Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of

Cultural History
Csanád Bálint

In memory of Hayo Vierck (1939–89) who left unfinished his important group of cast mounts of the early period,5 which are
research on Avar goldsmiths’ work. indubitably not of Eastern origin. It is therefore right to pose
the following questions: how is one to one consider Avar
The archaeological legacy of the Avars1 in the Early Middle goldsmiths’ work in general, how did it develop and what are
Ages is the most splendid in the whole of Central Europe.2 its genuine characteristics?6
Exhibitions entitled ‛The Gold of the Avars’ and the like have Goldsmiths’ work constitutes the most characteristic part of
attracted visitors in huge numbers throughout Europe.3 the Avar heritage, but surprisingly, until recently its technical
Exhibitions with a more general scope also regularly present details have received little attention. Indeed, jewellery was
Avar finds loaned from the museums of Hungary and Slovakia. always dealt with briefly in works concerned with more
However, if one takes a closer look at these objects, one general topics.7 In any description of a typical piece of jewellery
observes that the same ones are selected again and again. It is technical information was usually missing and even
almost the same 10–100 pieces which are requested and the subsequent conservation (sometimes furnishing important
greater part of them come only from the middle period (c. information) was rarely mentioned. In their discussion of
600–700) of the Avar epoch (568–803). Even more typical is goldsmiths’ work scholars used to consider only the
the preference for exhibiting objects with typological or ornamental decoration; the only exception to this prior to the
ornamental features borrowed from Byzantine culture, last 10 years was the excellent study by Gyula László in 19408
although Avar culture itself has long been considered to be about the manufacturing process of the pseudo-buckle from
without any doubt one of purely eastern origin. While Tépe (Pl. 1).9 (Authors of popular books on the Avars often use
underlining the idiosyncrasies of Avar culture, scholars have this to illustrate the topic of ‛Avar goldsmith work’.) A
rarely entered into a careful analysis of the analogies between generation later (1970s) Hayo Vierck intended to summarise all
Byzantine and European finds. For example, until 1963, Early Medieval goldsmith work in Europe, in which a chapter
specialists followed the classifications established by Joseph would be dedicated to that of the Avars, but it was not finished
Hampel and Nándor Fettich4 (according to whom the early because of his premature death.10 A generation passed and
period is characterised by repoussé belt ornaments, the later several new finds were published11 before any real attention
one by cast mounts). In doing so they simply omitted the was paid to technical details. Thanks are due to Zsófia Rácz,

Plate 1 Construction phases of the pseudo-

buckle from Tépe. See also Plate 25.

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 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

Plate 2 One gold and alamandine garnet pendant Plate 3 Gold mount with Preßblech
from Kiskőrös-Vágóhíd imitation of granulation from
Szegvár

who wrote her dissertation on Avar goldsmiths’ graves,12 to The well-known necklace from Kiskőrös-Vágóhíd is a good
Birgit Bühler, Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska and, more recently, illustration of the general character of Avar goldsmiths’ work in
Gergely Szenthe, who began real technical analyses of Avar the Middle Avaric period (Pl. 2).20 The necklace consists of five
jewellery, thus initiating new research in this area.13 A new cabochon garnets alternating with six conical gold pendants.
picture of Avar craftsmanship is now slowly emerging.14 The quality of the stones and their inclusions suggests that they
As with Central and Eastern European scholarship in are almandine garnets, which in Early Medieval Europe came
general, archaeological research on the Avars focused to a from India.21 These seven cabochon stones are perfectly cut to
large extent on historical problems. It became so one-sided that form a matching ensemble, which were then set by a local
specialists did not realise that, by neglecting the details of craftsman. Such a group could not have been assembled piece
goldsmiths’ techniques, they were depriving themselves of by piece as casual acquisitions and must have been very
important historical information. For example, the widely held expensive in all societies, where the market value of a luxury
opinion that the value of jewellery was primarily based on the article corresponded to its real price. The Avars could not,
material value of the objects themselves, is not necessarily however, have obtained these stones in regular trade, as they
true. In addition, few scholars take into consideration the fact were in any case reluctant to participate in it. (With the
that goldsmiths were held in relatively low esteem and exception of the Khazars, this was in general true of other
belonged to the poorest groups of society, both in Europe and steppe peoples in the Early Middle Ages.) Consequently, it is
in the Orient; their wages amounted to a very low percentage reasonable to assume that they received the stones as tribute or
of the value of their products.15 The different technologies they acquired them as booty. This is well reflected by the great
applied, varying in their sophistication, do not reflect ‛price’16 discrepancy between the actual value of the set and the very
differences between products, but merely the cultural simple sling mounts (i.e. bands of gold hammered into a mould
affiliations of the goldsmiths – hence the historical relevance of to create rows of ribbing).
the study of goldsmiths’ work. However, this relevance has
limitations: from a methodological point of view it would be Tools and technology
very dangerous to draw conclusions about the social status of In brief, one can conclude that the die was the most commonly
the buried person solely on the basis of the technical level of used tool among the Avars, but tools of every other production
the grave-goods (which could have been acquired by gift, stage and every other branch of metalworking are represented
exchange or even robbery). This is a further common mistake among the grave goods.22 The Preßblech technique using dies is
in Central and Eastern European archaeological scholarship. one of the simplest metalworking techniques which may
At present about 20 graves with goldsmiths’ tools have been explain why it was so widespread across Europe.23 It was
found in Avaria (some of which could have belonged to regularly applied by the Avars in order to imitate granulation
blacksmiths as well).17 Rácz’s forthcoming dissertation makes it and/or inlaid stones (Pl. 3). There are considerable differences
clear that, even though we speak about ‛graves of goldsmiths’, in quality amongst objects produced in this way, which
the types and the quantity of the tools vary considerably, and a definitely depended on the preparation and condition of the
complete set has never been found in any burial. I consider the die. (Some dies, for example, were used less than others.24) It is
latter a warning signal that putting a given type of tool into the hardly a coincidence that the most elaborate dies, in terms of
grave may have been just an occasional funeral custom, which the richness of their ornamental decoration and their
symbolised the occupation of the dead. This speculation is execution, were found in the grave of a goldsmith at
confirmed by the fact that this custom disappeared in Avar Kunszentmárton (Pl. 4),25 buried with scales and exagia26
culture in the 8th century.18 In fact graves of goldsmiths are, at which are indisputedly of Byzantine origin.
present, absent in the archaeology of other peoples/cultures of This was also the case with other master craftsmen and we
Central and Eastern Europe, and on the steppe as well, despite may draw attention to a few notable examples. One may
the fact that casting moulds and dies for pressing have been assume, for example, that the goldsmiths who manufactured
found across these regions.19 This means that the custom of the belt mount from Kunágota (Pl. 5), the mount from
burying goldsmiths with some of their tools was a Cibakháza (Pl. 6)27 and the discs (Pl. 7) and the cross from
characteristic feature of Avar culture in its early phase, just as it Ozora28 were also trained in Byzantine techniques, because
was in Western and Northern Europe at this period. It is their products and the ornament on them differ in general
beyond my task here to analyse the possible historical or from genuine Avar jewellery. There also can be no doubt about
cultural reasons lying behind this situation (i.e. funeral the Byzantine character of the die used in the production of the
customs and/or lack of specialised craftsmen?). pendant jewels from Tiszafüred.29 Other examples include the

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Bálint

Plate 6 Detail of gold mount from Plate 7 Gold disc from Ozora
Cibakháza

Plate 4 Die for a strap end from the Plate 5 Reverse of gold belt mount
goldsmith’s grave at Kunszenmárton from Kunágota

mounts belonging to the scabbard of Bócsa (Pl. 8), whose is incontestably of Germanic origin (the so-called Animal Style
sophistication suggests quite an experienced craftsmen,30 in II; Pl. 10).
contrast to the simple task of hammering the mounts of the After the belt sets produced in the early period, the casting
wooden cup of Zamárdi (Pl. 9).31 These differences in the technique was not popular again amongst the Avars until
culture and quality of work demonstrate that ‛Avar goldsmiths’ generations later. In the Late Avar period (end of the 7th–8th
work’ is only an umbrella term as the goldsmiths themselves century) large quantities of belt sets were produced in this way
did not in fact constitute a discrete group in society and (Pl. 11), sometimes imitating more elaborate techniques like
represent very different cultural affiliations. incrustation,34 hollow beaded wire (Pl. 12)35 or Fuchsschwanz
Casting was another popular method which also resulted in design (‛loop-in-loop’).36 It is important to note that the latter
the production of objects of widely different quality.32 It is decorative techniques do not occur at all in the goldsmithing of
important to note that all the cast pieces which belong to the the Late Avar period. This means that these imitations were not
Early Avar period seem to be alien to that which is generally simply ‘local solutions’ by Avar goldsmiths, devised in order to
understood to comprise ‛typical’ Avar culture. The precise copy techniques used in higher quality jewellery, but rather a
origin of this technique in the 6th to 7th centuries remains distant reflection of metalwork being produced by the great
unknown.33 Earrings, pectorals and belt mounts show civilizations. (This observation may contribute to the analysis
‛Byzantine’ or ‛Italian’ characteristics, while cast belt sets of of the question: to what extent Avar material culture was in
this period are of Germanic type or have ornamentation which fact a Byzantine fringe culture?)

