Edition of the Greek Magical Papyri (PGM)

I and VI+II: Introduction, text and

commentary.

Eleni Chronopoulou

TESI DOCTORAL UPF / 2017

DIRECTOR DE LA TESI

Dr. Emilo Suárez de la Torre,

DEPARTAMENT D’ HUMANITATS
ii
Acknowledgments

I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Pr. Emilio

Suárez de la Torre, whose expertise, understanding, and patience,
added considerably to my graduate experience. I appreciate his vast
knowledge and skill in many areas which have on occasion made
me "green" with envy, (especially) when I was asking him an
unknown to me Homeric word, and he started to recite the passage
by memory. However, I have one more reason to feel gratitude to
him and his wife Macarena: these five years they were my second
family.

I am also indebt to Dr. Alberto Nodar, for his prompteness to help

me, his suggestions and the provision of bibliography. I thank also
my colleagues in Pompeu Fabra University, Miriam and Isabel for
the perfect collaboration we have all these years and their help in
any kind of problem I faced, academic or not, and of course all my
friends, Greek and Spanish, for their motivation, encouragement,
and welcome distractions, mainly Christos for his help with the
german bibliography.

I am also grateful to countless other members of the scholarly

community for their kindness to help me, particularly to Jean-Luc
Fournet, Nikos Gonis, Anne-Marie Luijendick, Cisca Hoojendijk,
Arthur Verhoogt and Aggeliki Syrkou. They all contribute to my
formation on papyrology.
I recognize that this research would not have been possible without
the financial assistance of MINECO and the support of my
University. A great thanks goes also to Jonathan Smith who polish
my english.

Finally, I would also like to thank my family for the support and
the stability they provided me through my entire life and my fiancée
Giorgos, without whose love, encouragement and editing assistance,
I would not have finished this thesis.

iv
Abstract

This thesis is an edition of the Greek Magical Papyri I and VI+II.

The edition contains: a) an introduction with information about the
corpus of the magical papyri; b) a physical and textual description
of the papyri; c) a diplomatic transcription of the papyri and an
interpretative edition; d) a paleographical commentary where all the
instances of damage to the text are discussed along with syntactical
inconsistencies; e) an interpretative commentary and; f) an English
translation.

Resumen

Esta tesis es una edición de los papiros mágicos griegos I y VI + II.

La edición contiene: a) una introducción con información sobre el
corpus de los papiros mágicos; b) una descripción física y textual de
los papiros; c) una transcripción diplomática de los papiros y una
edición interpretativa; d) un comentario paleográfico donde se
discuten los daños del texto junto con inconsistencias sintácticas; e)
un comentario interpretativo; y f) una traducción al inglés.

v
vi
Preface

In the last fifty years, the subject of ancient magic has captured the
interest of scholars. Therefore, this period has witnessed a
blossoming of the studies in this field. My personal motive for
conducting a research project stemmed from the fact that it was
something totally new to me. As the evidence for the existence of
ancient Greek magic had become, an academically taboo subject,
nobody, during my undergraduate studies, had ever talked to me
about this. This, along with its “dark” content, guaranteed, for me,
that at least I would not get bored.

When I start to think about the corpus of the Greek Magical Papyri,
I realized that all the extant studies were based on the excellent
edition by Preisendanz. The task undertaken by Preisendanz, in my
opinion, was really pharaonic, especially if we take into
consideration the turbulent historic period he had to work in,
something which inevitably affected the final result. However, it
was obvious that it was, and still is, in need of a new, updated
edition. That is how I decide to change the orientation of my thesis
and to dedicate my time to elaborating a new edition of PGM I and
PGM II.

The most exciting moment of my academic career, so far, was,

when accidentally looking at PGM VI, I realized that PGM IV was
actually a missing part of PGM II something that contributes to the
better understanding of both papyri. My main concern about this

vii
present edition is that it should be useful both to scholars familiar
with paleographical and papyrological issues, and to scholars whose
orientation is towards other fields related to the magical papyri,
such as religious syncretism etc.

However, in full awareness of my own inadequacies, I will be very

glad if this study become a subject of criticism which will
subsequently contribute to a even better result in terms of our
understanding of this corpus.

viii
Content

Pàg.
Acknowledgments............................................................................................iv

Abstract ...........................................................................................................vi

Preface............................................................................................................. viii

List of abbreviations.........................................................................................xii

Methhod of edition...........................................................................................xiv

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. The PGM.....................................................................................................1

1.2. Content of the magical papyri.....................................................................5

1.3. Earlier publications……………………………………………………….9

2. PALEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION

2.1 PGM I……………………………………………………………………..15

2.1.a. Physical description…………………………………………………….15

2.1.b The text………………………………………………………………….17

2.2 PGM VI+II………………………………………………………………..19

2.2.a. The match of the two papyri……………………………………………19

2.2.b. Physical description…………………………………………………….22

2.2.c. The text………………………………………………………………....24

2.3. Tha dataton of the papyri……………………………………………….. 26

3. PGM I………………………………………………………………………29

3.1. Edition…………………………………………………… …………...…31

3.2 Translation…………………………………………………………….….67

ix
3.3 Paleographic commentary...........................................................................89

3.4 Textual commentary…………………………………………………….111

4. PGM VI+II……………………………………………………………….192

4.1 Editions………………………………………………………………….192

4.2 Translation…………………………………………………………….....225

4.3. Paleographic commentary…………………………………………..…..239

4.4 Textual commentary……………………………………………..………273

Bibliography....................................................................................................303

x
List of abbreviations

PGM = Preisendanz, K. 1973-1974, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die

griechischen zauberpapyri. 2 vol., 2a. ed. revised by
Henrichs, A., Stuttgart, Teubner.

PDM= Papyri Demoticae Magicae

TLG = Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. Universidad de California.

http://stephanus.tlg.uci.edu/

SEG = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden, 1923 -

current)

DT Aud= Audollent, A. 1904, Defixionum tabellae quotquot

innotuerunt : tam in Graecis orientis quam in totius
occidentis partibus praeter Atticas in Corpore inscriptionum
Atticarum editas, París.

LSJ = Liddell H. G. – Scott, R. (eds.) 1996, A Greek-English

Lexicon, Oxford, 9a ed.

ID=Inscriptions de Délos, vols. 1-2, Paris

TSol = Testament of Solomon

BGU Agyptische Urkunden aus den kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin
— Griechische Urkunden, I-VIII (1895-1933)
OZ = 1983-1990, Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber. Mit
einer eingehenden Darstellung des griechisch
synkretistischen Daemonenglaubens und der
Voraussetzungen und Mittel des Zaubers überhaupt und der
magischen Divination im besonderen. (OZ). 2a. ed., 2 vols.,
Ámsterdam, Veränderter Nachdruck.

P.Oxy. =Oxyrhynchus Papyri.

SPP= Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyrusurkunde

xi
P.Lund. = Aus der Papyrus sammlung der Universitdtsbibliothek in
Lund, I— III,
SM = Daniel, R. W. - Maltomini, F., 1990-1992, Supplementum
magicum. 2 vols. Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag.

Editores:
A = Abel
Ca = Calvo
Ei = Eitrem
Kr= Kroll
Pa= Parthey
Pr = Preisendanz, edición de los himnos mágicos en Preisendanz, K.
(19742) Papyri graecae magicae. Stuttgart, Teubner, vol. II, pp.237-
266.
Re = Reuven
Wü = Wünsch
Method of edition

One of my main concerns here is to present accurately the layout of

the papyri and the texts as they were written by the ancient scribes.
Thus, I have rejected the idea of a semi-diplomatic edition and I
preferred one diplomatic transcription of the papyri and one edition.
Therefore, the reader, in order to have a clear and complete idea -
especially where the text is problematic and needs restoration- is
invited to check both. Paleographical problems or syntactical
inconsistencies of the text are discussed in a separate section along
with the proposals of other editors. That is why an apparatus
criticus is not provided.

The diplomatic transcription is elaborated on the basis of the

following norms:
-The Greek is printed without division and accents; breathings and
punctuation appear only were the scribe supplied them. The same
norm is applied in the division of words.
- All dots under the line of writing are editorial.
-The use of a dot beneath a blank space indicates that there are
traces of ink-even minimal-which cannot be identified as a
particular letter and are discussed in detail together with the other
editors’ proposals if the context does not permit its identification.
-Partially missing, damaged or abraded letters whose identity out of
their context is, however, certain are not under dotted.
-Dot under letter means that the reading of the letter is uncertain or
the traces can be read as more than one letter and this is discussed

xiii
together with the other editors’ proposals if the context does not
permit its identification.
-A blank space indicates the existence of an unwritten space on the
papyrus.
-Dots within brackets indicate the estimated number of letters lost
or deleted.
-For the sake of clarity, the letters within high strokes  in the
papyrus are written above the previous letter/s.
- ⟦ ⟧ double brackets mean deletion by the scribe

In the edition, the text is restored and, considering the proposals of

the previous editors, I have tried to offer a solution for the
syntactical unconformities. Grammatical errors are also emended
and repetitions are omitted. However, where I have not managed to
read the text sufficiently clearly, and the solutions previously
offered do not satisfy me paleographically or interpretatively, I have
preferred it more accurate to leave it with under linear dots. My
restoration proposals are defended in the section concerning the
textual problems.

In the paleographical commentary right and left in the description

and the commentary are defined from the point of view of the
reader. Moreover, Preisendanz and Parthey, since they were
working before the advent of the Leiden Convention, did not use the
symbols with consistency. Pa. used dots, brackets and slashes. Pre.
usually used dots, under-dots and brackets.

xiv
I tried to give a faithful and line-to-line translation where this was
possible. However, some times the mismatches between the Greek
and the English syntaxis and the extended use of the participles in
the Greek text, created an clumsy translation. In these cases, the
translation given is more tentative. Voces magicae are given in
italics.

