DOMESTIC

VIOLENCE IN
PAKISTAN
Forensic Psychology

Maham Kamran
Haya Khalid
Rimsha Asad
Marium Nadeem
Sania Lashari
 DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN WOMEN
1.Introduction
Domestic violence (also named domestic abuse or family violence) is violence or other
abuse by one person against another in a domestic setting, such as in marriage or
cohabitation. It may be termed intimate partner violence when committed by a spouse or
partner in an intimate relationship against the other spouse or partner, and can take place
in heterosexual or same-sex relationships, or between former spouses or partners.
Domestic violence can also involve violence against children, parents, or the elderly. It
takes a number of forms, including physical, verbal, emotional, economic, religious,
reproductive, and sexual abuse, which can range from subtle, coercive forms to marital
rape and to violent physical abuse such as choking, beating, female genital mutilation,
and acid throwing that results in disfigurement or death. Domestic murders include
stoning, bride burning, honor killings, and dowry deaths.

Globally, the victims of domestic violence are overwhelmingly women, and women tend
to experience more severe forms of violence. They are also more likely than men to use
intimate partner violence in self-defense.In some countries, domestic violence is often
seen as justified, particularly in cases of actual or suspected infidelity on the part of the
woman, and is legally permitted. Research has established that there exists a direct and
significant correlation between a country's level of gender equality and rates of domestic
violence, where countries with less gender equality experience higher rates of domestic
violence. Domestic violence is among the most underreported crimes worldwide for both
men and women.Due to social stigmas regarding male victimization, men who are
victims of domestic violence face an increased likelihood of being overlooked by
healthcare providers.

Domestic violence often occurs when the abuser believes that abuse is an entitlement,
acceptable, justified, or unlikely to be reported. It may produce an intergenerational
cycle of abuse in children and other family members, who may feel that such violence is
acceptable or condoned. Many people do not recognize themselves as abusers or victims
because they may consider their experiences as family conflicts that got out of control.
Awareness, perception, definition and documentation of domestic violence differs
widely from country to country. Domestic violence often happens in the context of
forced or child marriage.

In abusive relationships, there may be a cycle of abuse during which tensions rise and an
act of violence is committed, followed by a period of reconciliation and calm. Victims of

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domestic violence may be trapped in domestic violent situations through isolation, power
and control, traumatic bonding to the abuser, cultural acceptance, lack of financial
resources, fear, shame, or to protect children. As a result of abuse, victims may
experience physical disabilities, dysregulated aggression, chronic health problems,
mental illness, limited finances, and poor ability to create healthy relationships. Victims
may experience severe psychological disorders, such as post-traumatic stress disorder.
Children who live in a household with violence often show psychological problems from
an early age, such as avoidance, hypervigilance to threats, and dysregulated aggression
which may contribute to vicarious traumatization.
The United Nations Population Fund found violence against women and girls to be one
of the most prevalent human rights violations worldwide, stating that "one in three
women will experience physical or sexual abuse in her lifetime."Violence against
women tends to be less prevalent in developed Western nations, and more normalized in
the developing world.Women are more likely to be victimized by someone that they are
intimate with, commonly called "intimate partner violence" (IPV). Instances of IPV tend
not to be reported to police and thus many experts find it hard to estimate the true
magnitude of the problem. Though this form of violence is often considered as an issue
within the context of heterosexual relationships, it also occurs in lesbian relationships,
daughter-mother relationships, roommate relationships and other domestic relationships
involving two women. Violence against women in lesbian relationships is about as
common as violence against women in heterosexual relationships.

Women are much more likely than men to be murdered by an intimate partner. In the
United States, in 2005, 1181 women were killed by their intimate partners, compared to
329 men. In England and Wales about 100 women are killed by partners or former
partners each year while 21 men were killed in 2010. In 2008, in France, 156 women
were killed by their intimate partner, compared to 27 men. According to the WHO,
globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner. A
UN report compiled from a number of different studies conducted in at least 71 countries
found domestic violence against women to be most prevalent in Ethiopia. A study by
Pan American Health Organization conducted in 12 Latin American countries found the
highest prevalence of domestic violence against women to be in Bolivia. In Western
Europe, a country that has received major international criticism for the way it has dealt
legally with the issue of violence against women is Finland; with authors pointing out
that a high level of equality for women in the public sphere (as in Finland) should never
be equated with equality in all other aspects of women's lives

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Wife beating was made illegal nationally in the United States by 1920 Although the
exact rates are disputed, there is a large body of cross-cultural evidence that women are
subjected to domestic violence significantly more often than men.In addition, there is
broad consensus that women are more often subjected to severe forms of abuse and are
more likely to be injured by an abusive partner, and this is exacerbated by economic or
social dependence.

The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (1993)
states that "violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal power
relations between men and women, which has led to domination over and discrimination
against women by men and to the prevention of the full advancement of women, and that
violence against women is one of the crucial social mechanisms by which women are
forced into a subordinate position compared with men". The Declaration on the
Elimination of Violence against Women classifies violence against women into three
categories: that occurring in the family (DV), that occurring within the general
community, and that perpetrated or condoned by the State.

The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of

Violence against Women defines violence against women as "any act or conduct, based
on gender, which causes death or physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to
women, whether in the public or the private sphere".Similarly with the Declaration on
the Elimination of Violence against Women, it classifies violence against women into
three categories; one of which being DV – defined as violence against women which
takes place "within the family or domestic unit or within any other interpersonal
relationship, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with
the woman".

The Maputo Protocol adopted a broader definition, defining violence against women as:
"all acts perpetrated against women which cause or could cause them physical, sexual,
psychological, and economic harm, including the threat to take such acts; or to undertake
the imposition of arbitrary restrictions on or deprivation of fundamental freedoms in
private or public life in peacetime and during situations of armed conflicts or of war".

The Istanbul Convention states: ""violence against women" is understood as a violation

of human rights and a form of discrimination against women (...)". (Article 3 –
Definitions). In the landmark case of Opuz v Turkey, the European Court of Human

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Rights held for the first time that gender-based domestic violence is a form of
discrimination under the European Convention.

According to one study, the percentage of women who have reported being physically
abused by an intimate partner vary from 69% to 10% depending on the country. In the
United States, it is estimated that intimate partner violence accounts for 15% of all
violent crime.The latest research (2017) by the CDC found that over half of all female
homicides are committed by intimate partners, 98 percent of whom are men.

