benevolence, the king afforded each friar order
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to own land that would support them. These friars were not farmers. So, they needed workers to till
the land. Those who were not incorporated in the pueblo and those who had the means to buy
themselves in, most of them Chinese immigrants and Chinese mestizos who had the money, were
given the opportunity to work on a bigger parcel of land in return for a rent which they paid to the
friar order. It was through this system that the Rizal family, of Chinese descent, was able to
accumulate wealth as they rented a portion of land in Calamba, a Dominican friar hacienda. These
renter families were called inquilinos (Zaide and Zaide, 1994, p.).
Pueblo lands were not permitted to expand because the fringes of the pueblo belong to the
king. The greed of friars resulted in the expansion of friar haciendas at the expense of the land in the
pueblos. By 1600, San Mateo, Rizal farmers ended up in a land grabbing dispute with the Jesuits
which extended their land in Mariquina and Payatas. The farmers lost their case. The remaining
farmers were embroiled again in another land grabbing case in 1916, this time with the Augustitnians
which they again lost (Corpuz, 1997, pp.64-65). In mid-1745, pueblo farmers of Lian and Nasugbu,
Batangas ended up in revolt against the land grabbing of Jesuits (Agoncillo and Guerrero, 1977, p.
123).
By mid-1700, Spain would have to keep up with the economic developments in the world and the
emergence of Great Britain as an economic power. Spain would have to rethink of its economic
policy in the colony. Gov. Gen. Jose Basco y Vargas had a plan and that was the planting of
exportable crops that would be sold in the world market. This would entail the creation of large
plantations that produce only one crop in large quantities patterned after the British model in
America. The British model would not fit into the land tenure system in the colony for the king
owned the entire colony. He would have to amend this policy and permit local families to own bigger
tracts of land for plantations. The king preferred the status quo. Gov. Gen. Felix Berenguer de
Marquina’s solution to implement Basco’s program was the planting of tobacco and pepper on
several pueblos in selected provinces. The government provided the seedlings while the native
farmers should produce a quota of the crop which they will sell only to the government, most often
at a cheap price to make the government gain profit. At this point, the native farmers had two
responsibilities: one is to plant in order to produce the quota and the other is to plant in order to
feed themselves and pay their tributes. This program was besieged with many problems. Pepper
could hardly be grown on pueblo lands because pepper is a unscrupulous businessmen who would
like to buy the tobacco leaves of farmers at a higher price than what the government offered and sell
them locally for they too wanted to smoke. The leakage ended up in smuggling. Opportunity cost
would also take its toll. The more lands that they would devote for the planting of the quota-crop the
lesser the land that they would allocate for the planting of rice which is their staple food. They were
working then not to feed themselves but to make the government rich on a land that is not theirs
(Corpuz, 1977, pp. 94-101).
In 1812, sweeping changes in Spain reverberated in the colonies. At the aftermath of the French
occupation of Spain in 1784, and after the Spanish civil war in 1868 that deposed Queen Isabella II,
Spain opted for a constitutional government ruled by a parliament. With their experience in having
the Spanish Cortes as their parliament in Cadiz, the only province that stood against the French
invasion became their model of government in transition. But it was a shaky government since the
regent that stood as prime minister was replaced every three months. Without a king or queen, the
king’s estate also had to change. The colony being the king’s real hacienda is no more the king’s
possession but Spain’s. The crown encomienda or realengas which the king’s possession became the
object of expropriation. Those who could afford could now buy these lands. Only those who had the
money could purchase these lands and most of them were either Chinese or Spanish mestizo
families. In 1844, the prohibition against non-Spanish Europeans to settle in the colony was relaxed
and in 1863, the government formally permitted foreigners to settle in the islands and engage in
economic activities. This decree came in the heels of Paul dela Gironeire’s pioneering work in
creating large plantation of sugar cane as early as 1823. Gironeire was a Frenchman who resigned his
commission as a military medical officer and purchased a large tract of land in Jalajala, Laguna which
he converted into sugarcane plantation. Another Frenchman by the name of Yves Leopold Gaston
developed his plantation in Negros. These foreigners had to renew their two-year residence permit
but the 1863 decree permitted them to live and to do business in the islands permanently. Soon
other Spanish entrepreneurs like Agustin Montilla, Jose Ruiz de Luzuriaga and the Lopezes joined
them in establishing large plantations known as private haciendas (Corpuz, 1977, pp. 110-111). This new
land tenure system was labor intensive and needed huge amounts of workers. Several pueblos were
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incorporated in these haciendas and pueblo dwellers became workers for the hacienda. At this point,
they were simply relegated to agricultural workers.