Given that in previous years, three PhD dissertations on the hymnic

material of the PGM have been successfully defended, the literary
approach and analysis of this material is not among the objectives
of this dissertation. However, literary comments are given
occasionally and briefly only when I considered it necessary for the
full understanding of text. On the other hand, I have tried to
illuminate the cultic origin of the elements that these texts
encompass.

xv
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 The PGM

The Greek Magical Papyri (PGM) is the conventional name for an

artificially created corpus of papyri from Graeco-Roman Egypt.
These papyri date from the 2nd century BC to the 5th century A.D.
and comprise a repository of magical knowledge to help people
confront evil spirits, serious illnesses, satisfy their sexual desires,
predict the future and alter their destinies; to put it in a nutshell, to
console them in their misfortunes and support them in coping with
the precariousness of life and its challenges.1

As with the majority of papyri, these magical manuscripts appeared

through the unscrupulous antiquities trade that has plagued Egypt,
and the entirety of the Eastern Mediterranean countries from the
18th century to the present day.2 The most important papyrus scrolls
and codices from this collection were not the products of regular
excavation. Although there is nothing unusual about this, in the
light of the disturbed political conditions in Egypt, it is very
unfortunate because we are totally ignorant of the circumstances of
their discovery and their archaeological context will never be fully

1
Especially the third century, after the Severi, was a period of tumult and total
crisis for the Roman world. On this period crisis see Alfoldy (1974), 98-103;
Christol (1997); De Blois (2002).
2
For more information about this embarrassing period (1798-1920) of the
European history see more in France (1991); Fagan (2004). The two books cover
much the same ground.

1
ascertained. The lack of specificity concerning the provenience3
inevitably, poses obstacles to their study.

The majority of these papyri, and certainly several of the most

important and compendious, is linked to a merchant who served as
Swedish-Norwegian diplomatic representative at the Khedivial
court in Alexandria, named Jean d’Anastasi.4 Their discovery is
attributed to Egyptian farmers in the hills close to modern Luxor
sometime before 1828. As Egyptian antiquities were highly prized,
he purchased them- among other papyri, such as the alchemical
papyri now housed in Stockholm and Leiden, and a huge and varied
collection of antiquities - through local antiquities dealers in about
1827, claiming that he obtained them in Thebes. Nothing more is
known about the identity of the sellers nor the circumstances of the
sales. In turn, he sold some of them to the Dutch government, which
wanted to enrich the collection of the recently founded National
Museum of Antiquities in Leiden. In 1857, after Anastasi’s death,
the rest of the collection was sold by public auction in Paris. This
resulted in the dispersal of the collection across various European
Institutions including the British Museum, the Louvre, the

3
The provenience of a book is its place of origin. However, in the case of
discovered manuscripts this term may refer both to the place where it was
produced and to the place where it was discovered.
4
His first name and his surname as well appear in various versions. We have
found him as Jean and Giovanni. His surname is variously written as Anastasi,
d’Anastasi, d’Anastasy, d’Anasthasi, d’Anasthasy, Anastasy and d’Anastazy.
Many opinions have been expressed about the identity of this person, and there is
a long bibliography concerning his life. In the bibliography he is repeatedly
referred to as Armenian (see for example Betz (1986), xlii), but Chrysikopoulos
(2003), 83 asserts that he was a Greek from Macedonia. On this see also
Karizoni-Chekimoglou (1993).

2
Biblioteque Nationale in Paris, the Staatliche Museum in Berlin and
the Rijksmuseum of antiquities in Leiden.5

Among the papyri in Anastasi’s collection were items from the

same ancient library, probably of an ancient scholar and collector in
late antiquity based in Thebes. The “Thebes cache” or the Theban
Magical Library, as it is known, included the P.Bibl.Nat.Suppl. 574
(=PGM IV), P. London 46 (=PGM V), P. Holmiensis p. 42
(=PGM Va), P. Leiden I 384 (=PGM XII/PDM xii), P. Leiden I
395 (=PGM XIII), P. Leiden I 383 & P. BM 10070 (=PDM
xiv/PGM XIV), P. Leiden I 397 &P. Holmiensis. The last two are
the aforementioned alchemical papyri. The basic rationale for this
classification is that the four pieces in Leiden were among the items
sold to Rijksmuseum by Anastasi himself in 1828. There are also
other arguments that reinforce the idea of a library comprising these
four papyri, based on paleographical data such as the handwriting.

However, there are some manuscripts that were alleged to have

formed part of the Theban Library, “although no decisive arguments
can be given” as Dieleman states.6 This list included P. Berlin 5025
(=PGM I), P. Berlin 5026(=PGM II), P. Louvre 2391 (=PGM III),
P. London 121(=PGM VII), P. BM 10588 (=PGM LXI/PDM lxi),
P. Louvre 3229(= PDM Suppl.). The first three of these are of
unknown provenance and there is an ongoing debate with regard
their assignment to the Theban Magical library and the date of their

5
Brashear (1995) and Dieleman (2005), 13 narrate in detail how the papyri of the
Theban Magical Library, bought by Anastasi, ended up in their current home.
6
Dieleman (2005), 14.

3
creation. The debate has as departure point Lenormant’s catalogue
of the Anastasi collection. According to Francois Lenormant, who
supervised the auction of 1857, PGM I and II belonged to the
collection. In the catalogue, PGM I is number 1074 and described
as: “Long manuscript grec, magique et astrologique, d’une ecritur
etres-fine, probablement complet, brise en deux parties” and PGM
II as 1075, the sole description being “grand manuscript grec
magique”.7 Preisendanz8 and Fowden9 argue that PGM I and II
belong to the library,10 whereas Brasher seems unconvinced, saying
that “they do not seems to belong to the same Theban find as the
other lengthy rolls and codices owned by Anastasi. This fact need
not surprise us, since Lenormant catalogued no less than sixty
papyrus rolls belonging to Anastasi!”11 Dieleman examining the
subject conclude saying that “any reconstruction of the Theban
Magical Library must remain tentative on account of an irreparable
lack of information about its archaeological context.”12

According to the Berlin inventory book, the Egyptologist R.

Lepsius bought the rolls PGM I and PGM II from the Anastasi

7
Catalogue d'une collection d'antiquités égyptiennes rassemblée par M.
D'Anastasi, consul général de Suède à Alexandrie, sera vendue aux enchères
publiques, rue de Clichy, no. 76.
8
Preisendanz(1928)
9
Fowden (2013),169
10
Actually the scholars who assign the two papyri to the Theban Library are the
following: Lenormant (1857), Wessely(1888), Legge (1901), Preisendanz(1933),
Gorissen (1934-5), Fowden(1993), Gee (1995), Bagnall(2009), Zago(2010), and
recently Dosoo. Those who do not are Reuvens(1830), Goodwin (1852) , Smith
(1979), Dufault (2011), 205 and Gordon (2012),148-151.
11
Brashear (1995), 3404.
12
Dieleman (2005), 21. On the Theban library see also the recently published
article of Dosoo (2016).

4
collection in the public auction in Paris in 1857. Parthey, the first
editor of the papyri, states Lepsius bought them in Thebes. An
interesting fact is that the overwhelming majority of the scholars-
except Legge, Gorissen and Zago- do not include PGM VI in the
Theban library, despite the recent discovery that it is part of PGM II
and written by the same hand.13

1.2 Content Of The Magical Papyri

Before I go on with the content I fell obliged to make three

preliminary remarks. The first one is about the term “magical”.
Despite the fact that issues of terminology are fundamental to
framing a study, this is not always conducive to an in depth
understanding of the multifaceted and multilayered nature of the
manuscripts composing the corpus, and defining the meaning of
magic is a far trickier task. Despite years of research and the
amount of ink consumed, there is still no general consensus on this
term. The boundary between religion and magic remains
controversially elusive and our inevitably futile attempts to
differentiate between magic and religion are rooted in our
unrepentant tendency towards taxonomy. Moreover, such a
taxonomy stems from a perspective of Western rationalism and
modern perceptions largely based on theologically charged
interpretations. In ancient Greece, religion and ''magic'' were not
mutually exclusive categories, while in Egypt, as Pinch affirms,

13
See below.

5
“magic and religion were part of the same belief system and
enjoyed a symbiotic relationship.” Modern scholars have discussed
magic in comparison with, and in sharp contrast to, religion,
science, and medicine. But even a superficial reading of the papyri
can easily demonstrate that behind what we brand as magical, there
is always an implicit 'more than,' and there is always a 'with respect
to'.