Femicide is usually defined as the gender-based killing of women by men, although the
exact definitions vary. Femicides often occur in the context of DV, such as honor
killings or dowry killings. For statistical purposes, femicide is often defined as any
killing of a woman. The top countries by rate of femicide are El Salvador, Jamaica,
Guatemala, South Africa and Russia (data from 2004–09). However, in El Salvador and
Colombia, which have a very high rate of femicide, only three percent of all femicides
are committed by a current or former intimate partner, while in Cyprus, France, and
Portugal former and current partners are responsible for more than 80% of all cases of
femicide.

Key facts and Statistics:

● Violence against women – particularly intimate partner violence and sexual
violence – is a major public health problem and a violation of women's human
rights.
● Global estimates published by WHO indicate that about 1 in 3 (35%) of women
worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner
violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime.
● Most of this violence is intimate partner violence. Worldwide, almost one third
(30%) of women who have been in a relationship report that they have
experienced some form of physical and/or sexual violence by their intimate
partner in their lifetime.
● Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by a male
intimate partner.
● Violence can negatively affect women’s physical, mental, sexual, and
reproductive health, and may increase the risk of acquiring HIV in some settings.
● Men are more likely to perpetrate violence if they have low education, a history
of child maltreatment, exposure to domestic violence against their mothers,

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 harmful use of alcohol, unequal gender norms including attitudes accepting of
violence, and a sense of entitlement over women.
● Women are more likely to experience intimate partner violence if they have low
education, exposure to mothers being abused by a partner, abuse during
childhood, and attitudes accepting violence, male privilege, and women’s
subordinate status.
● There is evidence that advocacy and empowerment counselling interventions, as
well as home visitation are promising in preventing or reducing intimate partner
violence against women.
● Situations of conflict, post conflict and displacement may exacerbate existing
violence, such as by intimate partners, as well as and non-partner sexual violence,
and may also lead to new forms of violence against women.

2.Types
Not all domestic violence is equivalent. Differences in frequency, severity, purpose, and
outcome are all significant. Domestic violence can take many forms, including physical
aggression or assault (hitting, kicking, biting, shoving, restraining, slapping, throwing
objects, beating up, etc.), or threats thereof; sexual abuse; controlling or domineering;
intimidation; stalking; passive/covert abuse (e.g., neglect); and economic deprivation.It
can also mean endangerment, criminal coercion, kidnapping, unlawful imprisonment,
trespassing, and harassment.

Physical
Physical abuse is that involving contact intended to cause fear, pain, injury, other
physical suffering or bodily harm.In the context of coercive control, physical abuse is to
control the victim. The dynamics of physical abuse in a relationship are often complex.
Physical violence can be the culmination of other abusive behavior, such as threats,
intimidation, and restriction of victim self-determination through isolation, manipulation
and other limitations of personal freedom. Denying medical care, sleep deprivation, and
forced drug or alcohol use, are also forms of physical abuse. It can also include inflicting
physical injury onto other targets, such as children or pets, in order to cause emotional
harm to the victim.

Strangulation in the context of DV has received significant attention. It is now

recognized as one of the most lethal forms of DV; yet, because of the lack of external
injuries, and the lack of social awareness and medical training in regard to it,

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strangulation has often been a hidden problem. As a result, in recent years, many US
states have enacted specific laws against strangulation.

Homicide as a result of domestic violence makes up a greater proportion of female

homicides than it does male homicides. More than 50% of female homicides are
committed by former or current intimate partners in the US.In the United Kingdom, 37
percent of murdered women were killed by an intimate partner compared to 6 percent for
men. Between 40 and 70 percent of women murdered in Canada, Australia, South
Africa, Israel and the United States were killed by an intimate partner.The World Health
Organization states that globally, about 38% of female homicides are committed by an
intimate partner.

During pregnancy, a woman is at higher risk to be abused or long-standing abuse may

change in severity, causing negative health effects to the mother and fetus.Pregnancy can
also lead to a hiatus of domestic violence when the abuser does not want to harm the
unborn child. The risk of domestic violence for women who have been pregnant is
greatest immediately after childbirth.

Acid attacks are an extreme form of violence in which acid is thrown at the victims,
usually their faces, resulting in extensive damage including long-term blindness and
permanent scarring.These are commonly a form of revenge against a woman for
rejecting a marriage proposal or sexual advance.

In the Middle East and other parts of the world, planned domestic homicides, or honor
killings, are carried out due to the belief of the perpetrators that the victim has brought
dishonor upon the family or community. According to Human Rights Watch, honor
killings are generally performed against women for "refusing to enter into an arranged
marriage, being the victim of a sexual assault, seeking a divorce" or being accused of
committing adultery. In some parts of the world, where there is a strong social
expectation for a woman to be a virgin prior to marriage, a bride may be subjected to
extreme violence, including an honor killing, if she is deemed not to be a virgin on her
wedding night due to the absence of blood.

Bride burning or dowry killing is a form of domestic violence in which a newly married
woman is killed at home by her husband or husband's family due to their dissatisfaction
over the dowry provided by her family. The act is often a result of demands for more or

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prolonged dowry after the marriage. Dowry violence is most common in South Asia,
especially in India. In 2011, the National Crime Records Bureau reported 8,618 dowry
deaths in India, but unofficial figures estimate at least three times this amount.

Sexual
Percentage of women throughout the world of intimate partner violence
by WHO region (based on a WHO survey )

Regions Percentage

American Region 29.8%

Eastern Mediterranean Region 37.0%

South-East Asia Region 37.7%

African Region 36.6%

European Region 25.4%

Western Pacic Region 24.6%

High income countries 23.2%

Female genital mutilation (FGM) is concentrated in 29 countries with wide variations in

prevalence. FGM is included in the WHO definition of sexual violence
Sexual abuse, Marital rape, and Sexual violence by intimate partners
Sexual abuse, is defined by World Health Organization as any sexual act, attempt to
obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or
otherwise directed, against a person's sexuality using coercion. It also includes obligatory
inspections for virginity and female genital mutilation. Aside from initiation of the
sexual act through physical force, sexual abuse occurs if a person is verbally pressured
into consenting,unable to understand the nature or condition of the act, unable to decline

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participation, or unable to communicate unwillingness to engage in the sexual act. This
could be because of underage immaturity, illness, disability, or the influence of alcohol
or other drugs, or due to intimidation or pressure.

In many cultures, victims of rape are considered to have brought 'dishonour' or 'disgrace'
to their families and face severe familial violence, including honor killings. This is
especially the case if the victim becomes pregnant.

Female genital mutilation is defined by WHO as "all procedures that involve partial or
total removal of the external female genitalia, or other injury to the female genital organs
for non-medical reasons." This procedure has been performed on more than 125 million
females alive today, and it is concentrated in 29 countries in Africa and the Middle East.