Unfortunately, agrarian relations had already changed by the 1800. The native pueblo farmers
had lost their land to usurious loan they secured from the Chinese mestizo families through whom
native pueblo farmers became indebted. Through the system of sanglang bili, the land that they tilled
became their payment for unpaid loans which they could not really pay because of high interest that
ran for about 25% a month (Corpuz, 1997, p. 60). The land now belonged to the Chinese mestizos, the
native farmers were not driven out of the land, however, but the produce was now in possession of
the new owner. Thus, the native farmer had now become a kasama with the new land owner. When
the Americans came in 1898, the well-entrenched kasama system was the agrarian relations which
the Americans found themselves in an under-developed economy with growing tension. The kasama
system had made tenant farmers (aparceros) as they were now called sharecroppers to the
landowners. In 1902, the U.S. Congress enacted the Philippine Organic Act which provided for the
general laws to administer the affairs in the colony. It temporarily served as the constitution of the
United State colonial government in the islands. Parts of the provisions were the classification of and
the expropriation of land considered to be public (Official Gazette, 1902).
The Philippine Organic Act did not address the land or agrarian relations problems but
expropriated public land. The American government did not address the tenancy problem for it
would intrude on the rich landed families which they were trying to court and ally themselves to
create a more stable colonial government. The land which set their eyes on were the friar haciendas
which they would try to remove from any political or economic interest (Official Gazette, 1902).
The expropriation of these friar estates cannot be implemented without the pre-purchase from
these friar orders. In that year, President Theodore Roosevelt sent Howard Taft head of the Second
Philippine Commission to the Vatican and in December of that year, an agreement was reached with
the purchase of 410,000 acres of land for the price of $7,239,784.66 (Agoncillo and Guerrero, 1977, p.
342). These lands would be sold to Filipinos but the tenant farmers could hardly be the beneficiary
for they did not have much of the money to buy them. On November 6, 1902, the Second Philippine
Commission enacted Act 496 which provided for the adjudication and registration of titles to lands in
the Philippine Islands. The law specified the means of registering land under the Torrens title and
organized the mechanism of resolving land disputes through the Court of Land Registration (Corpus
Juris, 2017). But this exacerbated the problem of agricultural relations even more since other
landowners were able to secure title not just of their land but also other lands tilled by farmers who
never knew such things. What was not thoroughly addressed was the kasama system with which
tenant farmers known as aparceros were engaged in share cropping without contract. The division of
harvest was not standard without a law to regulate it. The sharing could leave the tenant farmer with
only very little to feed his family with, languishing with the experience that he was the one who
sweats to till the land. Without a contract, the tenant farmer could easily be evicted at the whim of
the landowner, inasmuch as it could not go to court for any violation of the farmers rights.
In 1933, the Philippine Legislature passed the Philippine Rice Share Tenancy Act (Commonwealth
Act 4054) which specified the relation of tenant-farmers and landowners (Chan-Robles, 2017). The
Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933 provided for a contract to govern the relationship between the
tenant-farmers and landowners and create a more secure tenure for the tenant-farmer’s work. On
the basis of harvest share, the law also provides a 50-50 division of produce (Chan-Robles, 2017a).
