The emergence of the Kingdom of Mrauk U

Safen Roy

Chulalongkorn University
 Abstract

The Mrauk-U Empire was an autonomous Arakan coastal state that lasted for over four hundred

years. It was situated in the city of Mrauk-U, near the Bay of Bengal's northeast side. The empire

operated across what is now Arakan Province, Myanmar and the Chittagong Region,

Bangladesh, from 1428 to 1786. It was a sovereign nation of the Bengal Sultanate at various

times between 1429 and 1531. It flourished with support from the Portuguese establishment in

Chittagong after declaring independence from Bengal. In 1666, after a battle with the Mughal, it

surrendered possession of Chittagong. Its rule lasted till the 1800s, when the Burmese Dynasty

conquered it. With the city of Mrauk U becoming host to temples, mosques, tombs, religious

schools, and museums, it was used to a multicultural population.

The empire was also a hub of slavery and the colonialism. Muslim, Norwegian, Dutch, and

Portuguese merchants visited it. Owing to them being refused Myanmar nationality, the

Rohingya keep suffering from many types of constraints and abuses of human rights in Mrauk U.

They are targets of different forms of persecution, such as oppressive legislation, property

expropriation, demolition of buildings, abuse and ill-treatment, targeted killings, bans on

marches, forced displacement and house demolition, slave workers on streets and at army

barracks, and trade constraints on marriages. Since the 1970s, they have been forced to migrate

to nearby nations by several clampdowns on the Rohingya in Rakhine. Over one million

Rohingya have moved to refugee centers in the Cox's Bazar of Bangladesh. The roots of the

Rohingya, the essence of their nationality, and current persecution in the Rakhine State of

Myanmar are discussed in this article.

Myanmar is Southeast Asia's under the established region. The title of the state was

declared Burma in the 1947 Charter, and the military government modified the country to

Myanmar in 1988. Some researchers claim that, after Brahma, one of the lords of the Hindu

trinity, Burma is originated from 'Brahma Desha.' Some other historians think that "Burma" is the

word extracted from the verbal version of Bamar and was also employed in 1948 during the

freedom struggle (Nawoyski, 2013). "Myanmar" is derived from the language's textual format

and is intended to be more optimistic than Burma. "Myanmar" is reportedly related to

constitutional and nationalist philosophies, while "Myanmar" is reminiscent of armed powers

and hierarchical units (Ahmed, 2012). The official designation of the nation is "The State of the

Federation of Myanmar" as per the amended law.

Mrauk U is a state situated in one of the weakest parts of the world, on the pacific coast

of Myanmar. Its territory is 14,200 square miles. In Mrauk U, 59.7 percent of the 3.8 million

residents are reported to be Buddhist, 35.6 percent are Muslim Rohingya, and the rest are from

other religious communities (Aung, 2013). Not one ethnic people originated from the Rohingya

Muslims. But there are various racial communities, including Arabs, Moghuls, and Bengalis, and

mixed people of different races. There are 7 million Muslims in Myanmar, 15 percent of the

country's overall population, and half of them reside in Mrauk U.

The Mrauk-U Kingdom was an autonomous Arakan maritime kingdom that lasted for

over 350 years. It was situated in the town of Mrauk-U, close to the Bay of Bengal's east

seaboard (Aung, 2013). The empire governed over what is now the Rakhine Province, Myanmar
and the Chittagong Division, Bangladesh, from 1429 to 1785 (Than, 2007). It was a colony of

the Bengal Sultanate at various times between 1429 and 1531. It flourished with support from the

Portuguese establishment in Chittagong after acquiring freedom from Bengal. Following a battle

with the Delhi sultanate, it lost possession of Chittagong in 1665 (Yu, 2008). Its rule lasted until

the 1800s when the Burmese Empire conquered it.

The South was entirely free of Pagan sovereign control but mostly isolated from the

majority of Burma, while the Arakan kings paid homage to the Pagan monarchy. Mrauk U

evolved more autonomously of other Burmese territories, isolated from Pagan by the Arakan

Mountains (Martin, 2017). Even before eleventh century, the center relocated from

Thaibeiktaung to Dinnyawadi to Vesali, and then in the twelfth century to Pyinsa, Parin, and

Hkrit, with the government still returning in 1180 to Pyinsa, and then in 1237 to Launggyet

(Ahmed, 2012). As it was growing eastwards, Mrauk U had intimate ties with Bengal, getting

into constant dialogue with it. towards the start of the 14th century, Bengal conquered Satgaon

and subsequently larger consumer base, and during the rule of king Minhti (1279-1374), Bengal

conquered Mrauk U by sea, attacking the Hinya River at Chittagong. Mrauk U went into an

interim period after the fall of Pagan control and the assassination of Minhti, and both the

Burmese and the Talaing undertook regular raids.