Plate 8 Gold scabbard mount from Bócsa Plate 9 Silver mount from the wood cup from Zamárdi Plate 10 Detail of strap end from Zamárdi
decorated with Animal Style II

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 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

Plate 11 Copper-alloy strap end from Zamárdi Plate 12 Strap end with imitation hollow beaded wire from
Hohenberg

It is also interesting to note that there is a discrepancy in Representations of human beings or of animals are very rare
the archaeological record between the techniques and the tools and, if they occur at all, reflect the direct influence of Late
used to produce them: crucibles are known from the 7th Antique and Byzantine iconography. Figural compositions also
century (Csákberény grave 369, Kunszentmárton) but not from occur rarely, and scenes with humans and animals are the most
the 8th century, which proves that the placement of tools in uncommon of all. It is also typical that on a cast strap end one
graves was merely a funeral custom rather then a direct can see superbly worked floral ornament, while the figure of a
reflection of everyday life, as is generally supposed in mounted rider looks like a drawing made by a small child (Pl.
Hungarian research. As for the social status of Avar goldsmiths, 17).41 This is, quite obviously, due to the cultural background of
even if the state of research does not allow us to draw general the goldsmith. In general the representation of human beings
conclusions, it is interesting to note that the two moulds (Pl. was a rare exception on the Eurasian steppe as well. The
13) dating to the Late Avar period were found in female repetition of the shape of the same type of griffins and the lack
burials.37 Does this suggest the presence of female goldsmiths, of scenic compositions reveals a level of production which does
reflect the fact that casting is a relatively basic technique, or not correspond to the generally accepted meaning of the
simply indicate again that the moulds are only signs of a concept of ‛art’.
funeral rite? The technological level of the cast objects, which Further information about the cultural character and
are quite characteristic of middle level technology, supports the quality of Avar casting comes from some metallographic
latter argument. Primitive moulds (Pl. 14) and poor casts are analyses of Late Avar belt mounts which have yielded some
rare exceptions; the moulds are generally carefully elaborated astonishing results. It seems that even those mounts which
and there are no significant differences either in the execution belonged to the same set may have been made of different
of the castings or in the cold working. alloys.42 (The same also holds true for some repoussé mounts
More ambitious Avar goldsmiths decorated cast mounts which have been analysed.43) If this is not due to the erroneous
with additional techniques in both the early and the late interpretation of the few samples, instead of postmodern
periods; granulation was quite rare, with punching more conclusions, one can interpret this fact in a simple way from a
common. In the latter instance triangles (Pl. 15)38 and circles39 technological point of view. In fact the quality of a cast depends
were frequently used to fill the background (the last a feature on whether the goldsmith managed to keep all the raw
definitely derived from the Roman-Byzantine tradition), but materials at a constant and identical temperature. The
there is a small peculiar group of belt mounts decorated with differences in the composition of the alloys may indicate that
sharp pointed punches (Pl. 16).40 It is indicative of the cultural Avar goldsmiths were able to cast only small quantities at the
background and training of Late Avar goldsmiths that the same time. This fact also clearly indicates the general level
decoration of the mounts consists almost exclusively of griffins represented by Avar goldsmith work, especially when
and floral ornament repeated with minimal variations. comparing the production of their small belt fittings for

Plate 13 Stone mould from Bilisics Plate 14 Copper-alloy mould from Zamárdi

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Bálint

Plate 15 Belt mount with detail of punched triangles Plate 16 Gold belt mount with detail of punches
from Zamárdi from Mátészalka

example with the task of casting a statue or bell! The same used by Avar craftsmen.46 A stone object most probably used as
picture emerges from looking at Early Avar belt mounts: in fact an anvil was found in the infill of a Late Avar house (Pl. 18),47
we are dealing with local, occasional commissions and/or local and from the same period a number of hammers which could
productions and most certainly not the mass products of have been used by goldsmiths have also survived (Pl. 19).
specialised workshops. According to demand and their skills, Avar goldsmiths
Nothing is known about the sources of the raw material used sheets of gold to produce the cores of Bommelohrrings (Pl.
employed for the great number of bronzes in the Late Avar 20) or the whole surface of the hair clasp (Pl. 21) by
period. It is only an idée gratuite, an idea without any Formtreiben.48 Practically all of the earrings have a uniform
foundation, that ancient Roman bronze statues from the diameter and regular shape in addition to attached pendants.
province of Pannonia were melted down for this purpose. These pendants have different forms: they are globular or
Metallographic analyses which have been done do not at pyramidal (Pl. 22) in the 7th century but only globular in the
present support this idea.44 Along similar lines, another study 8th century.49 A considerable achievement was, of course, the
has considered the possibility of the early exploitation of mines manufacture of a chalice decorated with fluting (Pl. 23).50 The
in the northern Carpathians, the main source of minting and cultural awareness (or rather the lack of it) of both goldsmith
the bronze industry in medieval Hungary.45 Specialised and patron is well illustrated by the case of a Byzantine gold
research is needed in order to clarify this issue as is the case plaque with a figural composition which was cut through
with the problem of the source of the huge quantity of cast without any respect for the original decoration in order to fit it
bronze jewellery produced in the Kama region in the 8th–9th as an ornament on an Early Avar sword (Pl. 24).51
centuries (a question which has not been formulated, much less Wire-drawing occurs too, mostly in the early period,52 and
addressed). interestingly is not found in Eastern and south-eastern Europe
Hammering is one of the simplest and almost universal in the Early Middle Ages. The spinning and twisting of ribbons
techniques employed by the goldsmith and it too was widely or wires on Avar goldwork is likewise superior in technical

Plate 18 Stone anvil (?) from Eperjes

Plate 17 Detail of strap end with rider from Komárno Plate 19 Head of a hammer from Želovce

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 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

Plate 23 Detail of gold chalice with

Plate 20 Gold earrings Plate 21 Detail of a gold hair clasp fluted body from Bócsa
(Bommelohrrings) from Debrecen from Kiskőrös

Plate 22 Gold pyramidal earring

from Deszk

Plate 24 Detail of a Byzantine gold scabbard mount from Kunágota

Plate 26 Detail of a clasp with Äquatorschnitt Plate 25 Gold pseudo-buckle from Tépe

Plate 27 Gold buckle from near Sirmium Plate 28 Detail of gold strap end from Kunbábony