The second remark is about the environment of their creation. As

already mentioned, the date of these papyri ranges from the 2nd
century BC to the 5th century A.D, the so-called Greco-Roman
period that began with the conquest of Egypt by Alexander the
Great in 322 B.C. Alexander introduced the Greek language to
processes of administration, a fact that promoted the bilingualism
and therefore an even more profound contact with the Greek
culture. On his death, Egypt was apportioned to his general,
Ptolemy. Ptolemy’s dynasty transformed Egypt into a considerable
commercial and culture center of the ancient world. Military men,
merchants, artisans, entrepreneurs and academics from all over the
Hellenistic world flocked to Egypt to seek their fortune in the land
of the Nile. The Roman conquest of Egypt affected the country
economically and administratively, but eroded little of its
intellectual glamour and its cosmopolitism. This Egypt-centered
upper-class mobility around the East Mediterranean world favored
religious interaction. The pagan religion came into contact with
Judaism, Christianity and the other oriental religions and a certain
degree of assimilation was inevitable. This unique religious milieu

6
described by H. D. Betz as an “ecumenical religious system”14 and
by Gager as a “syncretistic landscape”15 was cradle to this magical
collection. Therefore it should be carefully noted that PGM
represent the highly syncretistic character of Greco-Roman Egypt
despite their marginal position in this multinational society. More
precisely, the religious features of the PGM are an elaborate
amalgama of Greek, Egyptian, Jewish, and even Babylonian and
Christian influences, analogies and interactions in the cross-
fertilized intellectual culture of the Middle.16

In the sheets of the corpus we find a compilation of spells, recipes,

formulae, prayers, hymns, invocations of gods and daemons, folk
remedies, parlor tricks, ominous and fatal curses, love charms, even
minor medical complaints. We can distinguish between texts in
Greek, Demotic, Coptic, even Aramaic and to complicate matters
further a cluster of “meaningless” words,17 usually employed as
sacred names, the famous voces magicae. There are both pagan and
Christian texts. The kind of magic we come across varies from
protective, divinatory and erotic to vindictive and malign. It is
obvious that we stand before a kykeon of texts that abounds in
contrasts.

14
Betz (1986), xiv.
15
Gager (1972), 135-136.
16
Although I use the word “syncretistic” I have to stress that ultimately this
terminus is disputed. A more careful study of the content of the papyri
demonstrates that elements of different religion origin are melded together while
maintaining a degree of autonomy. They are mixed but there is no assimilation
between them. So I believe that the word amalgam perhaps is more accurate.
17
Bohak (2003)

7
Any attempt to study the magical papyri should be preceded by a
study of the social and cultural context in order to define both the
cross-cultural elements that pervade them, and the persistence of an
old genuine Egyptian tradition that engendered their birth and
circulation. An effort to identify socially and culturally the
producers and the users of the manuscripts by examining the layout,
the form and the contents of the papyri is also required for their
complete comprehension.

Faithful to the above-mentioned view of taxonomy, we can focus on

any of these contrasts for closer enquiry and classification. Here I
should add one more criterion in order to distinguish two broad
categories. The first one embraces the compilation of simple and
minimalized spells and recipes found in the corpus that may have
been the working manuals of amateur magic-users or poorly
educated magicians encompassing a repertoire for all occasions.
The second one incorporates all the impressively elaborated spells
that contain hymns, complex rituals, prayers and invocations and
generally reflect a high level of education and familiarization with
magic. The manuscripts belonged to the last category may have
been used by traditional Egyptian magicians, who were the highly
cultured and respected priestly elite. Both categories of manuscripts
could have been gathered by scholarly collectors either for
academic interest or for some kind of magic.18

18
Welde (2015), 92.

8
1.3 Earlier Publications

When the magical handbooks arrived in Europe, the scholars of the

day did failed to receive them with excitement. One of the more
remarkable shocks to the fine sensibilities of nineteenth-century
classical scholars was delivered by papyri from Greco-Roman
Egypt. As the curse tablets found in excavation in the Greek
territory and elsewhere, the Greek magical manuscripts of Egypt
revealed the obscure, mystical and sinister aspect of a civilization
always admired as rationalist, positivist and glorious. Additionally,
the contrast between the study of an illustrious philosophical and
literary production and the humble and suspicious legacy of some
impious or even perverted minds was more than obvious. Magic
was not only socially but also academically marginalized.

The first science that approached magic was sociology, and their
studies that demonstrated its connection with science and religion
have stimulated some classicists to ignore the academic taboo.
Thinking that their academic duty was comprehension, not
judgment, they started timidly to examine the phenomenon of magic
in the ancient world. However, in the past couple of decades there
has been a dramatic resurgence of interest in the study of magic.
Beyond these, a plethora of articles and monographs has appeared
as scholarly studies on this subject.

PGM XII and XIII were the first to be published, appearing in 1843
in Greek and in a Latin translation in 1885. In the early twentieth

9
century there appeared the only standard reference work so far, the
edition of Preisendanz. Karl Preisendanz collected all the known
magical papyri scattered throughout the numerous libraries and
museums of Europe and America and published them in two
volumes in 1928 and 1931. In this work the texts were published in
a series, and individual texts are referenced using the abbreviation
PGM plus the volume and item number.19

The author divides the material into two sections, the largest of
these being that which he describes as pagan, and a smaller number
of papyri in which the Christian influence becomes paramount. He
gives a critically emended text and in the apparatus criticus,
variations of importance, sometimes referring to parallel passages in
other papyri. This is followed by a line by line German translation.
At the end of the second volume the author printed all the larger
diagrams and illustrations found in various papyri.

The economic decline of Germany in these years left its trace in this
publication. Apparently the publication of such a book, would had
demanded a financial sacrifice and it is obvious that the author had
not only to omit a great part of the notes and references, but also to
simplify as far as possible the edition of the Greek text. Despite all
these deficiencies, its value, always judged by in terms of its time,
is unquestionable and undoubtedly this work played a pivotal role in
the advance of magical studies. A projected third volume, enclosing

19
It is thought that this particular numbering of the collection was the work of
Richard Wünsch.

10
new texts and indices was destroyed during the bombing of Leipzig
in the Second World War. However photocopies of the proofs
circulated.

In 1973-74 A. Henrichs published a revised and expanded edition of

the texts. Volume I was a corrected version of the first edition
volume I, but volume II was entirely revised and the papyri
originally planned for vol. III were included. The indexes were
omitted, however.20

The work of Preisendanz and Henrichs has been supplemented by

the work of R.W.Daniel and F.Maltomini.21 They have gathered
fifty-one magical papyri in two volumes, all of which had been
published individually before. The layouts and the graphics have
been reproduced with care on the printed page, and the texts are
accompanied by fuller elucidatory notes. The material presented in
the Supplementum Magicum is conveniently divided into six
categories a) phylakteria “amulets” b) agogai “love spells” c) arai
“curses” d) thymokatocha “restainers of wrath” e) charetesia “spells
to win someone’s favor”

In this point I have to stress the major contribution and outstanding

nature of Brashear’s survey22 that encompasses all the aspects of the
magical papyri. The only major previous survey study before
Brashear’s was a survey article written by Preisendanz in Archiv fur

20
Welde (2015), 92.
21
Daniel- Maltomini (1989-1991).
22
Brashear (1995).

11
Paryrusforschung.23 In the meantime, the ongoing excavations have
doubled the number of the papyri, ostraca and tablets and the
bibliographical references have increased exponentially.
Consequently, Brashear’s survey meets the great “need for a new
survey taking into account not only the literature written on the
magical texts but also the magical texts published since
Preisendanz,” as he himself remarks.24

The first editor of the PGM I and PGM II papyri was Parthey
(1798-1872). Parthey was member of a well to do family and never
suffered financial worries. His father was Councilor in the General
Directorate in Berlin. He studied philosophy and archeology in
Berlin and Heidelberg, where he received his doctorate 1820th. In
the following years he toured France, England, Italy, Greece and the
Orient. He published several works, and in 1857 became a member
of the Berlin Academy of Sciences.

On 23 of February in 1857 he edited the two papyri under the title

“Zweigriechische Zauberpapyri des Berliner Museums”. His edition
contains transcriptions, commentaries and German translation.
Without being a papyrologist, his transcriptions reveal considerable
skill in reading papyri and marks him out as a very “conscious
papyrologist”. Although errors were inevitable, when he is unsure
of what he sees, he avoids any dubious imaginary interpretations
and prefers to declare his uncertainty by leaving it as blank. Even if

23
Preisendanz (1933)
24
Brashear (1995).

12
we considered that he had seen the papyri in a better condition than
is now extant, it is still surprising how he managed, without
previous special training in the papyri, to deal with some very
damaged parts. With the help of some prominent Classicists such as
Kirchhoff, Hercher and Haupt cited parallels from Egyptology,
magical gems, and defixiones. Generally, it is a work that deserves
due attention and consideration.

An English translation was not forthcoming until 1986 when Betz

and the other contributors to his edition undertook the challenging
mission of translating the magical corpus based on Preisendanz’s
transcription. The edition also included the Demotic magical papyri
thus providing a more inclusive approach to ancient magic. The
resulting work was a precise and careful translation of the texts, a
noteworthy and thought-provoking introduction and some
significant notes that usually drew parallels between the texts.

Preisendanz’s edition, and Betz’s translation including PGM I, II

and VI25 have remained at the forefront of sources in the field of
magic. However, it would be inexcusable to omit mention of the
unique Spanish translation by Calvo Martinez, J. L. and Sanchez
Romero, D.26 where, in addition to a meticulous translation, the
reader can find an informative and perceptive introduction. The
PGM are now also available in the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae

25
Full bibliography about the editions is given before the paleographic
transcription of each papyrus.
26
Calvo, Sanchez (1987).

13
database. LMPG online is the digital edition of the book Lexicon of
magic and religion in the Greek magical papyri, by Luis Muñoz
Delgado published in 2001 as Annex V of the Greek-Spanish
dictionary.

14
2. PALEOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION
2.1 PGM I
a. Physical description
PGM I was a roll acquired by the Königliche Museen zu Berlin as
part of the 1857 sale in Paris. Apparently the roll, which measures
33.5 cm H and 80.2 cm W, was divided and glassed in two sections.
After the Second World War, the first section was transferred to the
Muzeum Narodowe Warszawie where it is still kept.27 The second
section remains in Berlin.