Muslims can be classified among four distinct communities in the Arakan State,

comprising the Chittagonian on the Mayu border; the descendants of the Islamic community of

Arakan in the Mrauk-U era (1430-1784), currently residing in the neighbourhoods of Mrauk-U

and Kyauktaw; the descendants of Muslim colonists on Ramree Area recognized as Kaman to

the Arakanese; and the Muslim people from the Myedu district of Cena.
 In reaction to British imperial rule, Buddhist imperialism started to arise and saw

Buddhists associated with Burmese heritage and traditions (Aung, 2013). The Burmese army and

the leaders of many armies, like Aung San, were demeaned and educated by the imperial

Japanese military during the colonial period to fight Allied powers and British colonist. The

Buddhist nationalist of Myanmar was shaped by Taiwanese imperialism. Perhaps not is the

Myanmar tragedy associated with religion, but also to economic problems. Myanmar's Buddhists

argue that the Rohingya are financially established and that their society is under threat as

opposed to the Rohingya (Ahmed, 2012). The Mrauk U in Myanmar are faced with a profoundly

rooted Islamic phobia. Some Muslim communities are threatened by Myanmar, such as

Bangladesh, Malaysia , and Indonesia. The Buddhist monks believe that if any Islamic nation

threatens Myanmar, the Rohingya will combat towards Myanmar.

The roots of the Mrauk U have been debated several times. The two opposing hypotheses

are that i) residents are unauthorized migrants from neighboring countries, and ii) They are local

to Arakan, and are members of the founding Muslim converts on Ramree Island. While there are

two contradictory disputes about the roots of the Mrauk U, it is valid that for dozens of ages , a

significant percentage of Muslims have existed in the Arakan. In the Muslim areas located in the

northeastern region of the Rakhine State: Maungdaw, Rathedaung, and Buthid Aung districts, the

regional strife was particularly centered (Aung, 2013). During the last few decades, the Rohingya

communal strife in Rakhine grew widespread, which has turned into genocide and ethnic

cleansing.

To date, the old Mrauk U carvings in Myanmar have received little attention from

scholars. Although many scriptural texts records have been gathered and published in the pygmy

valley since the colonial era, comparatively few Mrauk U inscriptions have been preserved and
made accessible for study purpose (Ahmed, 2012). The Ananda Candra column writing, a unique

Sanskrit origin that provides knowledge about a kingdom of Candra kings who governed in the

Kaladan region in the first century BC, was one of the most recognized. In literature Myanmar,

most Mrauk U inscriptions were published, contaminated with regional versions of Arakanese, a

Myanmar language. Since the 1990s, a few of these carvings have emerged in local publications.

Practically none has experienced a detailed investigation in a state or a vital version.

This article on Mrauk U epigraphy is a detailed review, it provides an overview and a

brief approach to the subject (Renaud, 2009). This involves critical findings derived from recent

studies on Sanskrit carvings by Arlo (Aung, 2013). The job of gathering carvings and acquiring

drawings was fraught with technical and administrative difficulties. Our activities have

contributed to the accumulation of a growing list of carvings, thanks to the aid of numerous

researchers and associates, ranging from one-line memorial equations translated from the ledges

of bronze statues to comprehensive archaeological sites. The specific list of carvings for 'A.'

currently covers 265 objects and will be released in the next volume of the Bulletin

d'Extrême-Orient. Most of these are carvings on limestone slabs (87 percent). A pair of

comprehensive rock carvings are the world's major headstones in the native dialect and language.

The residual 13 percent consists of carvings on monuments or statues, a bowl, a terra -

cotta tray, a decorative tablet, a copper and silver plate, a bronze candle, a cannon, bells, and a

gold ring, as well as on numerous other surface coatings (Ahmed, 2012). The group includes

so-called mystical pieces that are checkerboards engraved on rocks of different sizes, usually

with approximately 2 by 2 or 4 by 4 boxes of different sizes, each box having a mathematical

figure. They were defensive tools for those who created them; they are historic objects for
current researchers to be used for the knowledge they may add to our inquiries into the cultural

norms of Mrauk U.