Incest, or sexual contact between an adult and a child, is one form of familial sexual
violence. In some cultures, there are ritualized forms of child sexual abuse taking place
with the knowledge and consent of the family, where the child is induced to engage in
sexual acts with adults, possibly in exchange for money or goods. For instance, in
Malawi some parents arrange for an older man, often called "hyena", to have sex with
their daughters as a form of initiation.The Council of Europe Convention on the
Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse was the first
international treaty to address child sexual abuse occurring within the home or family.

Reproductive coercion (also called "coerced reproduction") are threats or acts of

violence against a partner's reproductive rights, health and decision-making; and includes
a collection of behaviors intended to pressure or coerce a partner into becoming pregnant
or ending a pregnancy. Reproductive coercion is associated with forced sex, fear of or
inability to make contraceptive decision, fear of violence after refusing sex, and abusive
partner interference with access to healthcare.

In some cultures, marriage imposes a social obligation for women to reproduce. In

northern Ghana, for example, payment of bride price signifies a woman's requirement to
bear children, and women using birth control face threats of violence and reprisals.
WHO includes forced marriage, cohabitation, and pregnancy including wife inheritance
within its definition of sexual violence.Wife inheritance, or levirate marriage, is a type of

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marriage in which the brother of a deceased man is obliged to marry his widow, and the
widow is obliged to marry her deceased husband's brother.

Marital rape is non-consensual penetration perpetrated against a spouse. It is under-

reported, under-prosecuted, and legal in many countries, due in part to the belief that
through marriage, a woman gives irrevocable consent for her husband to have sex with
her when he wishes. In Lebanon, for instance, while discussing a proposed law that
would criminalize marital rape, Sheik Ahmad Al-Kurdi, a judge in the Sunni religious
court, said that the law "could lead to the imprisonment of the man where in reality he is
exercising the least of his marital rights."Feminists have worked systematically since the
1960s to criminalize marital rape internationally. In 2006, a study by the United Nations
found that marital rape was a prosecutable offense in at least 104 countries Once widely
condoned or ignored by law and society, marital rape is now repudiated by international
conventions and increasingly criminalized. The countries which ratified the Council of
Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic
violence, the first legally binding instrument in Europe in the field of violence against
women, are bound by its provisions to ensure that non-consensual sexual acts committed
against a spouse or partner are illegal.The convention came into force in August 2014.

Emotional
Emotional abuse (or psychological abuse) is a pattern of behavior that threatens,
intimidates, dehumanizes or systematically undermines self-worth. According to the
Istanbul Convention, psychological violence is "the intentional conduct of seriously
impairing a person's psychological integrity through coercion or threats".

Emotional abuse includes minimising, threats, isolation, public humiliation, unrelenting

criticism, constant personal devaluation, repeated stonewalling and gaslighting.Stalking
is a common form of psychological intimidation, and is most often perpetrated by former
or current intimate partners. Victims tend to feel their partner has nearly total control
over them, greatly affecting the power dynamic in a relationship, empowering the
perpetrator, and disempowering the victim.Victims often suffer from depression, putting
them at increased risk of eating disorders,suicide, and drug and alcohol abuse.

Economic
Economic abuse (or financial abuse) is a form of abuse when one intimate partner has
control over the other partner's access to economic resources.Marital assets are used as a

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means of control. Economic abuse may involve preventing a spouse from resource
acquisition, limiting what the victim may use, or by otherwise exploiting economic
resources of the victim. Economic abuse diminishes the victim's capacity to support
themselves, increasing dependence on the perpetrator, including reduced access to
education, employment, career advancement, and assets acquirement. Forcing or
pressuring a family member to sign documents, to sell things, or to change a will are
forms of economic abuse.
A victim may be put on an allowance, allowing close monitoring of money is spent,
preventing spending without perpetrator consent, leading to the accumulation of debt or
depletion of the victim's savings. Disagreement about money spent can result in
retaliation with additional physical, sexual or emotional abuse. In parts of the world
where women depend on husbands' income in order to survive (due to lack of
opportunities for female employment and lack of state welfare) economic abuse can have
very severe consequences. Abusive relations have been associated with malnutrition
among both mothers and children. In India, for example, the withholding of food is a
documented form of family abuse.

3. Causes:
Abusers may feel this need to control their partner because of low self-esteem, extreme
jealousy, difficulties in regulating anger and other strong emotions, or when they feel
inferior to the other partner in education and socioeconomic background.

Some people with very traditional beliefs may think they have the right to control their
partner, and that women aren’t equal to men. Others may have an undiagnosed
personality disorder or psychological disorder. Still others may have learned this
behavior from growing up in a household where domestic violence was accepted as a
normal part of being raised in their family.

A partner’s domination may take the form of emotional, physical or sexual abuse.
Studies suggest that violent behavior often is caused by an interaction of situational and
individual factors. That means that abusers learn violent behavior from their family,
people in their community and other cultural influences as they grow up. They may have
seen violence often or they may have been victims themselves. Some abusers
acknowledge growing up having been abused as a child.

Children who witness or are the victims of violence may learn to believe that violence is
a reasonable way to resolve conflict between people. Boys who learn that women are not
to be valued or respected and who see violence directed against women are more likely
to abuse women when they grow up. Girls who witness domestic violence in their

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families of origin are more likely to be victimized by their own husbands. Although
women are most often the victim of domestic violence, the gender roles can and are
reversed sometimes.

Alcohol and drugs may contribute to violent behavior. A drunk or high person will be
less likely to control his or her violent impulses toward their partner, so keeping such
drinking or drug use episodes to a minimum may be valuable for a person living in a
domestic violence situation.

No cause of domestic violence, however, justifies the actions of the abuser, nor should it
be used as a rationale for their behavior. These possible causes are only to better
understand why an abuser believes it is acceptable to abuse their partner physically,
sexually, psychologically or emotionally. Ultimately an abuser needs to get help for their
unhealthy and destructive behavior, or find themselves living a solitary and lonely life.

4. Identification of The Issue:

A large proportion of interpersonal violence is unreported to criminal justice agencies,
often because individuals fear stigma (e.g. from family and friends) or retribution from
abusers for revealing their abuse. However, violence often leads to physical injury and a
range of emotional and social problems, which can bring victims into contact with health
and other services (e.g. primary care, emergency departments, mental health services).
Consequently, such settings provide an opportunity to identify victims of violence,
provide support and refer them appropriately. However, a range of obstacles can prevent
agencies from identifying and supporting victims of violence. for staff working in
healthcare settings, for example, these can include lack of education; time constraints;
stereotyping; fear of offending the patient; fear of accusing the perpetrator;
powerlessness, and feelings of hopelessness and frustration; lack of screening routines;
and a lack of perceived responsibility. In addition, many victims will not disclose their
situation unless they are directly asked. Therefore, health and other professionals require
the information, knowledge and skills to ensure that they can recognize victims of
violence and respond to their needs.