The first piece has preserved two of the five columns of the roll.
The progressive degree of damage throughout the papyrus indicates
conclusively that the roll was folded; apparently several times both
vertically and horizontally, with pattern of the folds being easily be
discerned. The papyrus was rolled into a cylindrical form along its
width with the material being rolled up from the left on the vertical
axis. Usually the papyri were folded from the right but the in this
case-as also in PGM IV+II- the damage of the folds is worse on the
left part of the papyrus. We can assume that this damaged is due to
the pressure suffered by the first section of the papyrus to be folded.

The five vertical folds have cracked the papyrus and a considerable
part in the center across each column has been lost with the most

27
About the history of these papyrus see the web of the Department of
Papyrology, University of Warsaw http://www.papyrology.uw.edu.pl and
Wipszycka et al. (2000), 265-266.

15
badly affected column being the first. The page has also been
cracked longitudinally into two nearly equal parts. Some letters-
most of them easily supplied-have been lost along the line of
fracture. However, the surface of the papyrus, especially in the
center of each column is somewhat eroded. The papyrus is bright in
colour and the ink very black; consequently where the papyrus has
not suffered material damage it is easy to read. The verso is blank.

The Berlin section is in far better condition than the Warsaw

portion. It has enjoyed the good fortune of remaining complete and
in an good state of preservation that permits easy decipherment.
Although the pattern of the folds can be also be discerned in this
section, only few lacunae occur at the lower part of the papyrus but
without forming a serious problem for the restoration of the text.

As, mentioned earlier, the Warsaw part preserves two columns. The
first one has 77 lines and the second 74 lines. The Berlin part has
preserved the following two and a half column of the roll. The
lower part of the last column was left blank. So, the third column
has 79 lines, the fourth 71, and the last one only 43.

The text is written parallel to the fibers. The scribe tried to align the
lines and to adjust the margins, generally successfully, because the
layout of the papyrus is, overall, well arranged. The interlinear
space varies slightly with the scribe attempting to divide the
sections of the text by means of titles in order to help the reader, or
perhaps himself, to deal adequately with this long text full of

16
instructions. Above the fourth column, written into the upper
margin of the papyrus, there is the title µνηµονικη. Lower, in the
same column we can read αµαυρωσι δοκιµη µεγα εργον and at the
middle height of the column απολλωνιακη επικλισης. At the lower
part of the third column there is also the title αµαυρωσις αναγκαια.
Some times, in order to separate the sections of the papyrus, blank
spaces are left in the same line, as in the case of line 276. In the
middle of the fifth column there are drawn magical signs.
kharaktēres.28 There is only one inter-columnar marginal note at l.
249,where the scribe explains the nature of a rare plant,

At the physical description of the papyrus we should add also the

numbers at the right at the left side of the lines. These do not belong
to an ancient hand. They are written a curator of the papyrus. They
seems to be written with pencil and they count both the lines of the
whole roll in decades and the lines of each column in pentades.

b. The text
The scribe makes frequent use of the dieresis, especially when iota
is the first letter of a word or in the voces magicae. Corrections
appear frequently, especially above incorrect letters. A rather
distinctive error, almost certainly arising from phonological
reasons, occurs where the writer confused the letters ο and ω. He
usually writes an ω and then realizing his mistake, closes it above

28
On these see Bohak (2008), 270-278; Frankfurter (1994), .205-211; Gordon
(2011).

17
forming a letter resembling an ο. Similar errors stemming from
phonological reasons also occur in the cases of letters such as η, ι,
or υ (iotacism). There are occasions when the scribe seems to have
been distracted and has omitted parts of words.

A few ligatures occur, especially when the scribe has formed an ε.

E ligatures to a following vertical and α to following ι. A occurs
only in looped form. A, µ and some times ε and υ are formed in
single sequence. B is formed in three movements (upright, flat base
and a sinuous shape that touches the upright). E appears sometimes
as a curved back plus cross –bar, and sometimes as two arcs one
inside he other, joined at the upper part(in single sequence). Υ
usually was usually formed in single sequence in v-shape, or in two
movements in v-shape with more or less tail.

The hand is a small, with quickly written capitals, clumsy, very

often sloping to the right. The character of the script can be
qualified as clear rather than prized as elegant. The letterforms
throughout are sufficiently similar and generally even in height.
Some letters appear in a number of forms, depending on the context
or a momentary whim that ranges from the monumental to the
cursive.

Τhe words “sun” and “moon” are substituted by signs. The same
occurs with the word “names”. The dieresis on iota, although it
occurs, it is not consistent. Overall, there no other punctuation
marks. High points are used to mark divisions between clauses and

18
onomata along paragraphos to mark divisions within or between
recipes. At line 300, the first two verses of the hymn, although
written in scriptio continua, are differentiated by means of
interlinear point; this practice is abandoned three verses later and
the rest of the verses are written continuously. Its verso is blank.

2.2. PGM VI+II

a.The match of PGM VI+II29
From the beginning of their discovery and sale, PGM II (P. Berl.
5026) and PGM VIi (P. Lond. I 47) have been viewed as two
different papyri, a fact backed by their different provenance,
according to Anastasi’s records. PGM VI was bought by Anastasi in
Memphis, as written on the containing sleeve of the papyrus
(Preis.1974,198-199). The place of acquisition of PGM II is less
clear. It is believed to have been bought in Thebes. Their sale in
different auctions to different institutions prevented their
recognition as the same papyrus. Since 1857, PGM II is kept in
Berlin and is currently part of the permanent exhibition of the
Neues Museum. PGM VI was purchased by the British Museum in
1839.

However, PGM VI is a lost part of PGM II. They are parts of the
same roll and the column of PGM VI should be read as the first
column of PGM II. The match of the two papyri is based on the
following observations:

29
See also Chronopoulou (2017).

19
A. The ductus of all the letters is identical. The case of β that
sometimes features a particular ending in its formation is
particularly telling- the scribe forming the upper loop of the β made
a rightwards stroke, so, instead of being circular, the loop looks
more like an upturned tear. In both papyri, at the end of some lines,
we note the same ϲ with a prolonged upper line. The ε in both
papyri is usually formed by a big ϲ and a smaller inside this, joined
at their upper end. However, in both papyri we find instances of ε
formed by a ϲ, and a stroke above it.

B. Both papyri feature a marginal note with a missing part at the

edge of their upper part. In PGM VI, the note is preserved at the
edge of the right margin and in PGM II on the left margin. In PGM
VI is written ποιη̣̣ and beneath it αυτ, while in the PGM II, we read
ιϲ and beneath it η̣. The height of the two papyri is almost identical
and when they are put together the marginal notes fit perfectly and
we can read
ποίη|[ϲ]ιϲ
αὕτ|η
(transl. this is the rite).
in the intercolumnar space written with the same hasty, agile and
clumsy but clearly readable hand. Moreover, the ink is of the same
quality. The note is written next to the line 12 where the hymn to
Apollo ends and the instructions for the fulfillment of the rite start.
It has a rather orientative note that helps readers not to be lost in the
complicated ritual and to separate the logos from the praxis.

20
C. In PGM VI, the ends of lines 45 and 46 in the lower part are
incomplete, and their ends were considered lost and were
reconstructed. In the lower part of PGM II, there are some surviving
letters at the same height as the two incomplete lines of PGM VI.
Restoring the text at the end of these lines, the reading of line 45 is
dubious. Preis. (1972, 200) restored them as follows:
ἔϲτι δέ το[ι / τῷ Δηλίῳ, τῷ Ν̣[οµί]ῳ, τῷ τῆϲ Λητοῦϲ καὶ
Διόϲ, χρηϲµωδεῖν π<ει>/ ϲτικὰ διὰ νυκτὸ[ϲ ἀληθῇ διηγουµένῳ
<δια> µαντικῆϲ ὀνειράτων.

I read ἔϲτι δὲ γ̣[ὰρ] ἐ̣κ but the reading of γ is doubtful. The way this
letter is formed, which is ligatured with the middle line of the ε, is
matchless in the two papyri. What is certain is that we have either a
γ or a τ and then a rounded letter such as α, ε or ο. So it would be a
mistake reject Pr. restoration τοι, but on the other hand we are
oblige to reconsider it because of the existance of the ἐ̣κ. However,
the most problematic point is the dative τῷ Δηλίῳ that follows the
preposition ἐ̣κ. It is apparently wrong syntax but it is not the only
case in the papyrus. Perhaps the scribe wanted to write εἰϲ instead
of ἐ̣κ, or he wrote in the dative instead of the genitive. The lacuna
after τῷ Δηλίῳ τῷ worsen the problem. In the next line, Anastasia
Maravela proposed the very possible reading π[ρο]|γνω-στικά.

Although the match of the two papyri give us a fuller text it seems
that PGM VI is not the beginning of the papyrus. The beginning of
PGM VI is fragmentary but the part that survived reveals an
invocation to Apollo and consequently it is not likely to be the

21
beginning of the ritual. It is also remarkable that if indeed the left
margin of PGM VI-as the surviving fragments are now arranged -is
placed in the right position30 then the marginal space is significantly
wider than the margins that separate the columns in PGM II, thus
we can assume there was no other column in this roll. This
assumption allow us to think that the beginning of the magical
practice was written on another roll.

b. Physical description PGM VI+II

As aforementioned the roll was divided in two sections. The overall
width of the entire papyrus is 116 cm about and the overall height
34 cm. The text runs parallel to fibers and it is written with two
qualities of ink.31 The majority of our roll seems to be written in
metallic ink, but this remains an hypothesis.32 The odd thing is that
these two inks occur differentially throughout the roll. We note four
changes of ink:
a) PGM VI 1-PGM II 38 (metallic ink)
b) PGM II 39-48 (carbon ink)
c) PGM II 48-162 (metallic ink)
d) PGM 162-174 (carbon ink)
The six marginal notes of the roll are written in carbon ink.