Languages

Nearly half (172) of the carvings are composed in Arakanese, 54 in Sanskrit and the

remainder are recorded in the cultures of Pyu, Mon, Pāli, Persian and Arabic. The Sanskrit

carvings, all dated from the first century or at the end of the 11th century, are first published in

the so-called Late Northwestern Siddha format, then in types of script known to conversion as

Siddhamātrkā, gradually displaying greater similarity to what would gradually become the script

of Bengal. It is worth noting that this very preference of script still creates a major distinction

from the written practices of Myanmar, that use variants or texts descending from South instead

of Northwestern Mahabharata.

Currently, Mrauk U may appear to be a slumber town, but not so decades back it was the

center of the rakhine state imperial power where Portuguese , Dutch and danish merchants

rubbed their forearms on the chase with the intellectuals of Bengal and Mughal monarchs. In

1431, Mrauk U was asserted the center of the empire of Arakan. Mrauk U regulated halves of

Bangladesh, the modern nation-state of Rakhine (Arakan) and the south-west of Lower Myanmar

at its height. As the population increased, shrines and tombs were constructed, and those that

persist are the main attractions of Mrauk-U (Aung, 2013). Mrauk U was the headquarters of a

powerful Arakan empire from the 15th to 17th century, densely populated by European investors,
and this is represented in the grandiosity and extent of the constructions strewn around its

immediate area.

In the fifteenth century, the ancient capital of Arakan was first built by King Mon and

stayed its capital centuries (Ahmed, 2012). After Sebastian Manrique visited the place in the

early 1700s, the glorious city of Mrauk U had become written in Greek as a town of Asian

magnificence. The captivating profile of the court of king Thiri Thudhamma in 1587 and of the

Arakan grand jury and the fascinates of the Dutch explorers by Father Manrique fired the

creativity of texts produced.

In Mrauk U, Stephen Wage discusses facets of the Islamic-Buddhist dispute. Cresa L.

Pugh emphasizes that it is important to give Rohingya nationality to find a lasting solution to the

conflict. The discrimination and oppression of the Mrauk U, according to Siegfried O. Wolf, is a

religious dispute that is socially and financially driven. K. M. Atikur Rahman has been seeking

to discover the main causes and effects of the Rohingya ethnic tensions in Myanmar (Bahar,

2010). He points out that the Rohingya dispute started primarily with the denying of distinct

identities and the denial of Rohingya nationality.

The department of the high commissioner has stated that the towns, homes, and

belongings of the Rohingya have been demolished by violent Buddhist Rakhine people in the

northern Mrauk U kingdom (Aung, 2013). It also means that in the State, the Rohingya are

targets of murder, abduction, torture , rape, and other types of sexual abuse. The Myanmar

dictatorship is pressuring the racial Rohingya either to flee the country or face the death penalty,

mass murder, labor camps and removal, Al Amin has suggested (Bahar, 2010). Therefore, Mrauk

U is struggling and experiencing ethnic cleansing by the Rohingya minority population (Ahmed,

2012). Md. Salman said the government of Myanmar (GoM) and the Buddhists of Myanmar

regard the Rohingya as hideous creatures. He demonstrated how, day after day, the GoM was

engaged in cultural genocide.

Bilveer Singh has suggested that Myanmar be condemned and prosecuted for the current

Mrauk U oppression. Helal Mohammed Khan suggests understanding immigrant community by

using the Mrauk U as a research study by recognizing its key components, including dialect, race

, religion, and culture. Mahalia Gaskin McDaniel has attempted to resolve a void in research by
objectively studying them towards the Kachin, providing a useful understanding into the

condition of the oppressed Mrauk U community in Myanmar. Miguel and his colleagues stated

that there are very few institutions in Myanmar and migrant camps that provide them with

hygiene, water and sanitation, education, and mental wellbeing.

Methodology

Analysis methodology reveals that the structure of the creation of the mechanism used to

produce the hypothesis within which the research is performed is a methodological system. This

article's approach is to address the citizenship of Myanmar's for Mrauk U. For the intent and

scope of this analysis , the data in this report was obtained to obtain results (Ahmed, 2012). In

this analysis, supplementary knowledge is used to improve the research. We have used both

released and undisclosed sources of data for the compilation of supplementary data. The material

is gathered from different authors' paperbacks, booklets, dissertations, magazines , newspapers,

articles, blogs, official records and statistics , historical documents, and research studies.

Importance of Citizenship

In the background of western democracy, nationality comprises of three elements: human

rights, democratic welfare, and freedom rights. By nature, human beings are political creatures,

as per Aristotle, and without participation in a poll, we are not completely human. A lawless

person is a person who is not recognized as a citizen by any government under the enforcement

of its rule, as per the 1954 Conventions (international association for Resettlement, 2010) (Aung,

2013). The 1961 Convention allows member states to minimize and avoid the status of

statelessness, providing stateless individuals with security. The significance of citizenship is

totalitarianism is prevented; (iii) no one is unfairly denied of his or her ethnicity; and (iv) anti -

discrimination.