Screening tools to identify victims of violence :

Screening is a process used to identify people at risk of a disease or condition, who may
otherwise remain undetected. for victims of violence, screening aims to increase
identification, lead to appropriate interventions and support and decrease subse- quent
exposure to violence and related problems. A range of screening tools have been

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developed for use in settings such as emergency departments, prenatal services and
mental health care
settings, most commonly for identifying victims of intimate partner violence and child
maltreatment. The tools generally consist of a series of questions about a person’s
current relationships and their experience of physical, sexual and emotional violence.
Evidence suggests that screening by health care providers can be effective in facilitating
the disclosure of intimate partner violence and thus improving identification levels for
example, a study in a Canadian emergency department compared the use of a five
question screening tool for intimate partner violence with routine emergency care, and
found that the tool increased detection rates from less than 1% of female patients to 14%.
While screening for violence within healthcare settings is widely promoted, there is little
evidence on its sustainability or effectiveness in helping to reduce violence. A systematic
review of studies exploring screening for victims of intimate partner violence in
healthcare settings found that modest improvements were made in identification of
victims. However, there was no evidence that improvements in identification were
sustained beyond initial implementation. Another systematic review found that while
screening in emergency departments can be effective in improving victim identification,
there are a number of barriers to introducing and sustaining this routinely. These include
inadequate knowledge and skills among staff, lack of privacy or after hours services
within emergency department settings and lack of staff ownership and acceptance of the
questions posed.
Screening for victims of violence can be implemented universally (i.e. with all patients)
or targeted at patients considered to be at-risk (e.g. presenting with physical injuries,
depression, anxiety or sexual health problems). It has been suggested that routine
screening is more beneficial than targeted screening as it increases the potential of victim
identification among all patients (including those with symptoms not overtly associated
with violence). A study in the United States found that while the majority of abused and
non-abused women attending emergency departments supported routine screening, those
who had suffered abuse were less supportive. Limited resources may mean routine
screening is not possible and that identified victims are not offered subsequent support.
Consequently, the choice of whether or not to screen and, if so, the screening method
used must be made in light of available resources.
There is little evidence examining the effective- ness of screening for other types of
violence (e.g. elder abuse, youth violence, child maltreatment). In the United Kingdom,
the introduction of a reminder flowchart to improve detection of child maltreatment for
staff in an emergency department found that it increased staff awareness, consideration
and documentation of intentional injury. However, evidence from systematic reviews
suggests that screening for child maltreatment can result in high levels of false-positives
and consequently should not be recommended. further, all studies meeting quality

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criteria for these reviews assessed tools directed at parents. This can create reliability
problems as information may be obtained directly from the perpetrator. for elder abuse, it
has been recommended that public health care workers screen for abuse as a necessary
first step in a chain of interventions. However, the implementation of screening should
take place within an interdiscipli- nary framework and be accompanied by ongoing
research, evaluation and capacity building.
The benefits of screening tools may only be realised if they are complemented by
protocols that incorporate victim identification and support into routine practice. for
example, in the United States, a pre- and post-test controlled study explored the
effectiveness of having an abuse assessment protocol in prenatal clinics. During the 15
months following the introduction of the protocol, an audit of patient charts found that
88% of patients in the intervention clinics had been as- sessed. furthermore, detection of
abuse increased from under 1% to 7% of patients in the intervention clinics; there were
no changes in the comparison clinics. Adequate auditing, training and support are
required to ensure such protocols are followed

Education programmes on violence and victim identification:

A lack of violence-related education among health- care staff can be a barrier to the
recognition, identification and support of victims of abuse. A range of training
programmes have been developed for health care staff to aid their understanding of
violence and increase victim identification and subsequent support and referral. These
cover topics such as improving staff knowledge on issues surrounding violence,
including its extent, impacts and risk factors; reasons why victims may not re- port their
abuse and staff competence in screening; documenting evidence; assessing victim safety;
and referring victims for appropriate support.
Evaluations of two such programmes that focused on the education of healthcare
profession- als about intimate partner violence suggest that training can improve
knowledge of, and attitudes towards, screening for intimate partner violence, as well as
perceived self-efficacy in supporting victims.
Although fewer studies have examined the effectiveness of education programmes in
tackling other types of violence (e.g. child maltreatment and elder abuse), some positive
results have been reported. for instance, child maltreatment education can increase
knowledge, appropriate attitudes and perceived self-competency to manage child abuse
cases among medical staff immediately after training. Longer term outcomes have
generally not been measured. Rigorous studies on the effectiveness of education on
managing elder abuse are lacking. However, such interventions can improve knowledge
and level of comfort in handling elder abuse and neglect.

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Outside the healthcare sector, organizations such as the police and specialized non-
governmental organizations (e.g. Victim Support in the United Kingdom) can also
provide training to staff and volunteers. Specific agency guidance for supporting victims
has also been developed. for example, in uganda, a handbook for police on responding to
intimate partner violence provides information on the issue, along with risk assessment
forms, interview guides and practical examples of how to support victims. There is little
research available on how such measures impact on levels or quality of support provided
to victims or victimization.

Mandatory reporting:
Some countries (e.g. Australia, Canada, England, South Africa and the United States)
have mandatory child maltreatment reporting laws. In general, these require
professionals in contact with children to report all suspected child maltreatment cases to
authorities with legal responsibility for child protection. This aims to ensure that
appropriate enquiries and interventions are initiated. However, there is little consensus
on the usefulness of mandatory reporting of suspected child maltreatment. Critics have
raised concerns including the fear of investigation deterring families from accessing
services; child protection resources being focused on the investigation of allegations of
maltreatment at the expense of supporting victims; and a lack of legal, child protection
and support services being available to act on a report. In some states in the United
States, differential response systems allow child protection agencies more flexibility to
address cases based on perceived risk and the family’s personal circumstances. Low and
moderate risk cases can be offered a family assessment to determine needs and
encouraged to access support services most appropriate to them.
In some states in the United States, mandatory reporting of intimate partner violence
incidents has also been established. Again, debate surrounds the appropriateness of this
approach. While supporters believe it can enhance victim safety and improve health care
responses to intimate partner violence and data collection, critics believe that it may
place women at risk of further abuse and deter them from accessing services. Although
mandatory reporting systems are in operation in many countries, there is little evidence
relating to their effectiveness in preventing any form of violence.