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Bálint

Plate 29 Gold medallion from Szegvár (left); gold medallion from Ufa (right) Plate 30 Gold and amethyst earrings
from Ozora

quality to that of the goldsmiths of Eastern and Central Europe. same is true for the the gold strap-end from Kunbábony, the
Even more sophisticated is their use of hollow beaded wire richest grave of the early period (the second third of the 7th
(Perldraht) and loop-in-loop wire (Pl. 25). These occur on the century); it has only small translucent glass inlays and no
finest pieces of Avar jewellery, but in order to judge them in stones at all (Pl. 28). On the other hand, there are cases where
their absolute context it is important to note that the techniques different kinds of semi-precious stones (tourmaline, amethyst,
mentioned above, together with beaded wire with an embossed almandine) were used, for example in the middle of a
meridian (Äquatorschnitt) (Pl. 26), do not occur on average medallion, which is, however, technically only a modest piece
Avar products (or on Sasanian and other Middle Asian objects), (Pl. 29 left).57 In contrast there are excellent pieces of
but are only to be found on genuine Byzantine products.53 Byzantine jewellery where the inlays are made exclusively of
Inlaying with glass or stone is one of the more elaborate glass (Pl. 29 right),58 or some pendilia of the Middle Avar
techniques54 and both cabochon and plate cloisonné are found period which can match, with regard to the drilling technique
on Avar metalwork. Heinrich-Tamáska has defined three and the execution of its suspension, even the finest pieces of
varieties: a German, an Eastern/Byzantine and a local one.55 Byzantine goldsmith’s work (Pl. 30);59 these are sure proof of a
Glass inlay was, of course, less expensive than that of semi- renewed Byzantine influence in the Middle Avar period. One
precious stones and so was generally used, but the choice does can conclude that there was no direct correlation between the
not seem to have been determined by the price alone. If the quality of the goldsmith’s work and the value of the inlaid stone
goldsmith did not have any precious stones at hand, he simply or glass.60 Finally, a gold pyxis from the Nagyszentmiklós
used glass instead. This practice explains why, even in the case treasure showing Byzantine-Carolingian (?) influence from
of the belt set (c. 550–650) found in the vicinity of Sirmium, the Late Avar period is a very special case, as is the whole
which is one of the finest found anywhere in the Byzantine treasure: it is decorated with glass inlays in cells of different
Empire, one finds only inlays of medium quality (Pl. 27).56 The forms (Pl. 31).

Plate 31 Gold pyxis from

Nagyszentmiklós (reconstruction by
Franz Siegmeth)

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 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

Plate 32 Detail of earring with granulation from Zamárdi Plate 33 Gold belt fitting with granulation from Kunbábony

The use of granulation61 among the Avars is also made with Perldraht and the background was filled with small
characteristic for goldsmiths of above average skill in Central glass pieces (Pl. 38).71
and Eastern Europe.62 It occurs on unquestionably Avar Gilding and silvering occurs throughout the Avar period,72
products of the 6th and 7th centuries (Pls 32, 33) and not in the while, interestingly, tinning was employed only in the Middle
later period. It is found most conspicuously on earrings with and Late Avar periods.73 It also merits special attention that
pyramidal attachments and on a group of belt mounts. There is gilded silver jewellery is found only in Pannonia and not on the
also pseudo-granulation, which makes use of small gilt-bronze Great Hungarian Plain.74
granules, and there are even lower quality imitations, namely Finally a strange, absolutely unique decorative technique
repoussé or Perldraht.63 cannot be omitted here. In the pierced decorative background
Tauschierung (inlaying gold, silver or copper into iron) was of an 8th-century strap end the wings of an insect (Netocia
used as ornamentation for an important group of belt fittings cuprea) have been observed, which are of green colour and
in the 7th century (Pl. 34),64 but it occurs only rarely on other filled the space between the vegetal ornament.75
objects (Pl. 35). Despite its wide diffusion it cannot be
considered as a genuine Avar technique and it never occurs in Cultural lessons of the treasure of Nagyszentmiklós for Avar
the Balkans or in Eastern Europe. Its use in Byzantium, Italy, goldsmith’s work in general
among the Franks, Alemans and Bavarians,65 demonstrates the The landscape of the Avar goldsmith’s work represents a kind
European connection of Avar goldsmith work. of ‛great plain’ with some ‛hills’, where the only veritable ‛peak’
Niello66 is attested in a very few cases on imported objects is the treasure of Nagyszentmiklós (Sînnicolau Mare,
(Pl. 36),67 and millefiori glass is found only on the Byzantine Rumania).76 This is the most important treasure in the whole of
gold buckle from Kunbábony (Pl. 37).68 All these objects date to Central and Eastern Europe from the Early Middle Ages and
the 7th century and cannot be regarded as genuine Avar consists of 23 decorated gold vessels with a total weight of 10kg
products. (20lb) (Pl. 39). Its connection with Avar culture of the 7th and
Brief mention should be made here of enamel, because the 8th centuries is today beyond any doubt. In the present context
well-known Carolingian period ewer from St Maurice it is interesting to note that the use of a special kind of punch
d’Agaune has discs decorated in this technique, and according forms one key argument for the Avar origin of the treasure, as it
to Alföldi, they might have had some kind of Avar connection.69 can only be paralleled on Avar belt mounts. (There are of
It is important to stress that there is no reason to connect these course other arguments as well.)
enamels with Avar goldsmith work, either typologically, Scholarly literature on the treasure is abundant, but a
technically or iconographically.70 There are simply no Avar specialised goldsmith has dealt with it for the very first time
pieces decorated with enamel. However mention should be only recently, some 200 years after its discovery.77 It is clear,
made of a belt-fitting which merits more attention than it has even without having a great knowledge of the goldsmith’s
received to date. Today it is not possible to study it, but the craft, that all the vessels were produced by repoussé work, that
published photograph seems to suggest that the decoration was nearly all of them were decorated by punching, and that some

Plate 34 X-radiograph of two belt fittings with Tauschierung from Plate 35 X-radiograph of the upper part of a stirrup with Tauschierung from
Budakalász Mikebuda

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Bálint

Plate 37 Detail of buckle with millefiori glass from Kunbábony

Plate 36 Detail of belt buckle with nielloed decoration from Kölked- Plate 38 Belt fitting with Perldraht from Želovce
Feketekapu B, Grave 119

of them had pierced work and glass inlays. It is very important

to note the absence of filigree, granulation and niello. Both the
quality of their ornamental decoration and the techniques
applied confirm the impression that they are exceptional,
indeed unique pieces, not only in the Carpathian Basin but in
the whole of contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. This
aspect alone deserves special attention and needs explanation
from the point of view of cultural history.
To understand this uniqueness it is especially informative
to compare this treasure with the find from Mala Pereščepino,
in the region of Poltava, which is regarded as the grave of
Kuvrat, the khagan of Magna Bolgaria from around 630–50.78
The richness and importance of this find for the research of
Early Medieval Central and Eastern Europe is comparable to
that of Sutton Hoo in western Europe. Here I would like to
mention only those objects which, from a technical viewpoint,
were most probably produced locally. First of all, it is striking
that they are undecorated, particularly a gold bowl of Sasanian
type weighing about 1.81kg (2lb 9oz). Genuine Sasanian bowls
are always decorated and made from silver. It is equally telling
if we compare the armband with stone inlays (Pl. 40 top) with
another one from the same find which is a masterpiece of
Byzantine goldsmith’s work (Pl. 40 bottom). The settings of
the glass inlays are definitely inferior when compared with the
workmanship of the latter piece. It is absolutely clear that raw
materials such as gold and silver were readily accessible for the
goldsmiths working in or for the court of this person of the
highest rank. However, this ruler on the East European steppe,
maybe even Kuvrat whose godfather was the Emperor
Heraclius, was not able to find a local craftsman who could
manufacture elaborate luxury articles decorated with the
techniques regularly used in the Byzantine Empire. This is a
good lesson regarding goldsmiths’ work of the steppe in
general. One can see the same phenomenon at the eastern end
Plate 39 Gold vessels from the Nagyszentmiklós treasure of the Eurasian steppe: the small gold vessels of the treasure of