30
There is a piece of unwritten papyrus separated from the rest of the roll. At the
restoration it is placed in the bottom left part of the column of PGM VI. It seems
to me that the fibers fit and that it is placed correctly.
31
From the third century BCE we find a so-called ‘metallic ink’ being used as
well, which was usually made from an infusion of oak-galls mixed with green
vitriol (iron sulphate). This type of ink is unstable, liable to fade and tends to
damage the papyrus beneath it
32
The papyrus is glued to a paper and that makes ink analysis a very difficult task
to undertake. However, I am going to use the terms “metallic ink” and “carbon
ink” in order to distinguish the two different qualities of it.

22
Moreover, there is no clear syntactical justification for the changes
of ink. In other words, the change of ink does not correlate with the
beginning of different paragraphs or even sentences in the text. On
the contrary, the changes of ink may occur in the middle of
sentences.

The first impression given by PGM II and PGM VI is that the roll
was written by two different hands, using different kinds of ink.
However, a close inspection reveals that a number of letters are
formed in closely similar ways in the two different ‘ink blocks’ and
my main argument in favour of thinking that one scribe only copied
out our text rests upon the analysis of letter-forms and mise-en-
page:33

Kapa is formed without lifting the pen. The case of beta that
sometimes features a particular ending in its formation- its upper
loop is not closed and its conclusion takes a turn to the right
towards the inside of the circle and sometimes even touches its right
part - is particularly telling. Letter ksi is alike in both types of ink.
In both papyri epsilon is often formed in two movements: first a
semi-circle is drawn (in the form of a big ϲ) and then a smaller one
is drawn inside it, joining it at its upper end. We can discern a
triangular delta but a rounded delta appears also in both metallic
and carbon ink.

33
For photos of letters formed in the similar way see Chronopoulou
(forthcoming)

23
The papyrus was folded by rolling up from the left on the vertical
axis.34 The vertical cracks are visible at regular intervals along the
surface marking the places where the papyrus was folded over when
it was rolled up. In the course of the whole roll sixteen folds can be
discerned. The London section includes and preserves only the first
of the five columns. In this section the vertical folds have split the
papyrus into four fragments. From the first two fragments, only the
lower half part has survived. The next two fragments are cracked at
the same place, but we still have the upper half. This two facts
strongly suggest the possibility of a horizontal fold as well.
However, it must be stressed that the Berlin section was not folded
horizontally. Therefore, we can assume that the roll was split into
two section in antiquity and these two parts folded in different
ways. The column in the London section contains 45 lines. The
lines are not aligned and there is a great diversity in their lengths

The marginal notes and an explicatory drawn at the end of the third
column are written in carbon ink, i.e. the same ink as is used at the
end of the roll. This fact allows the following hypothesis: the scribe,
having completed writing out the praxis, read the whole text
through again and added some notes in order to help the reader/s not
to get lost in this complicated ritual. The handwriting is clumsy and
hastily written but the ductus of the letters does not differ

The type of metallic ink is unstable, liable to fade and tends to

damage the papyrus beneath it. Therefore, they are sections on the

34
See description PGM I.

24
PGM II where the surface of the papyrus is abraded. The situation is
getting worse where the cracks of the vertical folds caused lacunae.

In PGM II, the scribe tried to align the endings of the lines. Of
course, as we go down the columns, they become wider but this
happens gradually and not abruptly. On the contrary, in PGM VI,
the lines are not aligned (they contain an hymn) and there is a great
differentiation in their length. Apparently, the scribe was worried
that the paper would not be enough to write down the whole
magical recipe. This is also confirmed by the fact that each column,
apart from the last one, has smaller interlinear spaces and smaller
letters from the previous.

The impressive element of PGM II however, is the drawing of a

headless body holding at the right hand a staff and at the left a
branch of leaves. On its body, below its hands and below its legs are
written sequences of vowels and voces magicae. To the blank space
next of the drawing there is an explicatory caption. Instead of head
it has five small heads of triangle form (?) with an eye on it. It is
considered to be the Egyptian headless god Bes or Osiris.
The papyrus II contains one more drawing, less impressive at the
end of its third column, a scarab that was considered a powerful
protective amulet and it is included in the ritual.

c. The text.
Various diacritic marks are used, though far more sparingly and less
consistently: accents, apostrophe, rough breathings as well as

25
dieresis on iota and upsilon. High points are used in several papyri
to mark divisions between clauses and voces magicae, along with
and paragraphos, either simple or diplē to mark divisions within or
between recipes.

The scribe use abbreviation, marking the abbreviation either with a

raised final letter, an oblique stroke or supralineation. Overally, the
orthography of the text is correct, avoiding errors caused by the
same pronunciation of the letters (eg iotacisms). Ligatures although
occur they are not so frequently. Usually ε and are ligatures with
next letter.

2.3 Datation of the papyri

Before any attempt of datation, we is essential to bear in mind that

sometimes the handwriting of magical texts is more or less stylized.
It seems that the scribes avoided personalizing their handwriting.
Their writing tends to be neutral because most of the magical scrolls
or codices were used as manuals addressed to other persons and
kept in “magical libraries”35. That makes the dating of these papyri
a difficult task. Our roll is an excellent case in point, since PGM II
was dated to the 4th or 5th century while Kenyon dated PGM VI to
the second or third century CE, yet the hand is identical in both.

PGM I and VI+II are written in similar but not identical hands. The
first editor of papyri, Gustav Parthey (1865), did not attempt to date

35
See Suárez (2012). On the magical handwriting see Nodar (2015); (2017).

26
them. For PGM II Wilhelm Schubart (1925, 68) suggested the
fourth century and Preisendanz at different times proposed three
different centuries CE, fifth (1927, 107), fourth (1928, 18) and third
(1933, 93). Roger Bagnall has recently suggested the third century
(2009, 83-85) for the two scrolls. The latest study (so far as I know),
that of Anna Monte (2011, 55) follows for PGM II, Preisendanz’
1928 suggestion and dates the papyrus to the fourth century.

I believe that the 5th century can be rejected because the

handwriting is not so late in my opinion and the papyri should be
dated between the 2nd and the 3rd century. A careful paleographical
study of PGM VI+II demonstrates that the ductus of the majority of
the letters- such as eta, epsilon, pi, kapa, delta appear in both
centuries. Although I must stress that the general impression of the
PGM VI+II, at least to my eyes, would indicate the 2nd century, the
3rd century cannot be ruled out.

Regarding the possibility of the 4th century, although some

elements, such as the form of epsilon in some rare instances belong
to this century, the ductus of the other letters and especially the
general impression of the roll, does not correspond to the 4th
century.

A fundamental difference is that the letters in PGM I are generally

formed separately and not linked together. And in my opinion PGM
I belongs to the 3rd century and there are some comparanda that
support this dating such as P.Oxy. XIV 1697 and P. Vat. Gr. II.

27
28
3. PGM I= P. Berl. 5025a+ P.Berl. 5025b
Editions of the papyrus

Parthey, G. 1865, Zwei griechische Zauberpapyri des Berliner

Museums. Berlín, Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,

Eitrem, S. 1923, Zu den Berliner Zauberpapyri. Kristiania, Jacob

Dybwad.

Preisendanz, K. 19732, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Vol. I, Stuttgart,

Teubner.

Editions of the hymnic fragments:

Abel, E. 1885, Orphica: Accedunt Procli Hymni, Hymni Magici,

Hymnus in Isim alique eiusmodi carmina. Praga.

Preisendanz, K. 19742, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Vol. II, Stuttgart,

Teubner.

Calvo, J.L. 2005, “¿Licnomancia o petición de daimon páredros?

Edición con comentario de fragmentos hímnicos del PGM I 262-
347”, MHNH 5.

Others:

García Molinos, A. 2015, La adivinación en los papiros mágicos

griegos. PhD Thesis. Valladolid, Departamento de Filología
Clásica, Universidad de Valladolid.

OZ II, p. 217

Smith, M. 1996, “A Note on Some Jewish Assimilationists: The

Angels (P.Berol 5025b, P.Louvre 2391)” en Studies in the cult of
Yahweh, Vol. II, Leiden, Brill, p. 235ss.

Blanco Cesteros, M. 2016, Edición y comentario de los himnos

Apolo, Helio y el Dios Supremo de los papiros mágicos griegos,
PhD diss., University of Valladolid.

29
Bortolani, L. B. 2016, Magical Hymns from Roman Egypt: A Study
of Greek and Egyptian Traditions of divinity, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press.

Herrero Valdes, F. 2016, Edición, Traducción y comentario de los

Himnos Mágicos Griegos. PhD diss., University of Málaga.