5. Statistical Analysis and Prevalence of Domestic Violence:

1.Domestic violence in South Africa
Domestic violence in South Africa has been viewed as a private matter until the last few
decades. In the 2012 financial year, just over one-third of the crimes against women that
had been reported were prosecuted in court. Legislation has been passed to help improve

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the quality of life for those being abused and to prevent further abuse. Although the
movement against domestic violence is a relatively new movement, it has been making
great strides in the country since the 1990s.
Prevalence of Domestic Violence in South Africa
In a study done by the World Health Organization, it was found that 60,000 women and
children are victims of domestic violence in South Africa. It is hard to gather accurate
statistical data in South Africa because domestic violence is rarely reported. On average,
in a cross-sectional study conducted in 2002, the women who were abused came from a
lower secondary education and were unemployed. The same study indicated that 9.5
percent of women reported being abused within the past year (working back from 2002);
in some areas of the country it rose to 28.4 percent of women who reported being
abused. In 2013, 50 percent of the women surveyed reported that they had suffered
emotional and verbal abuse. Of the women who were in violent relationships, 45.9
percent of them reported injury. In the same study it was found that typically the women
who do witness and feel the violence come from a rural childhood compared to those
raised in an urban area. Although there are many places that do offer help to those
suffering from domestic violence, those resources are more available in urban areas. In
rural areas it is harder to access proper resources. Nearly half of the female murders that
happened in 1999 in South Africa resulted from domestic violence. The percentage of
women who reported experiencing domestic violence at least once in their lifetime is as
high as 59 percent.
In a study conducted in 2002 by R. Jewkes et al. 24.6% of all women, and 24.3% of
black African women, experienced physical violence during their lifetime. Black African
women were less likely to ever experience physical violence or to experience physical
violence in the past year than were women of other races. The women in this sample
were from the province of Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga, and Northern Province with a
mean age of 31.
Recent research has found that binge drinking was associated with intimate partner
violence perpetration, and that problematic alcohol use can be a predictor of intimate
partner violence and domestic violence perpetration. Additionally, men with a history of
exposure to violence were more likely to have difficulty with self-control as it relates to
violence towards a partner in certain situations compared to men without a history of
exposure to violence.
According to the latest statistics, 51% of African women report that being beaten by their
husbands is justified if they either go out without permission, neglect the children, argue
back, refuse to have sex, or burn the food. This is startling. To be sure, the numbers
reflect attitudes, not incidence. About one third of African women report to have
experienced domestic violence (physical or sexual). But the attitudes are arguably even

16
more pernicious. They shape behavior, reflect social norms toward conflict resolution,
also outside the home, and could bear importantly on development and poverty
reduction. They are also correlated with the incidence of violence. In assessing people’s
poverty status and well-being, a much more systematic discussion of the acceptance and
incidence of domestic violence is called for.
2. Domestic Violence in India
Domestic violence in India includes any form of violence suffered by a person from a
biological relative, but typically is the violence suffered by a woman by male members
of her family or relatives. According to a National Family and Health Survey in 2005,
total lifetime prevalence of domestic violence was 33.5% and 8.5% for sexual violence
among women aged 15–49. A 2014 study in The Lancet reports that the reported sexual
violence rate in India is among the lowest in the world, the large population of India
means that the violence affects 27.5 million women over their lifetimes.
The 2012 National Crime Records Bureau report of India states a reported crime rate of
46 per 100,000, rape rate of 2 per 100,000, dowry homicide rate of 0.7 per 100,000 and
the rate of domestic cruelty by husband or his relatives as 5.9 per 100,000. These
reported rates are significantly smaller than the reported intimate partner domestic
violence rates in many countries, such as the United States (590 per 100,000) and
reported homicide (6.2 per 100,000 globally), crime and rape incidence rates per 100,000
women for most nations tracked by the United Nations.
There are several domestic violence laws in India. The earliest law was the Dowry
Prohibition Act 1961 which made the act of giving and receiving dowry a crime. In an
effort to bolster the 1961 law, two new sections, Section 498A and Section 304B were
introduced into the Indian Penal Code in 1983 and 1986. The most recent legislation is
the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (PWDVA) 2005. The PWDVA, a
civil law, includes physical, emotional, sexual, verbal, and economic abuse as domestic
violence.
Domestic violence is currently defined in India by the Protection of Women from
Domestic Violence Act of 2005. According to Section 3 of the Act, “any act, omission or
commission or conduct of the respondent shall constitute domestic violence in case it:
• harms or injures or endangers the health, safety, life, limb or well-being, whether
mental or physical, of the aggrieved person or tends to do so and includes causing
physical abuse, sexual abuse, verbal and emotional abuse and economic abuse; or
• harasses, harms, injures or endangers the aggrieved person with a view to coerce her or
any other person related to her to meet any unlawful demand for any dowry or other
property or valuable security; or

17
• has the effect of threatening the aggrieved person or any person related to her by any
conduct mentioned in clause (a) or clause (b); or
• Otherwise injures or causes harm, whether physical or mental, to the aggrieved
person.”

3. Domestic Violence in Pakistan

Domestic violence in Pakistan is an endemic social and public health problem.
According to a study carried out in 2009 by Human Rights Watch, it is estimated that
between 20 and 30 percent of women in Pakistan have suffered some form of abuse. An
estimated 5000 women are killed per year from domestic violence, with thousands of
others maimed or disabled. Women have reported attacks ranging from physical to
psychological and sexual abuse from intimate partners. In 1998, of the 1974 reported
murders, the majority of victims were killed by family members. A survey carried out by
the Thomson Reuters Foundation ranked Pakistan as the third most dangerous country in
the world for women, after Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo; it is
followed by India and Somalia. The majority of victims of violence have no legal
recourse. Law enforcement authorities do not view domestic violence as a crime and
usually refuse to register any cases brought to them. Given the very few women's
shelters in the country, victims have limited ability to escape from violent situations.
Reported Cases in Pakistan and why so many Cases Being Reported are
“The lack of laws is leading to a scary rise in domestic violence in some of Pakistan's
provinces”
Despite the many advancements and developments in media and information technology,
the Pakistani society is still bound by many chains which hinder its progression. One of
these chains is the violence committed against women.
Factors responsible for Domestic Violence in Pakistan
Various factors are associated with domestic violence in Pakistan. Poverty, illiteracy and
social and economic taboos are considered the main reasons for domestic violence in the
country. A lack of awareness about women’s rights and a lack of support from the
government are the other two reasons. Another factor given for the rise in domestic
violence has been due to increased urbanization. As people move from villages and
increasingly live apart from an extended family, assaults are less likely to be prevented
by the intervention of family members, who in past times often intervened in domestic
conflicts. Yet another reason given for abuses is patriarchy in Pakistani society, which
marginalizes women’s role. In some traditional societies, a man is considered to have the
right to physically beat his spouse. In 1998 of 1974 reported murders the majority of