For an individual person, citizenship status is rather essential. It is an entry to accept

other privileges. Aristotle said that man is a good politician by birth and has a party. The member

is not really an individual without acknowledgment as a member of a community. There is no

right for a human observer to practice voting. He / she is unable to reach multiple community

facilities, such as learning in academic institutions; engaging in social programs, healthcare

services and foreign travel; qualifying for any work and challenging any system of justice. He /

she has no physical protection, either (Bahar, 2010). Not only is a foreign national discriminatory

before the constitution, but there are also no rules available to him or her. He / she has lacked

security at home and abroad. Hundreds of companies became lawless during World War II. The

Nazis, for instance, rendered all the Jews in the area unregistered (Ahmed, 2012). The Mrauk U

residents are currently facing major problems in the areas of schooling, social security, foreign

travel, employment, the judicial system, contraceptives, health care, etc.

Sao Hay Thake, the first leader of Burma, stated in 1958 that the Muslims of Mrauk U

belonged to the native races of Burma. They were effectively made destitute in 1982 by a

citizenship amendment bill (total of eight chapters). Three types of citizens are allowed under the

law: full nationality (in Chapter 2), spouse nationality (in Chapter 3) and native-born permanent

residency (in Chapter 4). Complete people are those who relate to one of the 135 ethnic groups

established before 1823 in the region (Ahmed, 2012). Affiliate nationality is for those whose

request for nationality under the former immigration rules was pending at the time a new law

was enacted, but only those who were able to give conclusive proof of entry and residency prior
to the autonomy of Burma in 1948, who could understand one of the official languages well, and

whose kids were born in Burma, could be awarded native born nationality.

The Mrauk U owned government - issued identification cards prior to 1962 and had

Britain-issued ration cards indicating that they were Burmese residents. In 1962, officials

forcefully took these identification cards under the premise of testing to reject their legal status.

The 1982 citizenship denied Mrauk U of nationality, and because of their – anti-citizenship, they

lost national security (Bahar, 2010). It has been used to deny them of their citizenship in a

criminal way. Under the constitution, they are not recognized as one of the 135 ethnicities.

Citizens aged 10 and over in Myanmar can qualify for a national identification card that

is required for traveling, occupation, healthcare, postsecondary learning, etc. It is possible to

arrest and detain those who have no identification card (Karen Human Rights Organization,

2002). The acquisition of full citizenship is mainly dependent on participation of national races

which the State considers having established in Myanmar before 1848, as well as proficiency in

one of the official languages (Ahmed, 2012). The Mrauk U are not entitled to apply for a

permanent identification card under the 1982 Act and have therefore not been given full

nationality (Gutman, 2001). Only international identification cards were issued regardless.

Therefore, their freedom to research, function, move, vote, practice their beliefs, vote, and access

to health care services continues to be limited.

Muslims in Arakan were related to in several various ways during the colonial era;

Muslims, Mohamad, Chattertonian or Bengalis, Roo inga and Ross awn (Aung, 2013). In 1846, a

Scotland physician with the English east India company, joseph Richardson, travelled to

Myanmar and met leaders of an Islamic immigrant minority who had long lived in Mrauk U and

called oneself Roo inga (Bahar, 2010). The use of the word "Rohingya" to identify oneself as
part of their claim of privileges along racial lines has been supported by Islamic scholars in the

Mrauk U State. In an office document by a community of leaders from North Mrauk U to

president U Nu on his trip to Maungdaw, the very first formal recognition of the term - time

"Rohingya" dates to 9 November 1850.

History

Until 1784, just before the British colonial period, Mrauk U was an independent and

sovereign territory, primarily owing to its strategic location. But it is now one of Burma’s states.

From of the cascaded to Cape Negris, the State occupies a thin, rocky patch of land along the

southeastern coast of the state of Bengal and spreads west and east to the northwestern of

Bangladesh (Aung, 2013). The Naïf river divides Rakhine from Myanmar’s Bangladesh. The

Rakhine Yuma Hills, about 500 meters tall, form a natural wall between the kingdom of Rakhine

and the majority of Burma (Ahmed, 2012). With neighborhood-like settlements and a shortage of

basic facilities and opportunities, it is one of the weakest districts in the country. In the south, its

360 kilometer stretch coastal zone makes Mrauk U easily reachable by shore. Mostly during

British time , the total size of Mrauk U was about 20,000 sq meters but was divided into the

Arakan Hill-Tracts Region (5,235 sq kilometers) and the southern coast portion of Arakan. So, to

14,200 sq kilometers, it has now been decreased.