30
Col.I
1 Παρε̣δρικωϲπροθ̣[-c. 12-]̣µ̣ωνωϲταπανταµηνυϲηϲοι
ρητωϲκ ̣[ -ϲ. 15-]ναριϲτωνεϲταιϲοικαιϲυγ
κοιµωµενοϲλαβων[-ϲ.8-]δ̣υοχ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣τουονυχαϲκαι
παϲαϲϲουταϲτριχα̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]φ̣ ̣λ̣ηϲκαιλαβωνϊερακακιρ
5 καιοναποθωϲονειϲ[ ϲ.8] ϲ̣ µε̣λαινηϲcυµιξαcαυ
τωµελιαττικον̣ ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ηδευϲοναυτονρακει

αχκρωτιϲτωϲτιθ̣ε̣ιδ ̣[ -c8-] ̣υτουτουϲονυχαϲϲουcυνταιϲ

θριξικαιλαβωνχ̣α̣[ -c.9-] ̣ιονϲοιγραφεταυποκειµενα

καιτιθειωϲ̣αυτοωϲ[-8- ]ριξικαιτοιϲονυξικαιαναπλα
10 ϲοναυτονλιβανω ̣[-8- ]νοινωπροπαλαιωιεϲτιν
ουνταγραφοµεναεντ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]α̣κιωιαεεηηηιιιιοοοοοω
υυυυωωωω ̣[-10- ]ηϲαϲδυοκλιµατα
α ωωωω̣[
εε υυυ[
15 ηηη οοο[
ιιιι ιιι̣[
οοοοο ηη[
υυυυυυ εε
ωωωωω̣ωω α
20 καιλαβωντογαλαϲυντωµ ̣λιτιαποπιεπρινανατοληϲ καιεϲται
τιενθεονεντηϲηκαρ ̣ιαικαιλ̣αβωντονϊερακααναθουεν
ναωιαρκευθινωικαιϲτεφανοϲαϲαυτοντονναονποιηϲον

31
1 παρεδρικῶς προϲ[λαµβάνεται δαί]µων, ὡς τὰ πάντα µηνύσῃ
σοι
ῥητῶς κα[ὶ συνοµιλῶν καὶ συ]ναριστῶν ἔσται σοι καὶ συγ-
κοιµώµενος. λαβὼν [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ] δύο ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣του ὄνυχας καὶ πά-
σας σου τὰς τρίχα[ς ἀπὸ κε]φαλῆς καὶ λαβὼν ἱέρακα κιρ-
5 καῖον ἀποθέωσον εἰς [γάλα βο]ὸς µελαίνης συµίξας αὐ-
τῷ µέλι Ἀττικὸν [ …….]σύνδησον αὐτὸν ῥάκει
ἀχρωτίστῳ, τίθει δ[ὲ πλησίον] αὐτοῦ τοὺς ὄνυχάς σου σὺν
ταῖς
θριξί, καὶ λαβὼν χα[ρτίον βασί]λειον ἐπίγραφε τὰ
ὑποκείµενα
ζµύρνῃ καὶ τίθει ὡσαύτως [σὺν ταῖς θ]ριξὶ καὶ τοῖς ὄνυξι καὶ
ἀνάπλα-
10 σον αὐτὸν λιβάνῳ [ἀτµήτῳ κα]ὶ οἴνῳ προπαλαίῳ. ἔστιν οὖν
τὰ γραφόµενα ἐν τ[ῷ πιττ]ακίῳ· ‘α εε ηηη ιιιι οοοοο υυ
υυυυ ωωωω[ωωω.’ γράφε δὲ ποι]ήσας δύο κλίµατα·
α ωωωω[ωωω]
εε υυυ[υυυ]
15 ηηη οοο[οο]
ιιιι ιιι[ι]
οοοοο ηη[η]
υυυυυυ εε
ωωωωωωω α
20 καὶ λαβὼν τὸ γάλα σὺν τῷ µέλιτι ἀπόπιε πρὶν ἀνατολῆς
ἠλίου καὶ ἔσται
ἔνθεον ἐν τῇ σῇ καρδίᾳ. καὶ λαβὼν τὸν ἱέρακα ἀνάθου ἐν
ναῷ ἀρκευθίνῳ, καὶ στεφανώσας αὐτὸν τὸν ναὸν ποίησον

32
 παραθεϲινεναψυχοιϲφαγηµαϲινκαιοινονεχεπροπαλαιον
καιπριντουϲεαναπεϲεινλεγεα ̣τικρυϲαυτουπτοινουποιη
25 ϲαϲαυτωθυϲ̣ιανωϲεθοϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ε̣ι ̣καιλεγετονπροκειµενονλογον
αεεηηηιιιιοοοοουυυ[ ̣ ̣]υ̣ωωωωωωωηκεµοιαγαθεγεωργε
αγαθοϲδ[ ̣] ̣µωναρπον[ ̣ ̣]ο̣[ ̣]φι βριντατηνϲιφρι
βριϲκυλµααρουαζαραρβ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ κριφινιπτουµιχµουµαωφ
ηκεµοιο̣αγιοϲωριω[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ειµενοϲεντωβορειω⟦α⟧οε
30 πικυλινδουµενοϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ιλουρευµατακαιεπιµιγνυων
τηιθ̣ ̣ ̣αττηκαιαλλ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]α̣ι̣καθωϲ ̣ερ̣ανδροϲεπιτηϲϲυν
ουϲιαϲτηϲϲπορ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ηι ̣αρρα̣ι̣ω ̣ϲ̣τη
̣ ϊδρυϲαϲτονκοϲµον
οπρωϊαϲναιοϲκαιο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]βυτηϲοτονυπογηνδιοδευων
πο̣λ[ ̣]νκαιπ̣ ̣ ̣ι̣ ̣ ̣εοϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ωνοδτα πελαγηδιειϲµη
35 νιαο[ ̣]οναϲ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ιτο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ινεοντηϲηλιουπολεωϲδιη
νεκεω ̣ ̣ ̣υ̣[ ̣ ̣]α̣υθεν[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ονοµααρθαθαβαωθβακχαβρη
π ̣µποµ̣ε̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣α ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αν ̣ποδιcαϲκαιτιθειϲαυτον
πρ ̣ϲχρηϲιντηϲβρωδ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τουδιπνουκαιτηϲπροκει
̣ ̣νηϲπαραθεcεωϲπ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣τ̣ο̣ϲτοµαπροϲϲτοµαϲυνοµι
40 λοϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲ̣ι̣αικ̣ε̣[ -c.16] ̣[ ̣]π̣ραξι ̣ ̣ ̣
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

33
 παράθεσιν ἐν ἀψύχοις φαγήµασιν καὶ οἶνον ἔχε προπάλαιον,
καὶ πρὶν τοῦ σε ἀναπεσεῖν λέγε ἄντικρυς αὐτοῦ τοῦ πτηνοῦ
ποιή-
25 σας αὐτῷ θυσίαν, ὡς ἔθος ἔχεις, καὶ λέγε τὸν προκείµενον
λόγον·
‘α εε ηηη ιιιι οοοοο υυυ[υυ]υ ωωωωωωω ἧκέ µοι, ἀγαθὲ
γεωργέ,
Ἀγαθὸς Δ[α]ίµων, Ἁρπον [κν]ο[ῦ]φι βριντατην σιφρι
βρισκυλµα αρουαζαρ β[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] κριφι νιπτουµιχµουµαωφ.
ἧκέ µοι, ὁ ἅγιος Ὠρίω[ν, ὁ ἀνακ]είµενος ἐν τῷ βορείῳ, ἐ-
30 πικυλινδούµενος [τὰ τοῦ Νε]ίλου ῥεύµατα καὶ ἐπιµιγνύων
τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ ἀλλ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]α̣ι̣ καθώσπερ ἀνδρὸς ἐπὶ τῆς συν-
ουσίας τὴν σπορὰν, ἐ̣π[̣ ὶ .... βάσ]ηι ἀρραίστῳ ἱδρύσας τὸν
κόσµον,
ὁ πρωίας νέος καὶ ὀ[ψὲ πρεσ]βύτης, ὁ τὸν ὑπὸ γῆν διοδεύων
πόλ[ο]ν καὶ πυρίπνεος [ἀνατέλλ]ων, ὁ τὰ πελάγη διεὶς µη-
35 νὶ αʹ, ὁ γονὰς [ἱεὶς ἐ]π̣ὶ τ̣[ὸ ἱερὸν ἐρ]ινεὸν τῆς Ἡλιουπόλεως
διη-
νεκέως. [το]ῦ[το] αὐθεν[τικόν σου] ὄνοµα· αρβαθ Ἀβαὼθ
βακχαβρη’.
πεµπόµεν[ο]ς ̣ ̣ ̣ἄβ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ἀναποδίσας καὶ τίθει σεαυτὸν
πρὸς χρῆσιν τῆς βρώσ[εως κα]ὶ τοῦ δείπνου καὶ τῆς προκει-
µένης παραθέσεως π[ελάζω]ν τὸ στόµα πρὸς τὸ στόµα
συνόµι-
40 λος ̣ ̣ ̣ ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲ̣ι̣αικ̣ε̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ] ̣[ ̣]πρᾶξις ̣ ̣ ̣

34
 κρυβεκρυβ ̣[ ̣]ηνπρ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]χ̣εοϲαυτονενηµερ[ ̣]ι[
ϲυνουϲιαϲαιγυναικι ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]θεωϲϊερογραµµατεωϲπαρεδ[
α̣ +πνουθιουκηρυκιο̣υ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ονθεονχαιρεινειδωϲ
προϲετα̣ξαϲοι ̣η̣νδε[]προϲτοµηδιαπιπτειν
45 επιτελο̣ ̣ ̣τ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣δετ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ι̣νπαρελοµενονταπαν
τα̣καταλε̣ιπ ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]βιβλοιϲµυριοιϲϲυνταγµα
̣ ̣ε̣νπαν ̣ω̣ντ̣α̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣τουνταϲετονδετονπαρε
δ ̣ονεπεδα̣ ̣α̣αϲο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αγιοντονδελαµβανειν
υµαϲκαιµονουαọ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ν̣ ̣οϲωφιλαιαεριων
50 ̣ ̣ε̣υµατωνθωρουµ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ελογοιϲθεολογουµενοιϲ
πειϲαντεϲεϲχοµ ̣[ -c.10]νδεαπεπεµψατηνδετ ̣ ̣
βιβλονϊν̣ ̣κµαθηϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]νπνουθεοωϲλογοϲπει
θεουϲκαιπαϲαϲ ̣ ̣[-c.10-]δεϲοιεντευθενπεριτηϲ
παρε ̣ρουλη̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣ϲ[-ϲ.10-]εδρουπαραδοϲιϲπροα
55 γνευϲα̣ϲη ̣ ̣ ρ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]χουκαιπαϲηϲακαθαρ
̣ιαcκ ̣ ̣ενοιαβουλει[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]βαϲεπιδωµατοϲενθενυ̣
ενδε̣δυ̣µενο̣ϲ̣κ ̣θαρ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τηνπρωτηνϲυϲταϲιν
̣ ̣ογιν ̣ηϲ ε ̣λ̣ειαϲ̣[] ̣ντελαµωνα
µελαναϊϲιακονεπιτο[] ̣καιτηνµενδεξιαχει
60 ρικατεχεϊερακοϲκ̣ ̣φ̣α̣[-c.7-]ν ̣τελλοντοϲτου χαι