While the law was quite equitable on paper, it was not, however, compulsory. Its implementation
was subject to the petition voted upon by a majority of municipal council in the province upon the
filing of petition to the governor-general. Many landowners who were also politicians opted out of
this arrangement. In 1935, the discontent among tenant-farmers led Benigno Ramos to create the
Sakdal party to champion the interest of tenant-farmers and campaign against the institution of the
commonwealth as an expression of their disgust against the Americans. On May 2-3, the unrest
resulted into a full blown insurrection called the Sakdalista rebellion. Though the rebellion was
quelled at the expense of hundreds who died, the problem had undergone catastrophic proportions
that could undermine the success of the American program to build a government of their own
imposition (Agoncillo and Guerrero, 1977, p. 418).
In 1936, the Philippine Commonwealth passed Commonwealth Act 178 amending certain
provisions of the Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933(Chan-Robles, 2017b).Even with the amendment,
President Manuel L. Quezon had to do a balancing act among the restive tenant-farmers and the
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landlord-politicians. The requirement for a petition of a majority of the municipal councilors was
stricken out of the final provision but the land covered only were rice lands and not those lands
devoted either to corn or to sugar which were owned by hacienderos. Moreover, the act would only
be applicable to the provinces designated by the president and may be suspended also by him.
Unfortunately, President Quezon designated only the provinces of Central Luzon where the
insurrection took place to be under the jurisdiction of the act and which he only implemented for a
year. The recourse to the problem would be to appropriate public lands which was already provided
for in the Philippine Organic Act of 1902. The homestead system was already recognized in the act
but this was also the means by which Quezon could check the growing presence of Japanese
investors in the lands of Mindanao. The Philippine Commonwealth in 1939 enacted Commonwealth
Act 4054 that created the National Land Settlement Administration (NLSA) which facilitated the
homestead system in Mindanao.
At the end of World War II, more agrarian problems came about due to the disaffection of
tenant-farmers in their land. This became an opportunity for the returning landowners to grab more
land without title and have them titled under their names. Agrarian problems intensified. In Central
Luzon the agrarian conflict had escalated into a bloody insurgency war between the government
forces and the remnants of the Hukbalahap (formerly Hukbong Bayan Lumalaban sa Hapon later
renamed Hukbong Magpapalaya ng Bayan in 1949) (Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon). The former
guerilla gr oup fought the Japanese during World War II, which turned into an insurgent group that
championed the tenant-farmers ownership of land. The seats of rebellion were the Pampanga,
Tarlac, and Nueva Ecija.
TARLAC, Tarlac – In what is believed to be the bloodiest clash in Central Luzon, more than 100
armed peasants, reportedly members of the Hukbalahap, and three military policemen were
killed yesterday in a clash with the 11th Military Police Company, reinforced by MP units from
Pampanga and Bataan, in Barrio Santa Cruz, Concepcion, Tadeo, The Huks reportedly numbered
1,000.
Tadeo said that the clash started yesterday afternoon and raged until midnight. Concepcion
is a stronghold of the Huk organization and shortly after liberation had a Hukbalahap mayor.
Santa Cruz is three kilometers from the town proper (100 Killed, 1946, p. 1).
In order to pacify the situation, President Manuel Roxas signed into law Republic Act 34 which
amended the Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933 on September 30, 1946 (Law Phil Project, 2017a).
Two important provisions of Republic Act 34 revolved around the compulsory implementation of
the contract-governed relations between tenant-farmers and landowners all over the country and
the sharing of produce to be 75-25 in favor of the tenant-farmers. During the term of President
Elpidio Quirino, the management of agrarian relations was delegated to the Land Settlement
Development Corporation (LASEDECO) which was created under Executive Order 355. The law which
was signed by President Quirino on October 23, 1950 abolished the NLSA and unified the functions of
the Rice and Corn Production Administration and the Machinery and Equipment division of the
National Development Company (Official Gazzette,1950).