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victims were killed by either family members or In-laws. A survey carried out by the
Thomson Reuters Foundation ranked Pakistan as the third most dangerous country in the
world for women, after Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo; it is
followed by India and Somalia. More than a thousand victims of honor crimes were
recorded last year.
The annual report by the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP)
recorded gang rapes, kidnapping, acid attacks, amputations, burnings and said almost
800 women killed themselves or attempted suicide. The report warned that despite a
series of landmarks in 2015, which saw the first Pakistani female firefighter and
rickshaw driver start work, exploitation and abuse remains rife with little judicial
recourse. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report said prosecution rates for
domestic violence and sexual offences were low, with women frequently too afraid to
report the crimes or being intimidated into withdrawing complaints. It recorded more
than 900 rapes and sexual assaults in 2015, 279 instances of domestic violence, 143 of
burning, 833 kidnappings and 777 suicides and attempted suicides. The HRCP reported
987 honor crimes in 2015, with 1,096 female victims and 88 male victims, including an
unknown number of children.

6. Global Prevalence of Domestic Violence in Women:

Global prevalence of domestic violence Domestic violence against women is prevalent
not only in developing countries but, it also exists in developed societies. According to
WHO 2002 report in 48 different countries, 10% to 69% of women were being
physically hit by their intimate/partner at some point in their lives. Researches have
showed that physically violated women report psychological and mental health abuse
and one-third to over half of cases also reported sexual abuse. In Colombia, violence can
take the form of marital rape, and is the leading cause of death and also contributes to
25% of the disease burden.' In United Kingdom (UK). Domestic violence is reported in
every one out of four women.9 further, an Indian research showed that women married
to husbands who were more educated than them (7th class or even more), experienced
significantly higher risks of coercive sexual intercourse. In case women show reluctance
for forceful sexual activities, they are deprived of their basic needs such as clothes.
Proper food. And shelter. In order to fulfill their commission of Pakistan (HRCP), the
finding of one study conducted in Pakistan shows that marital rape or nonconsensual sex
was reported by 46.9% of the women interviewed out of seventy-seven. Another study
they reported, conducted on seventy Pakistani men, in which 77.1% of men engaged in
the non-consensual sex with their wives.2 1 Domestic violence against women is found
in many forms of physical abuse in Pakistan. This includes burning women using
kerosene oil or petrol and acid throwing which is prevalent in urban as well as rural
areas. 21 Moreover, not only intimate partners are involved in acid throwing or burning

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but, in-laws are also found to be involved in this act in Pakistan. According to Human
Rights' Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) report, a study conducted by a private
organization reported over 15 acid attack cases in Bahawalpur from January till June
2004, of which two victims died while others suffered acute injuries, including
permanent loss of vision. Around 400 women fall victim to acid burns each year, often
inflicted by their husbands or in-laws. And in the last 10 years, 15,000 cases (lad been
reported throughout the country. 21 Domestic violence is at an alarming stage when the
data and survey reports are analyzed and many women in Pakistan are facing all forms of
abuse; physical, psychological and sexual in both rural and urban areas.

7. Impact of Domestic Violence

Domestic and family violence tears lives apart. One in 3 women experience physical or
sexual violence, or both, caused by someone known to them. It affects women, children,
the family and the community. And it has big personal, social and economic effects.

Effects on the victim

 Death, illness, injury and disability — domestic and family violence is the
leading cause of death, illness and disability for women aged under 45
 Emotional and psychological trauma — the devastating impact on an individual’s
physical, mental and emotional health including depression, shame, anger and
suicide
 Homelessness — nearly one-third of people in NSW seeking help from
homelessness services say domestic and family violence is an issue
 Use of alcohol and other drugs to deal with the pain
 Physical health injuries and problems, which may not get medically treated

Effects on the family

 Violence and the threat of violence at home creates fear and can destroy family
environments and lead to the break-up of families
 Frequent moving to avoid the abuser
 Regular household conflict
 Child protection or police involvement

Effects on the community

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  Children growing up without learning about positive and respectful relationships
 Abusers going to prison
 Higher rates of alcohol and other drug use, and mental health problems
 Domestic and family violence is estimated to cost the NSW economy more than
$4.5 billion each year

Effects on children
Of those women who experience violence, more than 50% have children in their care.
Children and young people don't have to see the violence to be affected by it. Studies
show that living with domestic violence can cause physical and emotional harm to
children and young people in the following ways:

 ongoing anxiety and depression

 emotional distress
 eating and sleeping disturbances
 physical symptoms, such as headaches and stomach aches
 find it hard to manage stress
 low self-esteem
 self-harm
 be aggressive towards friends and school mates
 feel guilt or blame themselves for the violence
 have trouble forming positive relationships
 develop phobias and insomnia
 struggle with going to school and doing school work
 use bullying behaviour or become a target of bullying
 difficulty concentrating
 find it hard to solve problems
 have less empathy and caring for others

8. Violence: Prevention Strategies

Violence is a serious problem that has lasting and harmful effects on individuals,
families, and communities. The goal for violence prevention is to stop it from happening
in the first place. Prevention efforts should ultimately reduce the occurrence of it by
promoting healthy, respectful, nonviolent relationships. Healthy relationships can be
promoted by addressing change at all levels of the social ecology that influence violence:
individual, relationship, community, and society. Here are some strategies:
1. Keep trying prevention programs, scale up the most promising ones, and study
how well they work.