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 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

manufactured these vessels did not produce other similar

objects.80 Dealing with this phenomenon can help us to
understand the craft of the Avar goldsmith in general. Purely
theoretically, of course, one can interpret freely the episode in
the Annales Fuldenses which describes how Eric, the duke of
Friuli, took away the entire treasury of the Avar khagan in 79681
so that no vessels remained in the land. In reality we have no
idea what was contained in the booty, whether there were any
genuinely Avar pieces or vessels which, purely theoretically,
could be compared with those ones from Nagyszentmiklós.
I propose, however, that we might resolve the contradiction
between the Avar origin of this treasure on the one hand and
the overall Avar archaeological material on the other from the
point of view of cultural history. As the Avar economy was quite
obviously not governed by the rules of a free market, we cannot
suppose that there would have been established workshops
continuously producing luxury items as in Early Medieval
Western Europe.82 I suppose that each generation of the (local)
dynasty who intended to add new items to the treasure of
Nagyszentmiklós was always able to find highly specialised
craftsmen who fulfilled only these commands. (It will most
probably remain a mystery to us how they organised this
selection. Maybe they used itinerant craftsmen.83) The treasure
of Nagyszentmiklós was made in an oriental society whose
aristocracy was influenced by Byzantine culture. It represents
Plate 40 Gold bracelet from Mala Pereščepino (above); detail of gold bracelet a kind of lonely peak surrounded by the ‛hills’ and ‛plains’ of
from the same find (below) Avar goldsmith work and that of the whole of Central and
Eastern Europe and the Eurasian steppe region.
Kül tegin, the most senior counsellor in the eastern Turkish
Empire in the mid-8th century, are also undecorated and, from Concerning the ethnic origin vs the cultural affiliation of Avar
a technical point, simply made.79 For this reason, it is of great goldsmiths
importance, both from the viewpoint of Avar history and A comparison with Byzantine imperial workshops can only
European cultural history in general to understand that the lead one to the most simple conclusion that the techniques and
craftsmen producing the vessels of the Nagyszentmiklós the ornamental decoration of Avar products are quite distant,
treasure enjoyed a higher level of training both in artistic and but basically related to Byzantine pieces. It is more relevant of
technical respects, when compared with their colleagues who course to set them in their proper geographical and cultural
were employed by the rulers of the European and Inner Asian context, i.e. to compare them with the goldsmiths’ products of
steppe in the 7th–8th centuries. Central and Eastern Europe. Avar goldsmith work is
What kind of conclusion can be drawn from this? Is there remarkably superior, with regards to both its quality and
any find which would allow us to suppose that Avar culture quantity. How does one explain this phenomenon?
attained a higher technical standard than its neighbours in the One could, of course, see the reason for the relative
Eastern European steppe while they were living there c. richness of Avar goldsmithing products as the consequence of
558–68, i.e. before the conquest of the Carpathian Basin? Their the immense quantity of gold tribute (about 6 million solidi)
culture was not exceptional: all goldsmithing products of the extorted from the Byzantine Empire between 574–626. The
Eurasian steppe have a uniformly modest character from the relative abundance of the raw material is not, however,
point of view of technique, ornament and typology. We can sufficient explanation in itself: see the above mentioned
only conclude that it was the inherent local cultural example of the find from Mala Pereščepino. Ethnographic
possibilities of the Carpathian Basin which enabled the evidence shows, for example, that granulation is not a
development of the material culture of both the Avars and, 200 mysterious craft: its prerequisites are ‛only’ gold and know-
years later, the Hungarians to reach a significantly higher level how. Neither of them is sufficient alone, but it is also evident
in their goldsmiths’ work when compared with all their eastern that the more important one is technical knowledge. Gold can
counterparts on the Eurasian steppe. be obtained quite quickly and easily by military or diplomatic
There is, however, an important contradiction between the means, but it is far more difficult to obtain skilled craftsmen,
Avar origin of the Nagyszentmiklós treasure and its uniqueness for the necessary know-how always supposes a certain
among the archaeological material of the Avars. This treasure workshop tradition. Some Eastern Slavic tribes, for example,
was, in my opinion, collected over one and a half centuries by also managed to obtain some gold during their raids on
an Avar ruling family, every generation of which commissioned Byzantium, even if on a much more modest scale than the
new pieces in the authentic Avar tradition. But why are similar Avars, and the Bulgars as well could obtain gold thanks to their
pieces missing from the archaeological record of the 7th–8th wars and treaties with the neighbouring Byzantine Empire. But
centuries? It is hard to believe that the craftsmen who to the east of the Carpathians and in the Balkans no pieces of

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Bálint

high-quality jewellery have been found which could be respect to the old but well-formulated dilemma as to whether
supposed to have been made by local craftsmen. Where did the its goldsmiths were Byzantines with Avar cultural knowledge
superior know-how of the Avar goldsmith in the Carpathian or Avars experienced in Byzantine goldsmiths work,89 it is
Basin come from? A definite answer to this very complex and possible to decide in favour of Byzantine cultural influence.
far-reaching question is actually not possible. However, the answer to this basic question may lie elsewhere
However there are two decisive starting points from which by just posing another one: what are ‘Avar’ and ‘Byzantine’ as
to advance further questions concerning the archaeology and such, i.e. how far is it possible to differentiate the fringe
history of the Avars. The first is the simple fact that with a cultural elements from the Late Antique and Italian
single exception all goldsmiths’ burials (including the dies) in contributions to the general notion of ’Byzantine culture’?90
the Avar khaganate can be dated only after the beginning of I have already repeatedly called attention to the fact that
the 7th century,84 i.e. the burials and tools appear at the same there is a significant difference to be observed within the
time as the acme of Avar culture. This coincidence is most archaeological record of the Carpathian Basin during the
certainly not a chance one. Could this mean that the 6th–7th centuries. Finds from the territory of the former
goldsmiths of the Avars were of foreign origin and arrived a province of Pannonia are clearly more numerous, show a
generation after the conquest of the Carpathian Basin? Or greater typological variety, and their ornamental decoration is
would they have needed about 50 years in order to acquire more elaborate when compared with contemporary finds from
better technology and techniques? If so, who were their the Great Hungarian Plain. Does this mean that Early Avar
teachers? Secondly, one can see a considerable gap in culture was born in the western part of the khaganate,91 or is
technological terms between the archaeological record of Early this phenomenon a reflection of other factors, i.e. the presence
Avar culture (6th–7th centuries) and the Late one (8th of a tradition of skilled handicrafts and/or that of populations
century): as previously mentioned, in the later period with higher cultural claims?
sophisticated techniques such as granulation and incrustation One can observe signs which favour all these possibilities.
with stones or glass had disappeared. In the latter case it needs Firstly, a most interesting fact is the distribution of the bronze
to be explained why this knowledge disappeared at the end of cauldrons of Hunnic type. They have come to light in greater
the 7th century. numbers on the territory of former Pannonia than on the Great
The present state of research allows us to conclude only Hungarian Plain92 which was undoubtedly the typical
where the Avar goldsmiths could not have come from. They settlement area of the Huns. Let us remember again that it
were not of eastern origin: there is absolutely no sign of requires great technical skill to cast bronze pieces of such size
typically Avar objects on the Eastern European steppe before and weight; this might lead one to conclude that very
the Avar conquest (568) and also no sign of them in Asia before specialised craftsmen worked in Pannonia even in the first half
the Avar appearance in Europe (558). Most of the techniques of the 5th century,93 which is generally considered as a period
used by Avar goldsmiths are completely unknown on the of devastation after the collapse of Roman rule in the province.
Eurasian steppe. One can say the same about a Balkan origin: On the other hand we must take into consideration the
most Avar goldsmithing techniques do not occur there either. ethnically rich picture of Pannonia in the 6th–7th centuries
Nor were they of Lombardic or Gepid origin. Firstly, because as which included different groups of Germanic and Romanised
I have already mentioned, the niello techniques of the pre-Avar origin who may have represented a large potential market.
and Avar periods are different from each other; second, the The crucial factor evoking the richness of Avar material in
material culture of the Avars did not begin to flourish Pannonia is, in my opinion, the contact of the Avars with Italy.
immediately after they settled in the Carpathian Basin, but To suppose such a connection is by no means surprising: it is an
only one or two generations later. Any surviving Germanic established pattern from the Neolithic age that the western
goldsmiths could have begun to work immediately after 568. part of the Carpathian Basin was always linked to Europe in
What possibilities remain? Here I would like to propose one north-western or south-western directions, while the eastern
possibility which has never been taken into consideration half was open to Eastern or south-eastern Europe. The Avars
before. It is well known that about 630 Samo, a merchant from obviously established connections with Italy, as is revealed by
Franconia, regularly travelled on business to the western both written sources and the archaeological record.94 The latest
regions of the Carpathian Basin.85 He certainly bought slaves: research by Falko Daim has proved that the Mediterranean
but how did he pay for them and what did he give in exchange? contacts of the Carpathian Basin were still working in the 8th
Could some of the Merovingian-like artefacts found in the Avar century when there were motifs and techniques arriving from
khaganate be connected with Samo’s activity? the Adriatic region,95 showing that contacts with the
There is no reason here to enter into the old-fashioned Mediterranean/Byzantine world were not interrupted at the
arguments as to whether Avar goldsmiths were of Byzantine end of the 7th century.
origin or not.86 It would, of course, be a mistake to see the Greek However, when studying the cultural, i.e. vertical
monograms on a group of 7th-century strap-ends (for example, differentiation of the Avar archaeological material, one must
Arethon on one of Kunágota-Mersin type),87 as proof of a not forget the aspect of its social, i.e. horizontally divided
Byzantine origin for the goldsmiths,88 in fact they are only groups too. Scholars in Central and Eastern Europe used not to
proof of the Byzantine ‛culture’ of the given goldsmiths. As for take into consideration the fact that the ‘richness’ of grave
the names and inscriptions on Avar objects, it is most goods does not reflect directly and exactly the social position of
instructive that when inscriptions do occur the goldsmiths the dead96 and that many social, emotional and ritual factors
used Greek and Latin letters and never runes of Turkic type. could have influenced funerary rites, and consequently what
Even in the case of the treasure of Nagyszentmiklós, with was finally deposited in the grave.97 But if we group and