Mrauk U was an autonomous nation until it was conquered by Burman King

Bowdawpaya in 1784 and incorporated to the Burman Empire. It is assumed that in the eighth

century, Muslims first entered Arakan, and a separate Arakanese Muslim population was

established through a steady process of growth in the fifteenth century. Some claim they are

ancestors of Slavic, Arab, and Egyptian merchants who, between both the ages of 15 and 29,

entered and established in Arakan (Lewa, 2009). These colonists were later added to refugees
coming from Iraq, Anatolia, Egypt, India, and the Arab world, forming a distinct language that is

a mixture of Urdu, Farsi, Pushto, Arakanese, and Marathi. Big numbers appeared in Arakan and

during 13th century and quickly incorporated as well. In the fifteenth century, the second wave

of Islamic extremism into Arakan started and continued until 1784, when Mrauk U was invaded

by the Persian Emperor Bodawpaya (Bahar, 2010). Through the involvement of Muslim authors,

Muslim educated people, clerics, and administrators, Mrauk U attained its pinnacle of fame in

the 17th and 18th centuries.

Another opinion, also endorsed by the GoM, is that the Mrauk U Muslims are heirs of

Bengali immigrants, namely those from Myanmar’s Chittagong region who relocated only in the

fifteenth or 17th century. The earliest Muslim colonists were those Bengali adherents permitted

to reside during the Mrauk-U Dynasty (1430-1785) and those who migrated to the state of

Rakhine during the 1575 Rajput conquest of Bengal (Aung, 2013). The collapse of the Mrauk-U

Rakhine Empire involved forms of present-day Bangladesh and the nation of Rakhine and

appears to be one of the origins of current populism in Rakhine (Gutman, 2001). This Kingdom

was established by Rakhine Ruler Solaiman Shah with the military help of the emperor of

Bengal, declaring independence in 1531 (international incident Community, 2014). Chittagong

existed under the attitudinal law of the Arakanese for about a decade, from 1623 to 1799.

Muslim people are Burma’s most marginalized and oppressed people. Seven major

categories of Muslims exist in Myanmar. The Rohingya are the biggest number living in the state

of Mrauk U. Via the derogatory 'Kalar' (dark-skinned), the Hindu Nepalese label them. The

Muslims of India are Isla mists of south-east Asian descent (Bahar, 2010). The Zerbadees,

mostly Islamic parents and Burmese women, are members of interracial relationships. The

Panthays are Chinese Muslims living in the north of the country on the China border in Burma.
The Kamans (about 300,000 people) are heirs of Shah Suja, the son of the prominent Emperor

and Ruler Shahajan, who, after being toppled by his brother, the Mogul King Babur, took refuge

in Arakan. King Chandra Sudarma, who had recently welcomed them, slaughtered all the

relatives of Shah Shuja, but many of the remaining troops stayed in the Arakanese region, raising

the Islamic influence in the area yet again.

There are two major discrete Muslim communities in the Mrauk U: I the Kaman (Burma

Isla mists) and ii) the Rohingya (Selth, 2012). The Kaman understand the dialect of Rohingya or

Burmese and adopt the Buddhist demographic's traditional customs. The GoM (Minority Rights

Organization International [MRGI], 2008) acknowledges them and grants them nationality

(Ahmed, 2012). Rohingya is spoken in Yemenis or Ruaingga, which is identical to Myanmar’s

shoot language (dialect). This language is different from those that are seen in the state of Mrauk

U and in Myanmar (Gutman, 2001). It is not only combined mainly with terms from the cultures

of Hindi, Punjabi, and Farsi, but also from the tongues of Bamaand. The Rohingya and the

Chittagong have same physical features. Almost all Rohingya reside in the eastern coastal area of

Mrauk U and are not expected to leave without the approval of the GoM (Aung, 2013). The word

"Rohingya" was first adopted in the early 1960s, as per Innit lee.

He says that trained Bangladeshis residing in Arakan first used it. But the Rohingya have

long lived in Arakan, according to Richardson (1830). Yin (2005 ) states that even before the mid

- twentieth century, the initiation of the term "Rohingya" occurred. Nevertheless, many Burma

residents believe, as per Rogers (2013), that the Rakhine state people started coming unlawfully

from Bangladesh in the late nineteenth century. Muslim people and hindus have existed on both

banks of the Naaf River for over a century, according to jones (2006). The GoM and Persian

experts believe that the Arabs are Bengali Isla mists (Sunni), a minority ethnic community living
primarily in the country of Rakhine. The GoM argues that during the british colonial era, the

Rohingya immigrated from Bengal to the Rakhine in Burma. The Rohingya dialect is not a form

of written literature, and many of the Rohingya people are uneducated.