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Many researchers believe the best way to deter abuse is to stop people from becoming
abusers in the first place. And several approaches have shown promise.
Broad, cultural messages appear to make a difference—not just what young children see
and hear, from their families and neighbors but also from their role models on television
and in sports arenas, may have an impact. In addition, many researchers think it’s
possible to reach kids more directly, through schools or through their parents. According
to these researchers, themes should include how men treat women—and how they
express their own emotions. “[We should] raise boys and men so they know it’s fine to
cry and to show fear or other ‘weakness,’ and that expressing anger is not the only
acceptable emotion for males,” says Nancy Lemon, Boalt Lecturer at the University of
California-Berkeley Law School and author a leading textbook on domestic violence
law. Among the ideal targets for the interventions are the kids most at risk of becoming
abusers later in life—the ones who, while very young, are victims of or witnesses to
abuse in their homes.
It all sounds very plausible. And there’s sporadic evidence that some programs have
produced positive results on a small scale—for example, 2000 California high-schoolers
who participated in a program called “Coaching Boys Into Men” said they were less
likely to engage in abusive behavior and more likely to stop a friend from showing
abusive behavior. But overwhelming social science evidence, the kind that undergirds
other successful government and private sector programs, doesn’t really exist—partly
because nobody has had the funds or opportunity to do the necessary, long-term
research. “We don’t really know for sure what works,” says Richard Gelles, a professor
at the University of Pennsylvania and author of The Violent Home.
That’s why, in addition to scaling up the most promising programs, there needs to be
intensive study of them. That means so-called longitudinal studies, in which researchers
follow participants over long periods of time, as well as experiments that create the
equivalent of randomized experiments. "We shouldn't wait for the perfect research to
act," says Kiersten Stewart, director of public policy and advocacy at Futures Without
Violence. “We have programs for very young children that have shown improvements,
and programs that target older kids too. ... But it's true we don’t have data that goes very
far out. We absolutely need more research.”

2. Make penalties for domestic violence consistent and firm.

The Ray Rice case was fairly typical in one sense: It’s customary to offer first-time
offenders an opportunity to choose counseling, and avoid charges. There are a few
reasons for this. One is that some abusers really will respond—either because they have
so much to lose by risking jail time, or because they feel enough regret to be open to
what counselors will tell them. “Most of these programs have about a 21, 22, 23 percent
success rate at 12 to 18 months,” says Gelles. “And that has to do a great deal with

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readiness to change, plus receptiveness to intervention.” But precisely because the
success rate is relatively low, experts think it’s important that penalties be tough—and
consistent. That’s true for the courts. And it’s true for private organizations, like
professional sports leagues. “Forcing batterers into treatment works for some, but not for
most,” says Tania Tetlow, a former federal prosecutor, a law professor at Tulane, and
director of the Domestic Violence Center there. ”We should offer all the treatment in the
world in case it helps, but not instead of punishment as we tend to do now."

3. Increase funding for support services.

It’s hard to say exactly how much money government spends on domestic violence
today, because the money comes from so many different places. The primary way that
the federal government spends on domestic violence is through something called the
Family Violence Prevention and Support Act, now in its 30th year. FVPSA is not a huge
program: it doled out $130 million last year. (That’s with an “m.”) And that level was
actually a little lower than the previous year’s. Other federal programs, like Medicaid
and funds from the Department of Housing and Urban Development, end up subsidizing
domestic violence services indirectly. And of course states put in their own money. But
it’s still not enough, experts say. Every year, the National Network to End Domestic
Violence surveys local organizations once a year, to see how many requests for services
they got—and how many they were able to fulfill—on that day. In last year’s survey,
more than 9,000 requests nationally went unfulfilled. Of those, about 6,000 involved
requests for transitional housing—space in shelters for families escaping abusers. The
survey is not exactly scientific, but, experts say, the shortage is real—and maybe even
getting worse, thanks to tight state budgets and federal cutbacks from sequestration. "The
demand for services far exceeds the supply," says Stewart.

4. Change the way family courts handle cases involving domestic

violence.
Divorces frequently involve allegations of domestic violence. But, historically, the
judicial system would handle the issues separately—with one judge presiding over the
divorce, another hearing the criminal domestic violence case. This was tough on the
victims, who had to deal with multiple sets of legal proceedings, each with a different
process (and, sometimes, each in a different courthouse). It also meant that family court
judges, hearing the divorce cases, might not have full information about the domestic
violence allegations.

5. Help women to be economically independent.

“So many women stay in destructive relationships because they will be homeless, with
their children, if they leave—or can’t support themselves and their children,” says Joan

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Meier, a George Washington University law professor and founder of the Domestic
Violence Legal Empowerment and Appeals Project. “Divorce financial distributions
need to be much fairer, taking into account the ways women give up economic capacity
to raise kids. Nowadays women almost never get alimony (by a judge) and child support
is often minimal, especially if the father fights and wins joint custody.” Of course, policy
changes that tend to help women financially—raising the minimum wage, guaranteed
paid family and medical leave—can make a difference too.

9. Domestic Violence and its link to Forensic Psychology

Forensic psychology guidelines used to assess domestic violence

First of all it must be stated that the assessment of the dynamics of the development and
quality of the relationship between the alleged perpetrator and his victim is for the time
being an atypical assignment. Classic psycho-diagnostic methods do not offer sufficient
support to resolve it. In this regard the sworn expert’s opinion is in a way a scientific
forensic psychological study. To answer the assigned question it is necessary to work
with the current state of relevant knowledge, e.g. domestic violence theory that delimits
diagnostic symptoms and also the classification of various types – starting from abuse
and ending with e.g. separation violence. Comparison of patterns defined in theory with
the assessed case enables the expert to reach a conclusion whether the partners’
cohabitation shows the proper symptoms and the case may amount to severe domestic
violence and/or abuse. The expert must keep in mind that it is not his/her prerogative to
state opinions concerning legal issues and he/she may not resort to legal assessment of
the found facts. In their assessment experts may merely state what forms of repeated
violence (physical, mental, sexual, etc.) occurred in a given relationship, whether they
developed based on relationship asymmetry and what is the corresponding pattern or
type of domestic violence.
Generally speaking, assessment of abuse in partnerships may be referred to the
developing scientific field of psychotraumatology. This field of study describes
subjective and objective trauma symptoms among other things. Differentiation between
trauma type I and trauma type II is made also. Abuse for its repetitiveness and long-
lasting duration is a typical illustration of trauma type II.
Particia A. Resick is one of the pioneers of psychotraumatology. She drew attention 30
years ago with her study of rape consequences. In her 2003 psychotraumatology
publication she stated that first of all, stress and trauma need to be distinguished. Lack of
money, divorce or losing one’s job are examples of highly stressful life situations. Also