156 | ‘Intelligible Beauty’

 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

categorise Avar goldsmith works, one should consider at the goldsmiths’ work of Central and Eastern Europe in general, but
outset not the users of the products (the ‛rich’ and the ‛poor’), even the best Avar pieces do not bear comparison with the
but the masters of the latter. This is, however, a more than risky jewellery, with its more expensive and elaborate techniques,
approach given two uncertainties. The first is our lack of produced in the workshops of Byzantium, Italy and the
knowledge of the circumstances under which people in the Merovingian kingdom.
Avar khaganate obtained their jewellery (purchase [?], When comparing the technological level of Avar goldwork
exchange, inheritance, robbery) – but this is only a question of in the 6th–7th centuries with that of Eastern Europe and the
the procurement not the production of goldsmiths’ work which Balkans, some further analogies should be taken into
is the main focus of this paper. The second is the dearth of any consideration. The difference between Avar culture of the
information concerning how goldsmiths were organised in the 6th–7th century and that of the 8th century is well reflected in
political and economic structure of the Avar khaganate, a point jewellery and goldsmith techniques and has been mentioned
no one has attempted to elucidate. It is absolutely evident, as more than once in this short paper. Earlier Hungarian research
has been mentioned briefly above, that Avar goldsmiths must sought to explain this in the light of historical events without
have been divided into different ethno-cultural groups. It is taking into consideration broader developments in Byzantium
much more difficult to set the question in its socio-cultural and Eastern Europe. It is well known that, at the turn of the 7th
context. It is easy to differentiate between ‘excellent’, ‘good’, and 8th centuries, there was a great change in Byzantine
‘medium’ and ‘poor’ quality products, but in trying to think goldsmithing as well. After the long series of masterpieces
scientifically we are in fact not able to connect these categories dating to the 6th and 7th centuries, jewellery and
either to the cultural or social groups of Avar goldsmiths. We representative metal vessels disappeared across the entire
can only suppose that the cultural and the social aspects of the Empire. I have already dealt with this change in another work,
goldsmith’s work may have coincided: certain ethnic-cultural where my task was to consider only the Avars.98 Just as it could
groups could have had more cultivated and skilled master be a mistake to interpret the change in Avar material culture
craftsmen than others. When one can differentiate at all it is after the 7th century as an isolated, particularly Avar
possible to isolate three main groups: ‘Byzantine’ i.e. master phenomenon, it would be equally wrong to look for an
craftsmen who had direct experience of working in Byzantine explanation exclusively inside the Byzantine Empire.
workshops (e.g. Pls 25, 28, 37); an intermediate group of In order to obtain a broader perspective it is of the utmost
goldsmiths who had partial knowledge and experience of importance to observe that cast belt mounts similar to those of
Byzantine jewellery and culture (e.g. Pls 8, 16, 20, 22, 38); and the 8th-century Avars are also found in the same period on the
finally, those goldsmiths who worked at a purely ‘local’ level Eastern European steppe, in the Balkans, the Crimea, on the
(e.g. Pls 3, 11, 29 left). It is the task of future research to outskirts of the Caucasus and in the region of the Kama.
determine whether these ‘Byzantine’ goldsmiths, products (Similarities between jewellery and ceramic types can also be
and/or influences came from Italy or from the direction of the observed.) What can be the explanation for this phenomenon?
Balkans. All these regions, due to their historical and economic
traditions, stood under more or less strong Byzantine
Conclusion influence. The scale of this influence should not be
I hope to have illustrated that the majority of the techniques overestimated, of course, but its synchronic appearance and
used by Avar goldsmiths do not differ considerably from those diffusion shows that certain material cultures in Eastern
of their contemporary European and Byzantine cousins, even if Europe of certain peoples – very different from each other from
there were both distinctive differences as well as important the point of view of ethnic origin and economic levels –
similarities. One idiosyncrasy, compared with Central and followed these changes at the same time and in the same way.
Eastern Europe and especially with the finds of the Eurasian From a more general viewpoint it is important to note a
steppe, is the great variety and quality of Avar jewellery. With common feature of the aforementioned regions: they adopted
regard to its techniques and quality, one can say that it is far feudalism only centuries after its development in Western
superior to the locally made jewellery of the aforementioned Europe in the 7th and 8th centuries as they did not belong to
regions. This is quite remarkable and very instructive when it that zone of influence, but to the Byzantine one. It is, however,
comes to characterising Avar culture as such, especially when beyond the scope of this paper to investigate the reasons for the
one speaks about its eastern/oriental roots. As regards stagnation and the inability or lack of interest of Byzantium in
Byzantium, there was never any doubt that the Avars had promoting the wider dissemination of handicrafts and in
contacts with the Empire, which can be demonstrated in the general its passivity in the promotion of technical discoveries,
typology and ornamentation of their material culture, as well which is one of the basic differences from western European
as the goldsmiths’ techniques used in Avaria. One can, feudalism in the Early Middle Ages. The Avars established a
therefore, safely conclude that the Avar goldsmith’s craft is, in a special relationship with the Byzantine Empire but they did it
certain sense, a Byzantine fringe culture. However its products without neglecting the Italian and western European world.
– and its customers as well – belonged, as elsewhere in the The combination of this policy with their centralised political
world, to many different categories. Looking at Avar goldsmith power and their material (i.e. ‛financial’) possibilities enabled
work as a landscape one can observe certain ‘hills’ as regards the Avars to develop a rich and very characteristic culture
the quality of the work and according, of course, to the social which can be regarded from several points of view as a
status of the given customers. These ‘hills’ emerge from the Byzantine fringe culture. In order to really evaluate it on its
great ‘plain’ and there is actually only one true ‘peak’. Taken own terms, in its geopolitical environment and in the whole of
together, this definitely represents a higher level than the Europe in the 6th–8th centuries, one should never forget that