35
 κρύβε, κρύβε [τ]ὴν πρ[ᾶξιν καὶ ἄπε]χε σαυτὸν ἐν ἡµέρ[αις ̣]
συνουσιάσαι γυναικί.[ ̣ ̣ ̣] Π ̣ [ νου]θεωϲ ϊερογραµµατέωϲ
πάρεδροϲ
‘Πνούθιος Κηρυκίο̣υ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ τ]ὸν θεὸν χαίρειν. εἰδὼς
προσέταξά σοι τήνδε [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] πρὸς τὸ µὴ διαπίπτειν
45 ἐπιτελοῦντα τήνδε τ[ὴν πρᾶξ]ιν. παρελόµενος τὰ πάν
τα καταλει[πόµε]να ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ἐν] βίβλοις µυρίαις συντάγµα-
τα, ἓν πάντων τα[........ ὑπηρ]ετοῦντά σοι τόνδε τὸν πάρε-
δρον επεδα̣ ̣α̣αϲο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ἅγιον τόνδε λαµβάνειν
ὑµᾶς καὶ µόνου αο̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ν̣ ̣οϲ, ὦ φίλε ἀερίων
50 πνευµάτων θωρουµ[ένω ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] µε λόγοις θεολογουµένοις
πείσαντες εσχοµ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣νῦ]ν δὲ ἀπέπεµψα τήνδε τὴν
βίβλον, ἵν’ ἐκµάθῃς. [ δύναµι]ν Πνούθεως λόγος πεί-
θειν θεοὺς καὶ πάσας τὰ[ς θεάς ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ] δέ σοι ἐντεῦθεν περὶ
τῆς
παρέδρου λ[ήψεως. ἔστι δὲ ἡ τοῦ παρ]έδρου παράδοσις·
προ-
55 αγνεύσας ση ̣ ̣ ρ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ἐµψύ]χου καὶ πάσης ἀκαθαρ-
σίας καὶ ἐν οἵᾳ βούλει [νυκτὶ ἀνα]βὰς ἐπὶ δώµατος
ὑ(ψηλοῦ),
ἐνδεδυµένος καθαρῶς [....... λέγ]ε τὴν πρώτην σύστασιν
ἀπογιν(οµένης) τῆς ἡλίου ἑλείας ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [.... ἔχ]ων τελαµῶνα
[ὁλο]-
µέλανα Ἰσιακὸν ἐπὶ το[ῖς ὀφθαλµοῖ]ς καὶ τῇ µὲν δεξιᾷ χει-
60 ρὶ κάτεχε ἱέρακος κεφα[λὴν καὶ ἀ]νατέλλοντος τοῦ ἡλίου
χαι-

36
 ρετιζεκαταϲειωντηνκε[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]κωντονδετον
ϊερονλογονεπιθυωνλιβα ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ καιροδινον
επιϲπενδωνεπιθυϲα[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]νουθυµιατηριουε̣ ̣α̣νθρ̣ ̣
κωναποηλιοτροπιου ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ταιδεϲοιδιοωκωντιτονλογον
65 ϲηµιοντοδεϊε ̣αξκ ̣τ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αντικρυϲϲταθηϲεται
καιπτερατιναξαϲενµεϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣µηκηλιθονευθυϲανα
πτηϲεταιειϲουρανονβ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]δεβασταξαϲταξοντουτονλιθον
καιλιθουργηϲαϲταχοϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]ερονγλυφεντατεδιατρυιϲαϲ
καιδιειραϲϲπαρτωπερι ̣[ ]χηλονϲουειρηϲονοψιαϲδε
70 ανελθωνειϲτοδωµατιονϲ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]νκαιϲταϲπροϲαυγηντηϲ
θεουαντικρυϲλεγετονυµ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]τον[ ̣]εεπιθυωνπαλιντρω

γλιτιν τωαυτωιϲχηµ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]δεαναψαϲ̣εχεµυρϲινηϲ

κλαδονι̣[ ̣]ρ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ο̣ν̣ϲειω[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ετ[ ̣]ετηνθεονεϲταιδεϲοι
ϲηµειονενταχειτοιου[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]νκαιελθωνϲτηϲεταιειϲµεϲον
75 τουδωµατοϲκαικατοµ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣εντοαϲτροναθρηϲειϲον

37
 ρέτιζε κατασείων τὴν κεφ[αλὴν. διώ]κων τόνδε τὸν
ἱερὸν λόγον, ἐπιθύων λίβαν[ον ἄτµητον] καὶ ῥόδινον
ἐπισπένδων, ἐπιθύσασ[ ἐπὶ γηί]νου θυµιατηρίου ἐπ’ ἀνθρά-
κων ἀπὸ ἡλιοτροπίου β[οτάνης. ἔ]σται δέ σοι διώκοντι τὸν
λόγον
65 σηµεῖον τόδε· ἱέραξ κατ[απτὰς σοῦ] ἄντικρυς σταθήσεται
καὶ πτερὰ τινάξας ἐν µέσ[ῳ, ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] εὐµήκη λίθον, εὐθὺς ἀνα-
πτήσεται εἰς οὐρανὸν β[αίνων. σὺ] δὲ βάσταξον τοῦτον τὸν
λίθον
καὶ λιθουργήσας τάχος [γλῦφε ὕστ]ερον· γλυφέντα δὲ
διατρυ[π]ήσας
καὶ διείρας σπάρτῳ περὶ τ[ὸν τρά]χηλόν σου εἴρησον. ὀψίας
δὲ
70 ἀνελθὼν εἰς τὸ δωµάτιόν σ[ου πάλι]ν καὶ στὰς πρὸς αὐγὴν
τῆς
θεοῦ ἄντικρυς λέγε τὸν ὑµ[νικὸν λόγον] τόνδε ἐπιθύων
πάλιν τρω-
γλῖτιν ζµύρναν τῷ αὐτῷ σχήµ[ατι. πῦρ] δὲ ἀνάψας ἔχε
µυρσίνης
κλάδον[ ̣]ρ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ο̣ν̣ σείω̣[ν καὶ χαιρ]έτιζε τὴν θεόν. ἔσται δέ
σοι
σηµεῖον ἐν τάχει τοιοῦ[το· ἀστρο]ν κατελθὼν στήσεται εἰς
µέσον
75 τοῦ δώµατος καὶ κατ’ ὄµ[µα κατα]χυθὲν τὸ ἄστρον,
ἀθρήσεις, ὃν

38
 εκαλεϲαϲαγγελονπεµφθ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]οιθεωνδεβουλϲ ̣υντοµωϲ
γνωϲηϲυδεµηδειλου ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣θ ̣τηθεωκαιχειρααυτου
Col. II
δεξιανλαβωνκατ̣[ ̣ ̣]ηϲονκαιλεγεταυταπροϲτοναγγελον
λαληϲειγαρϲοιϲυν[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ϲ̣προϲεανβουληϲυδεαυτον
80 εξορκιζετωιδε[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]̣ ̣οπωϲακινητοϲcουτυγχανωι
µεινηκαιµηπροϲ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]δεπαρακουϲηιολωϲεπανδε
ϲοιτουτονορκον ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] δωαϲφαλωϲχειροκρατηϲαϲτον
θεονκαταπηδα ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ϲτενοντοπονενεγκωνοπου
κατοικειϲκαθ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ρωτονδετονοικονϲτρωϲαϲκαθωϲ
85 πρεπεικαιετοιµ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣αντοιαφαγηµαταοινονδεµεν
δηϲιονπροανα[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ϲτονθεονυπηρετουντ ̣ϲ̣παιδοϲ
αφθορουκαιϲιγη[ ̣]ε̣χοντοϲαχριϲαναπιηο̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣]ελοϲ
ϲυδελογοϲπροπεµ[ ̣ ̣]τωθεωεξωφιλωνϲεπαρεδρον
ευεργετηνθεον[ ̣ ̣]ηρετουνταµοιωϲανειπωταχοϲτη
90 ϲυδυναµειηδηε[ ̣ ̣]αιοϲναιναιφαινεµοιθεεκαιαυ
τοϲϲυλαληϲονανακ[ ̣ ̣]µενοϲπροϲαφραζειϲϲυντοµωϲ
πειρωδετουτονορκι̣ϲ̣µ̣οναυτονπροϲδελειϲεπανδεγ

γενωνταικαιευθυϲναπηδηϲηοθεοϲκελευεδετω
ταϲθυραϲτρεχειπαιδιλεγεδεχωρεικυριεθεεµακαρ
95 οπουδιηνεκωϲϲυηϲωϲβουλεικαιαφανηϲεϲτινοθεοϲ