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partnership quarrels, various willful acts and disputes fall in the category of stress. The
term trauma is used exclusively for situations that exceed stress dimensions. What
characteristics must a situation have to be labeled traumatizing? The degree to which the
continuity of an individual’s life is endangered is considered a key indicator. Trauma is
life-threatening or it threatens an individual’s mental or physical integrity leading to
strong feelings of fear (dread), helplessness and terror. For example, incest or sexual
abuse threatens an individual’s mental identity, and therefore they are metaphorically
called “murder of the soul”. An interesting symptom is the so-called trauma tongs. This
term denominates the hopelessness of the situation through the victim’s eyes, i.e. the
victim doesn’t have or doesn’t see any option to escape the threatening traumatizing
situation. Because abuse is a traumatizing situation, a specific case must meet the above
criteria. Abuse includes such forms of violence that are threatening to the victim’s life
continuity (or healthy development).
When this knowledge is applied to domestic violence, it means that the tyrant controls
information received by the victim and the victim’s physical and emotional state. It is
expected in a battered woman that she was exposed to situations when she experienced
justified fear for herself (and the children). It is also expected that she experienced the
trauma tongs. During an expert examination a battered woman should spontaneously
report corresponding experiences. For example, in the course of a structured interview
on partnership cohabitation with an alleged tyrant the victim should describe incidents
that got stuck in her memory, forming experience dominants. Exactly these experience
dominants may then be analyzed and assessed under the criteria set by domestic violence
theory and/or psychotraumatology. The following example will illustrate this issue:
The victim filed a criminal complaint against her husband for abuse of a person living in
a common home. During the first expert assessment she underwent a test to examine her
personality with the conclusion that the woman shows a typical profile of battered
women and suffers from long-lasting and severe mental consequences. The second
examination followed after a relatively short time. During the examination the woman
stated that
• she is not afraid of her ex-husband and she has never been afraid of him, after all,
he was not even able to complete his suicidal attempt, he just wanted her to feel sorry
• now she’s happy at work and she’s got a wonderful boss
• she enjoys tranquility with her children, they go on trips, she goes swimming, she
enjoys life
• she has a “friend” and also her son would like a new daddy
• she sleeps well and doesn’t have any health problems

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Neither the other methods confirmed the outcome of the original expert opinion. E.g. the
test of relationship asymmetry showed that the victim was able to determine her life and
the life of the family (e.g. she was allowed to take the children on trips on her own, she
decided about her job, both partners shared household chores). Furthermore, in
describing her cohabitation with her husband she stated that the manifestations of
violence were preceded by mutual conflicts and quarrels. After the first conflict due to
her alleged cheating she left their common bedroom. From that time on the cohabitation
of the spouses continued to deteriorate. She considered the following instances the most
serious manifestations of violence and the worst incidents:
• he kept yelling at her and the children all the time
• he threw a cup of tea at her
• he followed her, controlled her, called her at work with extreme frequency
• he slapped her on Valentine’s Day
• he shuffled his slippers
• he opened the window at her
The above manifestations were subjectively perceived by the victim as abuse of her
person. She was undoubtedly unhappy in cohabitation with her husband. Yet it is
obvious that the described violence does not meet the criteria for a traumatizing
experience. The development dynamics and subsequent collapse of the partnership do
not correspond with the picture of partner abuse as described by current theory. In this
case, even important definition signs of severe domestic violence were missing.

10. Recommendations
The problems of domestic violence have generated hundreds of separate interventions in
social service, health, and law enforcement settings. This array of interventions has been
driven by the urgency of the different types of family violence, client needs, and the
responses of service providers, advocates, and communities. The interventions now
constitute a broad range of institutional services that focus on the identification,
treatment, prevention, and deterrence of family violence.

The array of interventions that is currently in place and the dozens of different types of
programs and services associated with each intervention represent a valuable body of
expertise and experience that is in need of systematic scientific study to inform and
guide service design, treatment, prevention, and deterrence. The challenge for the
research community, service providers, program sponsors, and policy makers is to

26
develop frameworks to enhance critical analyses of current strategies, interventions, and
programs and identify next steps in addressing emerging questions and cross-cutting
issues. Many complexities now characterize family violence interventions and challenge
the development of rigorous scientific evaluations. These complexities require careful
consideration in the development of future research, service improvements, and
collaborative efforts between researchers and service providers. It is recommended that
the following research questions should be addressed. It should be noted that the
'effectiveness' in this context relates not only to the size of the effect, but also to cost
effectiveness and duration of effect. It also takes into account any harmful or negative
side effects.

● How effective are programmes that aim to prevent domestic violence and abuse
from ever happening in the first place? This includes media-based public health
awareness campaigns. It also includes social movements to establish people's
rights, and community-building and primary prevention activities that tackle
underlying assumptions in society. (Examples of the latter might include the role
and status of women.)

● How effective are combinations of interventions to deal with domestic violence

and abuse in the short, medium and long term? Are the outcomes sustainable and
do they have a beneficial effect on quality of life and health in the longer term?

● How effective are the following interventions in the short, medium and long
term, across various levels of risk and including diverse and marginalised groups:
● advocacy
● domestic abuse
● recovery programmes
● perpetrator programmes
● psychological or social interventions modified for domestic violence and abuse,
including programmes for those who have suffered multiple forms of abuse and
those who are still experiencing it
● interventions for primary carers apart from mothers (for example, fathers,
grandparents)
● interventions for other family members?

● What are the most appropriate ways to collect and manage data about domestic
violence and abuse across the health, social care and criminal justice sectors? Is

27
 there value in collecting anonymised aggregate data, or is there a more useful
method of data capture?

● What type of interventions (including training and referral pathways), in diverse

health care settings, provide the most effective support for practitioners working
with people who are experiencing, or have experienced, domestic violence and
abuse?

11. Conclusion
Government has also made and enforced domestic violence act. Law gives an effective
shelter and deals strictly with the culprits. But making a law is not sufficient. People will
have to be awaken and rise. They have to be told about their rights and duties. Every
human being deserves the basic honour and respect. No one is entitled to take law in his
hands. Besides, the law enforcement, domestic violence has deeper roots. It is the
mentality of the society that covers an overhauling issue. Society is in-turn nothing but
the constitution of individuals. Every individual should make the necessary amendments
and the society will change. It is high time to raise voice against the injustice happening
to self and others.
Domestic violence has no place in modern society and should be strongly dealt with.
To conclude, domestic violence is a pattern of abusive behaviors by one or both partners
in an intimate relationship such as marriage, dating, family, friends or cohabitation.
Domestic violence has many forms including physical aggression (hitting, kicking,
biting, shoving, and restraining, slapping, throwing objects); it can also be sexual or
emotional. The main causes of domestic violence will depend on the abuser back ground
such as: Witnessed abuse as a child, Was a victim of abuse as a child, abused former
partners, and may be because of Unemployed or underemployed, Poverty or poor living
situations.

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