‘Intelligible Beauty’ | 157

Bálint

the great achievements of European goldsmithing in the Early der zahnschnittverzierten Fundstücke: Die Konstruktion’, Móra
Middle Ages are universally those pieces which followed, Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve 10 (2004), 147–88; eadem, Studien zu den
awarenzeitlichen Tauschierarbeiten (Monographien zur Früh-
directly or indirectly, classical antique traditions or developed
geschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie 11), Innsbruck, 2005; eadem,
from them. Die Stein- und Glasinkrustationskunst des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts im
Karpatenbecken (Monumenta Avarorum Archaeologica 8),
Notes Budapest, 2006; eadem, ‘Avar-age technologies in the Carpathian
1 In this paper ‘Avar’ will be used as a chronological term and not in Basin (sixth to eighth century)’, in F. Curta (ed.), The Other Europe
an ethnic sense. in the Middle Ages, Leiden and Boston, 2008, 237–61.
2 The crafts in 9th-century Great Moravia are better known and more 14 In any overview of the character of Avar archaeological research it
abundant than those of the Avars. The reason for this is direct is important to note that the study of the production processes of
Carolingian contact and influence (for chronological reasons this buckles and belt-fittings was initiated by Austrian and German
was not possible in the case of the Avars) and that centres of local scholars. For iron metallurgy we already have good surveys: J.
political importance have been excavated there which is not the Gömöri, ‘Nemeskér-Type Iron Smelting Workshops from the Time
case for the Avar khaganate at present. See B. Chropovský, ‛Zur of Onogur Colonization of Pannonia. Excavations in Zamárdi’, in J.
Problematik der Entstehung und Entfaltung spezialisierter Hand- Gömöri (ed.), Traditions and Innovations in the Early Medieval Iron
werkszweige in Großmähren’, in W. Jankuhn, W. Janssen, R. Production, Sopron and Somogyfajsz, 1999, 149–52; idem, Az avar
Schmiedt-Wiegand and H. Tiefenbach (eds), Das Handwerk in vor- kori és Árpád-kori vaskohászat régészeti emlékei Pannoniában,
und frühgeschichtlicher Zeit, II, Göttingen, 1983, 120–59; D. Sopron, 2000.
Bialeková, ‘Stav remeslej vyroby na Slovensku v 9.–11. storočí’, in P. 15 D. Claude, ‘Die Handwerker der Merowingerzeit nach den
Ratkoš (ed.), O počiatkoch slovenskych dejín, Bratislava, 1965, 81–95. erzählenden und urkundlichen Quellen’, in Jahnkuhn et al. (n. 2),
3 For example: G. Bott and W. Meier-Arendt (eds), Awaren in Europa. 257–8; H. Nehlsen, ‘Die rechtliche und soziale Stellung der
Schätze eines asiatischen Reitervolkes 6.–8. Jh., Frankfurt am Main, Handwerker in den germanischen Leges’, in Jahnkuhn et al.(n. 2),
1985; G.C. Menis (ed.), Gli Avari. Un popolo d’Europa (Pubblicazioni 276; C. von Carnap-Bornheim, ‘The Social Position of the Germanic
della Deputazione di Storia Patria per il Friuli 22), Udine, 1995; E.A. Goldsmith ad. 0–500’, in B. Magnus (ed.), Roman Gold and the
Arslan and M. Buora (eds), L’oro degli Avari. Popolo delle steppe in Development of the Early Germanic Kingdoms (Konferenser, no. 51),
Europa, Milan, 2000. Stockholm, 2001, 263–78. H. Roth was sceptical as he considered
4 J. Hampel, Alterthümer des frühen Mittelalters in Ungarn, II, that it was not possible to determine the social position of
Brunswick, 1905, 401–23. goldsmiths on the basis of their grave goods, see: Kunst und
5 O. Heinrich-Tamáska, ‘Tier- und Zahnschnittornamentik im Handwerk im frühen Mittelalter. Archäologische Zeugnisse von
awarenzeitlichen Karpatenbecken’, Bericht der Römisch- Childerich I. bis zu Karl dem Großen, Stuttgart, 1986, 130.
Germanischen Kommission 87 (2006), 542. 16 In the absence of a real regular market system it is more correct to
6 For a comparison with Early Medieval goldsmith techniques in use the term ‘value’, although one has to emphasise its quite
Europe, see the general overview by J. Wolters, ‘Goldschmied, subjective nature.
Goldschmiedekunst’, Reallexikon der Germanischen 17 A. Nadj, ‘Die Necropole bei Aradac aus dem frühen Mittelalter’, Rad
Altertumskunde 12 (1998), 362–86. Vojvodjanskih Muzeja 8 (1959), 62–3; L. Madaras, ‘Der awarische
7 This neglect has a very long tradition in Hungary: the first author of Friedhofsteil aus den 7.–8. Jahrhunderten in Berekfürdő’, Tisicum
a monograph on the treasure of Nagyszentmiklós, Joseph Hampel, 12 (2001), 174, pl. 14: 8; L. Papp, ‘Der awarenzeitliche Friedhof von
wrote a book on the 23 gold vessels without any discussion of the Bóly’, Janus Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve 7 (1962), 170–1, pl. V: 1–8;
goldsmiths’ techniques employed (see n. 76). N. Fettich, Das awarenzeitliche Kunstgewerbe in Ungarn
8 Gy. László, ‘La trouvaille de Tépe’, Archaeologiai Értesítő 33 (1940), (Archaeologia Hungarica 1), Budapest, 1927, Taf. IV, V; Gátér:
77–90; idem, The Art of the Migration Period, Budapest, 1974, 77. ibidem, Taf. VI: 19–24; Gy. Rhé and N. Fettich, Jutas und Öskü. Zwei
9 In the same period he studied in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Gräberfelder aus der Völkerwanderungszeit in Ungarn (Skythica 4),
Vienna, the vessels from the treasure of Nagyszentmiklós and made Prague, 1931, 32–3; J. Ormándy, ‘Awarenzeitliche Gegenstände mit
several observations concerning goldsmiths’ techniques. Some of Granulationsverzierung. Goldene Ohrgehänge mit Pyramiden-
his remarks have been published: see Gy. László and I. Rácz, The und Kugelanhänger’, Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve 1 (1995), 151–
treasure of Nagyszentmiklós, Budapest, 1972. 81; K. Vályi, ‘Das Detail eines spätawarenzeitlichen Gräberfeldes in
10 In 1984 we had a long discussion about his manuscript Szeged-Kiskundorozsma-Hármashatár’, Móra Ferenc Múzeum
‘Schmiedegräber der Awarenzeit’. Évkönyve 9 (2003), 212; Zl. Čilinská, Kov v ranoslovanskom umení,
11 G. Kiss, ‘Reitergrab 8 des awarenzeitlichen Gräberfeldes Bratislava, 1981, 354–5; A. Kiss, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld von
Lukácsháza-Hegyalja dűlő’, Savaria 22/3 (1996), 107–43; L. Bende, Kölked-Feketekapu B (Monumenta Avarorum Archaeologica 6),
‘Tauschierte Gürtelgarnitur im awarischen Gräberfeld von Budapest, 2001, 25–6 and 332–3; D. Csallány, Goldschmiedegrab aus
Pitvaros’, Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve 6 (2000), 199–217; R. der Awarenzeit von Kunszentmárton (Ungarn), Szentes, 1933; L.
Müller, ‘Ein streifenplattierte Gürtelgarnitur aus dem awarischen Selmeczi and L. Madaras, ‘Avar and X–XIIth century Hungarian
Gräberfeld von Gyenesdiás’, in R. Müller, P. Straub and O. Heinrich- commoner graves at Rákóczifalva’, Szolnok Megyei Múzeumok
Tamáska, Germanen am Plattensee (Ausstellung im Museum für Évkönyve (1979–1980), 146; N. Fettich, ‛Symbolischer Gürtel aus
Frühgeschichte Schloss Traismauer), Traismauer, 2002, 43–5; E. der Awarenzeit - Fund von Bilisics)’, Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve
Nagy, ‘Iron phalerae decorated with inlay from Bóly’, Janus (1963), 66–70; É. Garam, ‘Preßmodel eines Anhängers
Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve 43 (1998), 103–12. byzantinischen Typs aus Tiszafüred’, Folia Archaeologica 41 (1990),
12 Zs. Rácz, Goldsmiths’ graves of the Avar period, [in Hungarian] 73–86; S. Tettamanti, ‘Awarenzeitliche Gußform aus Vác’,
forthcoming, Diss., Budapest, 2004. Archaeologiai Értesítő 104 (1977), 79–85. Unpublished finds:
13 Á. Szőke, ‘Verzinnungsarten in der Awarenzeit. Das Problem der Csákberény graves nos 323, 369 (information kindly supplied by
Reinigung von verzinnten Bronzegegenständen’, Móra Ferenc the late Gy. László), Klárafalva B, grave 60 (Móra Ferenc Múzeum,
Múzeum Évkönyve 1 (1995), 211–18; B. Bühler, ‘Untersuchungen zu Szeged), while I know the finds from Sajópetri, Zalakomár and
Guß, Oberflächenbearbeitung und Vergoldung an frühmittel- Zamárdi graves 1623 and 1699 through the dissertation of Zs. Rácz.
alterlichen Bund- und Edellmetallgegenständen’, Archaeologica 18 See Rácz (n. 12).
Austriaca 82/3 (1998–9), 429–78; eadem, ‘Der Scharnierbeschlag 19 J. Werner, Slawische Bronzefiguren aus Nordgriechenland
von Weiden am See und die Drahtherstellung im Frühmittelalter’, (Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
in F. Daim (ed.), Die Awaren am Rand der byzantinischen Welt Berlin, Klasse für Gesellschaftswissenschaften 2), Berlin, 1953; J.
(Monographien zur Frühgeschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie 7), Korošec, ‘The Depository of Bronze Matrices at Biskupija near
Innsbruck, 2000, 205–52; eadem, ‘Technologische Untersuchungen Knin’, Starohrvatska Prosvjeta III/6 (1958), 29–44; A. Bejan, ‘Eine
an awarenzeitlichen Scheibenfibeln aus Keszthely (Ungarn)’, Zalai Werkstatt zur Metallverarbeitung in Drobeta – Turnu Severin aus
Múzeum 11 (2002), 133–44; O. Heinrich-Tamáska, ‘Bemerkungen dem 6. Jahrhundert u.Z.’, Acta Musei Napocensis 13 (1976), 257–78;
zur Feinschmiedetechnik der Frühawarenzeit am Beispiel der A. I. Ajbabin, ‘O proizvodstve pojasnych naborov v
zahnschnittverzierten Fundstücke’, Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve rannesrednevekovom Chersone’, Sovetskaja Archeologija (1982/3),
8 (2002), 245–82; eadem, ‘Weitere Angaben zur Herstellungstechnik 190–8; S. Vitljanov, ‘Bronzemodellen-Matrizen zur Gürtel-