LASEDECO was later on abolished in favor of the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation
Administration (NARRA) under President Ramon Magsaysay. Created under Republic Act 1160 and
signed on June 18, 1954, the new agency almost had the function of its predecessor (Official Gazette,
1954a).While NARRA also facilitated the reclamation of public lands in Mindanao under the
homestead program, the vision of giving land to the landless was framed within the scope of
expropriating public lands. Here LASEDECO had the same function as NARRA. But NARRA also
introduced the purchase of already arable lands owned by private individuals and facilitate their
expropriation to tenant-farmers under Republic Act 1400 which created the Land Tenure
Administration (Law Phil Project, 2017b).
In 1954, also under the presidency of Ramon Magsaysay, Republic Act 1199 known as the
Agricultural Tenancy Act was enacted that introduced the agricultural relations in the form of share
tenancy and leasehold. The share tenancy system would again take another turn by the presidency of
Diosdado Macapagal. In 1963 the Philippine Congress passed Republic Act 3844 otherwise known as
the Agricultural Land Reform Code which abolished the share tenancy system recognized under
Republic Act 1199 and by operation of law, transformed all agricultural relations into the leasehold
system of tenant-landowner relations. The code also provided for the right of pre-emption to the
farmer turned agricultural lessee to have the first option to buy the land should the landowner
turned agricultural lessor decide to sell the farm. The farmer was also given the right of redemption,
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giving the option for the agricultural lessee to redeem of buy back the land should the landowner-
lessor had sold it to third persons. In order to implement the code, the Land Authority was created.
In 1971, the Philippine Congress amended Republic Act 3844 with Republic Act 6369 before
the second term of President Ferdinand Marcos expired prior to his declaration of martial law in 1972.
Republic Act 6369 abolished the Land Authority and elevated the land reform concerns into the
Department of Agrarian Reform. During the Martial Law period, Marcos imposed Presidential Decree
27 and at his ouster, President Corazon Aquino made Agrarian Reform the centerpiece of her
administration. She issued Presidential Proclamation131 and Executive Order 229 on July 22, 1987
providing for all lands, including sugar land to be under the coverage of land reform. On June 10,
1988 the Philippine Congress passed Republic Act 6657, known as the Comprehensive Agrarian
Reform Program of 1989 (CARP). President Aquino fell into criticism when Hacienda Luisita with
which her family was co-owner was not expropriated to farmers. It was reduced into stock option,
giving farm workers shares of stock rather than title of ownership. CARP lasted for only 10 years
from the date of its affectivity. In 2008, the Philippine Congress passed Republic Act 9700 or the
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with Reforms (CARPER) which extended the
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law that expired in 2014.
Log on to the following websites and look for these specific laws then answer the questions included
at the end of this lesson.
Presidential Decree No. 27 or the Emancipation of Tenants Law, enacted on October 21, 1972 by Pres.
Marcos during the Martial Law Era Law Philippines Project, Arellano Law Foundation
(http://www.lawphil.net/statutes/presdecs/pd1972/pd_27_1972.html)
Republic Act 2257 or Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program or CARP, enacted on June 10, 1988 by
Pres. Cory Aquino after the Marcos Regime, Sections 1-7. (Department of Agrarian Reform
(http://www.dar.gov.ph/ra-6657-what-is-carp-comprehensive-agrarian-reform-program)
Republic Act 9700 or Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with Reforms or CARPeR, enacted
on August 7, 2009 by Pres. Benigno Aquino III, Sections 1-7) (Department of Agrarian Reform
(http://www.dar.gov.ph/ra-9700-carper-comprehensive-agrarian-reform-program-extension)
References:
“Buenavista Tenants’ Rights Safe- Roxas” (1946).The Sunday Times, July 14.
Agoncillo, T. and Guerrero, M. (1977).History of the Filipino people. Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co.