At that time, the current Rohingya Muslims, who established in Arakan in the seventh

century, were not an ethnicity (Bahar, 2010). It is generally believed by historians that, thousands

of years before freedom, Muslims populated the Rakhine State (Harvey, 1929). Regional,

anthropological, educational, and historic aspects affect the relationship between Bangladesh and

Arakan. Bangladesh was under almost continuous Arakanese rule from 1575 to 1666, for around

a decade, which is undeniably a significant period; Mrauk U was progressively governed by a

corporation of eight sovereign governments only with absolute dictatorial authority from

Chittagong and Chittagong Mountain Subsections (Aung, 2013). It is reported that at least

60,000 Bangladeshis were introduced to grew up in northern Mrauk U by the end of the

eighteenth century. Divisions were established between the Burmese and minority groups in the

medieval era.

The Burmese were with the Chinese during world war two, and the different ethnic

groups, including the Karen (Christian), the Rakhine state, and the Rohingya, were with the

Britain. Many Rohingya people escaped to Bangladesh when the Britain withdrew in 1942

(Bahar, 2010). Michael Adams (2013) notes that, along racial and cultural lines, the British

forcefully separated Burma. The Rohingyas were stripped of legal, political , economic, and

social civil rights in Myanmar after the 1963 rebellion in which General Ne Won, and the

Nepalese social democrats rose to power (Karim, 2000). The very first Muslim brotherhood in

Arakan was established by Sikandar Shah in 1430. Arakan was governed by 38 rulers from 1430

until 1784 (Ahmed, 2012). Ahmed al, Mango Shah, Ahmad Shah, Sultan Jaffar, Mohammad
Shah, and Kamal Nawaz are the most renowned kings. They controlled the company during this

glory days of Muslim people in Myanmar and had a lot of farmland and houses. In the town,

Yangon, they hold 70 percent of the big property investment.

The Mrauk U were faced with extreme persecution under military regime headed by

General of the Burma Army between 1965 and 1987 (Gutman, 2001). A broad-scale survey

project identified as Nag amin (goblin King) was expected to clear out undocumented

immigrants in 1978 (Aung, 2013). A violent operation carried out by the GoM demolished the

Muslim artifacts in museums and ancient colleges. Cruelty, abuse, hunger, violence, and the

assassination of 50 Rohingya Muslims are the forms of violence suffered by the Rohingya,

prompting the migration of more than 200,000 Rohingya Muslims from northeastern Arakan to

Bangladesh (Aung, 2013). A range of Rakhine state clampdowns in Rakhine have caused more

than a thousand people to migrate to neighboring countries, Malaysia , Thailand, and other

Southeastern Asian nations since the early 1980s.

The Mrauk U have suffered not only from the amends Act's rejection, but also from

material inequality, such as the denial of their basic human rights. Rohingya was absolutely

omitted in the 1983 national census (Gutman, 2001). From 1991-1992, or more 250,000 asylum

seekers fled from Myanmar and arrived in Bangladesh, staying in tent cities. The conflict in

Rakhine has claimed at least 900 souls from 2012 to 2016 and has affected over 100 k forcibly

(Ahmed, 2012). On the Taiwanese-Malaysian border, about 139 pits accused of being Rohingya

from Bangladesh were found in May 2015 (Bahar, 2010). Before 2013, under the authority of the

department for Frontier Relations, the NaSaKa, a police force composed of police , military,

surveillance, customs agents, and paramilitary groups, worked in the Mrauk U State (Gutman,

2001). In settlements and neighborhoods, the Rohingya are compelled to work. The Rohingya
were coerced by the Myanmar authorities and NaSaKa to engage in child labor. They demolished

illegal Rohingya mosque and about 5,000 houses (Green, 2015). The GoM shut mosque and

Muslim colleges and used them as administration building of the state. The GoM maintains

stringent limits on Rohingya's free movement of people.