158 | ‘Intelligible Beauty’

 Avar Goldsmiths’ Work from the Perspective of Cultural History

verzierungen aus Preslav’, Preslav 4 (1994), 166–73. Vergleichende Archäologie 15 (1995), 111–201.
20 É. Garam, Funde byzantinischer Herkunft in der Awarenzeit vom 53 Bühler 2000 (n. 13), 235, Abb. 15.
Ende des 6. bis zum Ende des 7. Jahrhunderts (Monumenta Avarorum 54 T. Jülich, ‘Zur Verwendung von Edelsteinen im Mittelalter’, in S.
Archaeologica 5), Budapest, 2001, Taf. XIV:2. Ebert-Schifferer and M. Harms (eds), Faszination Edelstein: aus den
21 For the almandine trade in Europe, see H. Roth, ‘Almandinhandel Schatzkammern der Welt, Darmstadt, 1993, 60–9.
und-verbreitung im Bereich des Mittelmeeres’, Beiträge zur 55 Heinrich-Tamáska 2006 (n. 13).
Allgemeine und Vergleichende Archäologie 2 (1980), 309–36; O. 56 Ibid., 213, Abb. 37–8.
Kessler, ‘Der spätantik-frühchristliche Handel zwischen Europa 57 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 73, cat. no. 90.
und Asien und die Bedeutung des Almandins als Fernhandelsgut’, 58 Courtesy of the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography, Ufa
in E. Pohl, V. Recker and C. Theune (eds), Archäologisches Zellwerk. (Bashkiria), through the kind mediation of V. A. Ivanov.
Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte in Europa und Asien (Festschrift für 59 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 72, cat. no. 92.
Helmut Roth. Internationale Archäologie, Studia Honoraria 16), 60 The author can not forget his astonishment when seeing the cross of
Rahden, 2001, 113–28. the Emperor Justin II in the Treasury of St Peter’s, Rome: the quality
22 For a complete list see, Rácz (n. 12). of its stone inlays does not correspond to our general idea about
23 T. Capelle and H. Vierck, ‘Modeln der Merowinger- und Byzantine imperial workshops; for example, compare with that of
Wikingerzeit’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 5 (1971), 42–100; B. R. the pectoral from Assiût (see the latest study by Y. Stolz, ‘Eine
Armbruster, ‘Preßblecharbeiten und Preßblechornamentik’, in kaiserliche Insignie? Der Juwelenkragen aus dem sog. Schatzfund
Reallexikon des Germanischen Altertumskunde 23 (2003), 409–13. von Assiût’, JbRGZM 53 (2006), 521–603). C. Belting-Ihm is probably
24 Heinrich-Tamáska 2002 (n. 13), 252. right in considering the cross to have been the local product of an
25 See Csallány (n. 17). This find has been newly restored and will be Italian workshop rather than emanating from Constantinople:
republished as part of the project ‛Goldschmiedegräber in eadem., ‛Das Justinuskreuz in der Schatzkammer der Peterskirche
Mitteleuropa’ directed by Falko Daim. zu Rom’, JbRGZM 12 (1965), 142–66; for an analytical drawing of the
26 C. Entwistle, ‘The Early Byzantine Weights from Kunszentmárton, inlay see Stolz, ibid., 535, pl. 4.
Hungary’, in Cs. Bálint (ed.), Kontakte zwischen dem Balkan und 61 J. Wolters, Die Granulation: Geschichte und Technik einer alten
dem Karpatenbecken (Varia Archaeologica Hungarica), in press; see Goldschmiedekunst, Munich, 1986.
also the paper by B. Tobias, ‘Byzantinische Gewichte im 62 See Ormándy (n. 17).
awarenzeitlichen Karpatenbecken’, given at the conference 63 Heinrich-Tamáska 2002 (n. 13), 259.
‛Byzantium, Italy and Central Europe in the Early Middle Ages’, in 64 M. Martin, ‘Zu den tauschierten Gürtelgarnituren und Gürtelteilen
Rome, October, 2008. der Männergräber von Kölked-Feketekapu A’, in A. Kiss, Das
27 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 74–5, cat. no. 94. awarenzeitlich gepidische Gräberfeld von Kölked-Feketekapu A.
28 Garam (n. 20), Taf. XV: 1, XIX: 3. (Studien zur Archäologie der Awaren 5), Innsbruck, 1996, 345–61.
29 Ibid., Taf. XXXVI, for other models. 65 J. Wolters, ‘Ziertechniken. (Tauschierung)’, Reallexikon der
30 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 68, cat. no. 70c. Germanischen Altertumskunde 34 (2007), 537–61.
31 Ibid., 129, cat. no. 182, 193. 66 J. Wolters, ‘Niello’, Lexikon des Mittelalters 6 (1993), 1145; A.
32 On Avar casting in general, see Bühler 1998–9 (n. 13), 429–42; Bossellmann, ‘Niello’, Reallexikon zur Byzantinischen Kunst 6
Heinrich-Tamáska 2002 (n. 13), 247–50. (2005), 965–76.
33 Heinrich-Tamáska 2002 (n. 13), 242, 249. 67 Kiss (n. 64), 270–6; Heinrich-Tamáska 2002 (n. 13), 261, is
34 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 61, cat. no. 36. undecided as to whether it was an import or local production.
35 Garam (n. 20), Taf. XXXV: 1: middle. 68 Menis (n. 3), 12.
36 Bühler 2000 (n. 13), 241, Abb. 22. 69 A. Alföldi, ‘Die Goldkanne von St-Maurice d’Agaune’, Zeitschrift für
37 Tettamanti (n. 17); idem, Das awarenzeitliche Gräberfeld in Vác- Schweizerische Archaeologie und Kunstgeschichte 10 (1948/49), 1–27.
Kavicsbánya (Monumenta Avarorum Archaeologica 4), Budapest, 70 Cs. Bálint, ’A note on the research on the ewer with enamel plaques
2000, Taf. 39; for Bilisics, see Fettich (n. 17). For a stray find made of of St Maurice d’Agaune’, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum
bronze, see P. Medgyesi, ‘Ein spätawarischer Gegenstand aus Hungaricae 57 (2006), 281–9.
Bronze gefunden in der Gemarkung von Békéscsaba’, A Wosinszky 71 Čilinská (n. 17), 42.
Mór Múzeum Évkönyve 23 (2001), 247–59. 72 W.A. Oddy, ‘Gilding and Tinning in Anglo-Saxon England’, in W.A.
38 Menis (n. 3), 174. Oddy (ed.), Aspects of Early Metallurgy (British Museum Occasional
39 Ibid., 182. Paper 17), London, 1980, 129–31; Heinrich-Tamáska 2004 (n. 13),
40 Cs. Bálint, The Treasure of Nagyszentmiklós (Varia Archaeologica 259–60.
Hungarica 16a), Budapest, 2004, 433, pl. 187 (in Hungarian with a 73 Költő (n. 42); Szőke (n. 13).
German edition in press). 74 Heinrich-Tamáska 2002 (n. 13), 259.
41 Ibid., 516–19, figs 251–4. 75 L. Vámosi, ‛Another thing of interest from the Avar cemetery in
42 L. Költő, ‘X-ray Emmission Analysis for Bronze objects from the Zamárdi’, Műtárgyvédelem 27 (2000), 65–8 (in Hungarian).
Avar age’, Somogyi Múzeumok Közleményei 5 (1982), 5–67. 76 Monographs: J. Hampel, Der Goldfund von Nagy-Szent-Miklós
43 My thanks to L. Költő (pers. comm.) for this information. sogenannter ‛Schatz des Attila’, Budapest, 1885; N. Mavrodinov, Le
44 See Költő (n. 42). trésor protobulgare de Nagyszentmiklós (Archaeologia Hungarica
45 J. Werner, Der Schatzfund von Vrap in Albanien. Beiträge zur 29), Budapest, 1943; László and Rácz (n. 9). For the abundant
Archäologie der Awarenzeit im mittleren Donauraum literature on the treasure, see Bálint (n. 40).
(Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch- 77 The observations made by Victor Freiberger and Birgit Bühler
Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 184, Studien 2), Vienna, 1986. (Vienna) will be published soon; my thanks to Falko Daim for this
46 Bühler 2000 (n. 13). information.
47 Cs. Bálint, Die spätawarenzeitliche Siedlung von Eperjes, Kom. 78 J. Werner, Der Grabfund von Malaja Pereščepina und Kuvrat, Kagan
Csongrád (Varia Archaeologica Hungarica 4), Budapest, 1991, Taf. der Bulgaren, (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
XXX: 12. Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Abhandlungen, Neue Folge 91),
48 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 14–15, cat. nos 12–16; 54, cat. no. 98. Munich, 1984; Cs. Bálint, ‘Zur Identifizerung des Grabes von
49 For the general typology: Zl. Čilinská, ‘Frauenschmuck im 7.–8. Kuvrat’, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 36
Jahrhundert im Karpatenbecken’, Slovenská Archeológia 23 (1975), (1984), 262–9; V.N. Zaleskaja, Z.A. L’vova, B.I. Maršak, I.V. Sokolova
63–95. and N.A. Fonjakova, Sokrovišča chana Kubrata, St Petersburg, 1997.
50 Menis (n. 3), 200. Russian research has always opposed Werner’s interpretation: see
51 Arslan and Buora (n. 3), 60, cat. no. 37. recently, M.B. Shchukin, ‘Avars, Bulgars and the treasure from the
52 For a general view, see A. Oddy, ‘The production of gold wire in village of Malaya Pereshchepina’, in W. Menghin (ed.), The
Antiquity. Hand-making methods before the introduction of the Merovingian Period. Europe without Borders, Berlin, 2007, 84–93.
draw-plate’, Gold Bulletin 10 (1977), 79–87; B. Armbruster, 79 D. Bayer, ‘Gedenkstätten und Steinskulpturen der Alttürkischen
‘Traditionelles Goldschmiedehandwerk in Westafrika und Zeit’, in Dschingis Khan und seine Erben. Das Weltreich der
bronzezeitliche Metallverarbeitung in Europe. Technologien im Mongolen. Katalogbuch zur Ausstellung (Gebundene Ausgabe), Bonn
ethnoarchäologischen Vergleich’, Beiträge zur Allgemeine und and Munich, 2005, 78, no. 51.