Chan-Robles (2017a) Act 4054, Rice Share Tenancy Act, Chan-Robles virtual Law Library
(http://www.chanrobles.com/acts/actsno4054.html)
Chan-Robles (2017b) Commonwealth Act No. 178 , Chan-Robles virtual Law Library
(http://www.chanrobles.com/commonwealthacts/commonwealthactno178.html)
Corpus Juris (2017) Act 496, Land Registration Act of 1902, (http://www.thecorpusjuris.com/legislative/acts/act-no-
496.php)Readings in Philippine History │ 373
Law Phil Project (2017a) Republic Act
Law Phil Project (2017b) Republic Act 1400,The Law Philippines Project - Arellano Law Foundation
(http://www.lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra1955/ra_1400_1955.html).
Law Phil Project, Presidential Decree 27, Arellano Law Foundation
(http://www.lawphil.net/statutes/presdecs/pd1972/pd_27_1972.html)
Official Gazette (1902) Philippine Bill of 1902, (www.officialgazette.gov.ph/constitutions/the-philippine-organic-act-of-1902)
Official Gazette (1950) Executive Order 355, (http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1950/10/23/executive-order-no-355-s-1950/)
Official Gazette (1954a) Republic Act 1160 (http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1954/06/18/republic-act-no-1160/)
Official Gazette (1954b) Republic Act 1199 Vol 50, No. 10 pp. 4655-4671.
Republic Act 6657, Department of Agrarian Reform (http://www.dar.gov.ph/ra-6657-what-is-carp-comprehensive-agrarian-
reform-program)
Republic Act 9700, Department of Agrarian Reform (http://www.dar.gov.ph/ra-9700-carper-comprehensive-agrarian-
reform-program-extension)
Zaide, G. and Zaide, S. (1994).Jose Rizal: Life, works and writings of a genius, writer, scientist and national hero. Quezon
City: All Nations Publishing Co.
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Activity # ________________
Comparing the different agrarian reform laws in the Philippines. Fill out the matrix.
RA9700
II - It is really necessary for the Philippines to pursue a genuine agrarian reform program to finally
achieve a piece of development? Or is industrialization the way to go forward? Explain your thoughts.
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GEC03 Readings in Philippine History
Activity # ________________
Some 300 tenants in a hacienda in Jala-Jala, Rizal, administered by Crisanto de Borja are
aroused because of a plan to eject tem. The administrator is reported to be using pressure trough
government man to oust the farmers.
The repeated failure of De Borja to attend conferences called by the tenancy division of the
department of justice has further increased the restiveness of the occupants of the land. De Borja
failed to appear at three projected conferences, the first on June 18 in Cardona, the second on July
15, in Jala-Jala, and the third in the department of justice, July 29.
Mayor Marcos Francisco of Cardona yesterday appeared in behalf of the tenants, but the conference
could not be held because of the absence of the other party (The Manila Times, July 30, 1946, p. 1.)
1. These events happened just after the World War II. How would you describe the relationship
between tenant-farmers and landlords at that time?
2. These news items appeared on the front page of Manila Times, which means that these were big
events that happened during that time. What, do you think, were the reasons why there was the
sudden urge to own land during that time?
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GEC03 Readings in Philippine History
Cultural Heritage - refer to the totality of cultural property preserved and developed through time
and passed on to posterity (RA 10066).
Cultural Property - refer to all products of human creativity by which a people and a nation reveal
their identity, including architecture and sites or human activity, churches, mosques and other places
of religious worship, schools) and natural history specimens and sites, whether public or privately
owned, movable or immovable, and tangible or intangible.