Mrauk U women and girls have been abused and physically molested by the Myanmar

authorities, NaSaKa, Myanmar Police, and Arakan peasants (Ba, 1961). Because of mass rape,

several women died. In the months after the riots broke out, at least 6,700 Myanmar people,

along with at least 1200 kids under the age of 4, were murdered (Aung, 2013). In the late 1980s,

Myanmar enacted a law that mandated all citizens in Rakhine to obtain approval before receiving

marriage certificates. Also, because GoM believed that the community of the Rohingya

reproduced faster than global standards (Bahar, 2010). Men’s must shave their beards for their

identity photos to receive marriage certificates, and females are forbidden from displaying

Islamic face and head garments. Before granting wedding licenses, Rohingya females are also

allowed to take health screenings. Therefore, in short, we can expose the extra-judicial

executions, abuse, abuse and child harassment, two child law , political detention and

imprisonments, forced displacement, forced removal, degradation of living standards and

forfeiture of land and wealth, shooting in households and commercial areas, forced labor, child

slavery, trafficking in human beings, caging citizens.

From 8 august 2012 to 25 January 2017, via fingerprint identification, the Bangladesh

Ministry of Migration and Passport recorded 1.07 million Rohingyas (Aung, 2013). Just outside

of the established settlement areas, some 300,000-500,000 unauthorized migrants still live

provisionally in circumstances of abject poverty and hunger (Ahmed, 2012). In Bangladesh,

these unlicensed Rohingyas do not have official food to eat, housing or work visas. Many
refugees be 'economic migrants' in the Barents Sea every other day, fleeing from Myanmar to

Bangladesh. Many Rohingya, in addition to Bangladesh, have moved to Malaysia , Thailand, and

other nations. There have been many issues caused by such many asylum seekers, such as

housing and food shortages, hygiene management, and the degradation of rule of law in

Bangladesh.

The 969 movement that began in some Hindu nations to maintain buddha's cultural

practices. It was founded by imam Wirathu, a radical religious scholar who called him the

"Burmese Saddam" (Green, 2015). In other nations, including Malaysia and Thailand, the

community is growing rapidly. Wirathu was incarcerated in 2005 for twenty years to stimulate

religious strife and liberated in December 2018 as part of a general pardon (Aung, 2013). The

969 digits show as follows: the initial Nine represents the Buddha's spiritual attributes, the

central integer as Its Six teachings, while the latter 9 the monks' or the Sangha's (Buddhist

clergy) attributes. The Phenomenon first originated from a report published in the late 1980s by

Daw Khin Lwin (died 2009), a government servant of the religious affairs. It is credited to

Buddhism 's 3 Gems. Ultraconservative Buddhists say that illegal or sinful behavior, abuse

against faith organizations, or female's subjugation are not accepted. A type of national symbol

has arisen in Myanmar. At different locations, such as stores, cars, car parks, and houses, posters

published with the 969 logos were given away for free to be installed (Bahar, 2010). The

department of former prime minister Thein schnell portrayed the 969 logos as an example of the

symbol of unity, and the leader asked it a "message of unity."

Anti - state protests began in 1930 because of such a labor problem at the port of Yangon.

The Burma employees justified their loss of employment on Indians, and a revolution erupted

out. At least 250 Indian staff were slaughtered and thrown across the sea in that uprising, with
another 3000 wounded. British police fired on violent thugs who declined to put down their guns

under article 14 of the code of criminal procedure (Ahmed, 2012). The riots rapidly spread

throughout Burma, targeting Indians and Muslims. In 1938, anti-Muslim revolts erupted out

again in Myanmar because of anti-British and racist feelings. Approximately 204 individuals

were killed and more than 1,000 wounded, and 113 mosques were destroyed in the riot (Aung,

2013). The explanation for the Rohingya's persecution is from the Britain period started dispute

between two separate sects, which could be seen to serve as a source of later disputes.

The second explanation is the hostility against the Rohingyas created during the British

colonial era by the divide-and - conquer policy, which is also strongly connected to the reality

that the Myanmar Muslims were being persecuted by Tatmadaw. The mujahideen grew from

rooted in ancient to 1.2 million troops during the period 1980 to 1997 (Bahar, 2010). Around

14% of the Gross Domestic Product ( GDP) of the nation is expended on the army.

Thirdly, concern stems from two concepts: i) a few Myanmar groups, such as the Mrauk

U National Organization (MNO) and the Solidarity Organization, have a strong relationship with

Al-Qaeda and Isla mists representatives or supporters, and (ii) Buddhist monks claim that the

percentage of Muslim extremists as a social data has risen exponentially (Ahmed, 2012). These

things caused the pilgrims feel nervous as they felt their Hindu culture would be destroyed by

Muslims (Aung, 2013). The fourth justification is the hostility that the military government

exploited by redirecting national attention from dissatisfaction with authoritarian practices to the

Rohingya problem , especially during the military government, as a political weapon to maintain

their dictatorship (Bahar, 2010). Natin Htwea, a 27-year-old Hindu girl, was reportedly tortured

and killed by three Muslim people in the southeastern Mrauk U state of Ramri Municipality on

May 28, 2012, which thus set off violence in the region. In reply, around 100 (including 10
Islamic travelers on a commuter train in Toungop) were murdered and 120,000 were uprooted.