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80 The belt fitting from Kiskundorozsma and its technical analysis (see 90 Cs. Bálint, ‛Some Avar and Balkan Connections of the Vrap
Daim, this volume) offers a completely new basis for the future Treasure’, in K.R. Brown, D. Kidd and Ch.T. Little (eds), From Attila
study of this problem. to Charlemagne. Arts of the Early Medieval Period in The
81 For the most informative paper on this issue, see M. Hardt, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2000, 187. Today it is no
‘Nomadische Gier nach Gold: Jahrgelder, Burgundenuntergang longer futile to study this basic question, not merely because there
und Awarenschatz vor dem Hintergrund einer mobilen are new finds, but thanks to the new approaches of F. Daim, J.
Lebensweise’, in A. Weiß (ed.), Der imaginierte Nomade (Nomaden Drauschke and younger scholars in Hungary..
und Sesshafte 8), Wiesbaden, 2007, 105–19. 91 I wrote for the first time about this possibility in Bálint (n. 40), 244–6.
82 B. Arrhenius, ‘Why the king needed his own goldsmith’, Laborativ 92 M. Érdy, ‘Hun and Xiung-nu Type Cauldron Finds Throughout
Arkeologi 10–11 (1998), 109–11. Eurasia’, Eurasian Studies Yearbook 67 (1995), 5–94. For the latest
83 For intinerant craftsmen, see J. Werner, ‘Zur Verbreitung find which for the first time was discovered in an archaeological
frühgeschichtlicher Metallarbeiten. (Werkstatt, context, see: Sz. Honti and P.G. Gergely, ‘Hun period sacrificial
Wanderhandwerk, Handel, Familienverbindung)’, Early Medieval caldron [sic] from site Balatonlelle-Rádpuszta’, Somogyi Múzeumok
Studies 1 (1970), 65–92; Claude (n. 15), 242–7. Közleményei 17 (2006), 71–8.
84 Rácz (n. 12). 93 One should note here the methodologically problematic idea that
85 W. Pohl, Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk in Mitteleuropa 567–822 n. the Sarmatians would have been transferred from the Hungarian
Chr., Munich, 1988, 256–61. Plain in the Valeria province of Pannonia by the Huns after 420,
86 Gy. László meant that if they had been of Byzantine origin, this which could explain the local character of the box fibulae of the
goldsmith should have been buried in a Christian fashion (?): see Keszthely Culture about the end of the 6th to the early 7th century:
idem, The Art of the Migration Period, Budapest, 1974, 78. H. Vierck see E. Tóth, ‘Zur Herkunft und Ikonographie der Scheibenfibel der
considered them as having come from the Balkan provinces of the Keszthely-Kultur’, Zalai Múzeum 14 (2005), 183–202.
Empire (pers. comm., 1971). I. Bóna did not consider Avar culture to 94 I spoke about this topic at the congress cited in n. 26.
be a variant of Byzantine culture: see idem, ‘Die Geschichte der 95 F. Daim, ‘Byzantinische’ Gürtelgarnituren des 8. Jahrhunderts’, in
Awaren im Lichte der archäologischen Quellen’, in Popoli delle idem, (n. 13).
steppe: Unni, Avari, Ungari, (Settimane del Centro Italiano sull’Alto 96 In Central and Eastern Europe it is usual to avoid any analysis of the
Medioevo 35), Spoleto, 1988, 447–8. term ‘richness’ in terms of the archaeology of cemeteries.
87 Cs. Bálint, ‘Probleme der archäologischen Forschung zur 97 For the first modern approach to this issue, see F. Daim, ‘Vom
awarischen Landnahme’, Vorträge und Forschungen 41 (1993), 263. Umgang mit toten Awaren’, in A. Nusser (ed.), Erinnerungskultur im
88 W.A. von Jenny, ‘Ein frühbyzantinisches Preßmodell aus Bestattungsritual. Archäologisch-Historisches Forum (Mittelalter
Kleinasien’, Praehistorische Zeitschrift 24 (1933), 298. Studien 3), Munich, 2003, 41–57.
89 A. Riegl and E.H. Zimmermann, Kunstgewerbe des frühen 98 Bálint (n. 40), 294–6.
Mittelalters, II, Vienna, 1923, 106.

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