- The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 14- 17 million Indigenous
Peoples (IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups. They are mainly concentrated in
Northern Luzon (Cordillera Administrative Region, 33%) and Mindanao (61%), with some
groups in the Visayas area. The Philippine Constitution, in recognition of this diversity and
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GEC03 Readings in Philippine History
under the framework of national unity and development, mandates state recognition,
protection, promotion, and fulfillment of the rights of Indigenous Peoples. Further, Republic
Act 8371, also known as the “Indigenous Peoples Rights Act” (1997, IPRA), recognized the
right of IPs to manage their ancestral domains; it has become the cornerstone of current
national policy on IPs (UNDP, 2010).
- The Indigenous cultural communities (ICC) in the Philippines or Lumad are believed to make up
about 10% of the national population.
- Also known as cultural minorities:
a. They are non-Muslim or non-Christian
b. They have been pushed to the mountains and forest by lowlanders.
c. They do not posse’s money or private property and, widely discriminated
d. The ICC struggle to protect their ancestral domain and cultural identity.
e. In 1986, 15 of the more than eighteen ICC in Mindanao adopted the term Lumad,
a Bisayan word for “native” or “indigenous,” to distinguished themselves from
the Christians and Muslims in Mindanao.
- RA 6734, used the term “Lumad” to differentiate the ethnic communities from the Bangsamoro
people.
- Anthropologist Felipe Landa Jocano stresses that “in most cases, language is the only
differentiating element in ethnic culture
- Most of the family of languages belong to the Manobo family languages, except the Blaan,
T’boli, and Teduray.
1. The Cotabato Manobo – a group that has traditionally lived in the southwest highlands of
Mindanao.
Known as the Dulangan and Tudag, they are mostly Christians and have been
largely assimilated and their traditional culture has disappeared.
Manobo boys and girls filed and blackened their teeth, they underwent a
ceremony of tasting new rice which qualifies them for admission into full
manhood and womanhood.
2. The Bagobos – a group that live in a very mountainous region of Mindanao between the
upper Pilangi and Davao rivers.
They are divided into two main groups:
a. coastal Bagobo who were influenced by Christianity, plantations were
largely assimilated;
b. Upland Bagobo, who traditionally practiced slash and burn agriculture
and derived about 25% of their food from hunting, gathering and fishing.
Bagobo villages are very small and consist of only a few families living on hill
top.
Their culture is characterized by strict incest prohibitions, the formation of
vengeance groups and the production of long epic poems called tuwaang.
3. Bilaanor B’laan – a group that lives in south-central Mindanao. Also known as the Balus,
Baraan, Bilanes, Biraan, Blann, Buluan, Buluanes…
o They live in houses scattered among gardens and are also ruled by datu.
o They wrap their dead inside tree barks.
4. The Bukidnon – a group that lives in the highlands of north-central Mindanao. Also
known as the Binokid, Higaonan and Higaunen.
o They have traditionally been farmers who raised corn, rice, sweet potatoes, bananas
and coconuts and used water buffalo to plow their fields.
o They used to live in communal houses with as many as fifty families but now they live
in single-family houses.
5. The Mandaya – an animist ethnic group that lives along the Mayo River.
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o Youth filed and blacken their teeth upon reaching puberty. These acts were
considered aids to beauty which helped a young person find a suitable partner for
marriage.
6. The T’boli (Tiboli) – people live in the southern part of the province of Cotabato, in are
around Lake Sebu, west of General Santos.
They practiced “slash and burn” agriculture.
The MUSLIMS
Name:_____________________________ Score:__________
Write True if the statement is correct, otherwise, write false on the space
provided before each number. No Erasure.
II – identify what is referred to by the following: Write your answer on the space provided before the
number. No erasure.
1. Known for their boat making
2. Considered the sea-gypsies of the Philippines
3. They live in houses scattered among gardens and are also ruled by datu.
4. They live both on the coast and in the interior of their islands.
5. Living on houseboats, … expert fishermen, deep sea divers, and navigators.
6. recognized the right of IPs to manage their ancestral domains
7. refer to the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills, as well as
instruments, objects and artifacts associated therewith
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