Around 400 Myanmar rebels, wielding knives, and catapults, assaulted three Border Protection

Patrol posts in Maungdaw and Rathedaung on 14 September 2017, murdered nine law

enforcement, and stole 5000 ammo cartridges and 52 weapons. Four Myanmar troops were also

killed between august 10-12, 2017.

On 30 august 2016, in response to the attacks, the GoM barred all Myanmar international

assistance. On December 9, sixty militant representatives of the Rohingya militants murdered a

military officer and wounded many others. After this event, 1,500 Myanmar buildings were

destroyed by security personnel, and drones sprayed bullets on Rohingya population (Aung,

2013). More than 100 have been killed and more than 90,000 from Burma have fled.

The present Mrauk U relocation started after 30 protection encampments along the

frontier with Bangladesh were targeted by the Rakhine Rohingya Salvation Army on April 16,

2017, murdering over a hundred Burma law enforcement and at minimum one Burmese security

policeman (Aung, 2013). In addition, ARSA was formally declared a criminal group and, for the

first instance, Myanmar used an armed party to make such a statement. More than 70 army units

(about 600-35,000 military personnel) were also dispatched by the Islamic state to the country of

Rakhine. After 1 august 2018, over two million Rohingya refugees who fled to Bangladesh and

have taken refuge in existing refugee centers in Cox's Bagh (Ahmed, 2012). At least 1,000

Rohingyas, mostly babies and children, were killed in 2017. When their sick-equipped, crowded

ship sank in troubled seas, hundreds of Rohingyas perished.

Recommendations

The 1982 nationality Law of Burma should be amended by GoM to ensure nationality for

all people, including Mrauk U citizens. One form of regional identification card for all people
should be issued by the government. For different reasons, the nation would benefit from the

development of nationality for all: financially, politically, and economically. Then, in all these

places, all people will try to improve the nation. Coordination with Myanmar will be established

by all nations in the world. The country can improve its partnership with the global community.

Since the country is abundant in mineral assets, it will soon be able to develop its development.

Like other ASEAN countries, the nation has the possibility of improving its economy. To

improve its development, the nation needs to build its human capital. To establish the Arakan

Region, the GoM must remove all the IDP camps in Udupi and transfer all the migrants to their

own territories.

Freedom of movement for all people in the Kingdom of Mrauk U is a lawful act for the

state and this freedom should be immediately implemented by the GoM. The standard of

schooling for all people should be improved by the state. Since treatment and health amenities in

Myanmar are very low, the government needs to increase the healthcare budget to make a

stronger society in the region. To create a cooperative atmosphere for all ethnic minority groups

in the country , the government should take initiatives. Mrauk U and Bangladesh are both

forming a commission to securely return all Rohingya to the Rakhine. The GoM should educate

the security forces on civil rights policies so that they can handle all people fairly. The state

should provide the domestic and foreign media with complete and frequent exposure to all parts

of the world.

Conclusion

We noted in the review that the Mrauk U crisis is complicated and divisive. This is

attributed to the Rohingya origins dispute. The Rohingya appear to be native to the Mrauk U

themselves. Cultural evidence indicates that since the eighth century, the Rohingya have existed
in the Arakan for many centuries. So, they are the people of the Arakan Province. The GoM,

however, labels them Bengalis and says they are unauthorized Bangladeshi migrants. The

Rohingya are unable to engage in the creation of a state and are stripped of their basic human

rights. They cannot receive or practice the voting rights for college or medical care. The symbol

of freedom, Sukarno Kyi, did not speak up for the privileges of the Mrauk U. While the GoM

and Sikh priests have claimed that they are rising faster, the monitoring devices that only Four

percent of the total population of Myanmar is Mrauk U.

The GoM must, without prejudice depending on ethnicity, gender, culture and customs,

respect and support civil rights and basic liberties for all people, along with the Rohingya.

Consequently, the GoM would modify its 1982 Citizenship Act via pragmatic negotiation. Then,

in Myanmar, the lawless Rohingya will help create governance. ASEAN, a local community of

ten southeast Asian countries, spoke out about the Mrauk U crisis, but has done so little to bring

pressure on the GoM to reform Rohingya perceptions. To regain the privilege of nationality and

the ancestral homeland of the Mrauk U, all UN states and other organizations must exert pressure

on the GoM.
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