39
 ἐκάλεσας ἄγγελον πεµφθ[έντα σ]οί, θεῶν δὲ βουλὰς
συντόµως
γνώσῃ. σὺ δὲ µὴ δειλοῦ· [πρόσ]ιθι τῷ θεῷ, καὶ χεῖρα αὐτοῦ
δεξιὰν λαβὼν κατα[φί]λ̣ησον, καὶ λέγε ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν
ἄγγελον·
λαλήσει γάρ σοι συν[τόµ]ως, πρὸς ὃ ἐὰν βούλῃ. σὺ δὲ αὐτὸν
80 ἐξόρκιζε τῷδε [τῷ ὅρκ]ῳ, ὅπως ἀκίνητός σου τυγχάνων
µείνῃ καὶ µὴ προσι[γήσῃ µη]δὲ παρακούσῃ ὅλως. ἐπὰν δέ
σοι τοῦτον <τὸν> ὅρκον ἀ[ποδ]ῷ ἀσφαλῶς, χειροκρατήσας
τὸν
θεὸν καταπήδα, κ̣[αὶ εἰ]ς̣ στενὸν τόπον ἐνεγκών, ὅπου
κατοικεῖς, καθ[ίστη. π]ρῶτον δὲ τὸν οἶκον στρώσας, καθὼς
85 πρέπει, καὶ ἑτοι[µάσας] παντοῖα φαγήµατα οἶνόν τε Μεν-
δήσιον, προανά[φερε εἰ]ς τὸν θεόν, ὑπηρετοῦντος παιδὸς
ἀφθόρου καὶ σιγὴ[ν ἔ]χοντος, ἄχρις ἂν ἀπίῃ ὁ̣ [ἄγγ]ελος.
σὺ δὲ λόγο(υ)ς πρόπεµ̣[πε] τῷ θεῷ· ‘ἕξω φίλον σε πάρεδρον,
εὐεργέτην θεὸν [ὑπ]ηρετοῦντά µοι, ὡς ἂν εἴπω, τάχος, τῇ σῇ
90 δυνάµει ἤδη ἔ[γγ]αιος, ναὶ ναί, φαῖνέ µοι, θεέ’. καὶ αὐ-
τὸς σὺ λάλησον, ἀνακ[εί]µενος, πρὸς ἃ φράζει, συντόµως.
πειρῶ δὲ θεοῦ τὸν ὁρκισµὸν αὐτόν, πρὸς <ὃ> θέλεις. ἐπὰν δὲ
ὧραι γʹ
γένωνται, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀναπηδήσει ὁ θεός. κέλευε δὲ τῷ [π]αιδὶ
<κατὰ>
τὰς θύρας τρέχειν. λέγε δὲ· ‘χώρει, κύριε, θεὲ µάκαρ,
95 ὅπου διηνεκῶς σὺ εἶς, ὡς βούλει’, καὶ ἀφανής ἐστιν ὁ θεός.

40
 αυτηηϊεραληψιϲτουπαρεδρουγινωϲκεταιοτιουτοϲεϲτιν
οθεοϲπνευµαεϲτιναεριονοειδεϲεανεπιταξηϲπαραυτα
τοεργονεπιτελειονε̣ιροποµπειαγειγυναικαϲανδραϲδιχα
ουϲιαcανερεικαταϲτρ̣εφειαναριπτειανεµουϲεκγηϲβαϲταζει
100 χρυϲοναργυρονχαλ̣κονκαιδιδωϲιϲοιοτανχρειανγενηται
λυειδεεκδεϲµων̣ ̣λυϲεϲιφρουρουµενονθυραϲανοιγει
αµαυροιϊναµηδειϲ ̣αθολουϲεθεωρηϲηπυρφορειυδωρ
φερειοινοναρτονκαι[ ̣]ανεθεληϲεκτωνεδεϲµατων,ελαι
ονοξοϲχωριϲϊχθυωνµ[ ̣]νωνλαχανωνδεπληθοϲοθελειϲ
105 αξειδεκρεαϲδεχοιροϊον̣[ ̣] ̣υτοαλωϲµηλεξηϲποτεενεγ
κεινκαιοδτεβουλειδε[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ονποιηϲαιλεγεπανχωρηµα
̣υπρ ̣ποϲθεωρηϲαϲ̣[ ̣]ελευετουτωϲτρωϲαιταχεωϲ
καιϲυντοµωϲευθυϲ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣]θ̣ηϲειχρυϲοροφαδωµατατοιχουϲ
τ̣ουτοιϲµ̣ ̣ ρµαρ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τ̣αϲοψη ̣αυταηγειταµεναληθη
110 ταδεβλεπεϲθαιµονο̣[ ̣]ο̣ινονδεπολυτεληκαθωϲπρεπει
εξαρ̣τιϲαιτοδειπνονλ[ ̣]πρωϲϲυντοµωϲδαιµοναϲοι
ϲεικαιτουϲυπηρετου ̣[ ̣ ̣]ϲο̣ι ̣ζωϲτουϲκοϲµη ̣ ̣ ̣ταυτ ̣

41
 Αὕτη ἡ ἱερὰ λῆψις τοῦ παρέδρου. γινώσκεται, ὅτι οὗτός
ἐστιν
ὁ θεός· πνεῦµά ἐστιν ἀέριον, ὃ εἶδες. ἐὰν ἐπιτάξῃς, παραυτὰ
τὸ ἔργον ἐπιτελεῖ· ὀνειροποµπεῖ, ἄγει γυναῖκας, ἄνδρας δίχα
οὐσίας, ἀναιρεῖ, καταστρέφει, ἀναρίπτει ἀνέµους ἐκ γῆς,
βαστάζει
100 χρυσόν, ἄργυρον, χαλκόν, καὶ δίδωσί σοι, ὅταν χρεία
γένηται,
λύει δὲ ἐκ δεσµῶν ἀλύσεσι φρουρούµενον, θύρας ἀνοίγει,
ἀµαυροῖ, ἵνα µηδεὶς [κ]αθόλου σε θεωρήσῃ, πυρφορεῖ, ὕδωρ
φέρει, οἶνον, ἄρτον καὶ [ὃ] ἂν ἐθέλῃς ἐκ τῶν ἐδεσµάτων,
ἔλαι-
ον, ὄξος, χωρὶς ἰχθύων µ[ό]νων, λαχάνων δὲ πλῆθος, ὃ
θέλεις,
105 ἄξει, κρέας δὲ χοίρειον—[τ]οῦτο ὅλως µὴ λέξῃς ποτὲ ἐνεγ-
κεῖν. καὶ ὅτε βούλει δεῖ[πν]ον ποιῆσαι, λέγε· πᾶν χώρηµα
εὐπρεπὲς θεωρήσας [κέ]λευε τούτῳ στρῶσαι ταχέως
καὶ συντόµως· εὐθὺς [περι]θ̣ήσει χρυσόροφα δώµατα,
τοίχους
τούτοις µαρµαρ[ωθέν]τ̣ας ὄψῃ—καὶ ταῦτα ἡγεῖ τὰ µὲν
ἀληθῆ,
110 τὰ δὲ βλέπεσθαι µόνο[ν]—οἶνον δὲ πολυτελῆ, καθὼς πρέπει
ἐξαρτίσαι τὸ δεῖπνον λ[αµ]πρῶς, συντόµως δαίµονας οἴ-
σει καὶ τοὺς ὑπηρετοῦν[τάς] σοι ζωστοὺς κοσµήσει. ταῦτα

42
 ̣υ ̣ ̣ ̣µωϲποιεικα̣[ ϲ.12]κελευϲηϲδιακ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣
ποηϲεικαιοψηπ̣ρ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ϲ̣α̣ντααλλοιϲϊϲτηϲιπλοιακαιπ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]
115 α̣πολυειϊιϲτηϲιπον ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]πλειϲταθηραϲδεπαυεικαι ̣
δονταϲρηξειερπετ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]µερωνϲυντοµωϲκυν[ ̣]ϲδε̣
κο ̣ ̣ιζ ̣ ̣καιαφων ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ϲι̣ µεταµορφοιδεειϲην ̣αν
βουληµορφηνθ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ετηνουενυδρουτετραποδου
̣ρπ ̣τουβαϲταϲ̣ει ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αερακαιπαλινριψειϲεειϲκλυδ ̣ν
120 αποντιωνποτα ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ακαϲθαλλαϲιωνπηξ ̣ιδ ̣ποτα
µουοκαιθαλαcc ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]µωϲκαιοπωϲενδιατρεχηϲ
ϲταδιωϲωϲβουλειµα[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣εκαθεξειϲϲουθεληϲαντοϲ
̣ ̣τ ̣αφροναλ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣αιοτανθεληιϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ρακα ̣ενε
κεινοποτανδεθελη[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣µ̣αψυχραποιηϲαικαιταψυχρ ̣
125 θερµαλυχνουϲανα[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]α̣ικαταϲβεϲειπαλιντειχηδε
ϲειϲεικαιπυριφλογ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ϲειδουλευϲιϲοιϊκανως
ε̣ι ̣ ̣α̣νεπ ̣ν̣οηϲηϲ ̣ω̣µ̣[ ] ̣ ̣µυϲτατηϲϊεραϲµαγειαϲκαιεπι
τ̣ε̣λ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣οκρατιϲτοϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]εδροϲουτωϲοκαιµονοϲκυριοϲ
τ̣ουαεροϲκαιϲυνφων̣[ ̣ ̣]ουϲιπανταοιθεοιδιχαγαρτουτου

130 ουδενεϲτινµηδεν[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ταδωϲαλλακρυβεπροϲ του

43
 συντόµως ποιεῖ. κα[ὶ ὁπόταν αὐτὸν] κελεύσῃς διακον[ῆσα]ι,
ποιήσει, καὶ ὄψῃ προ[τερή]σαντα ἄλλοις· ἵστησι πλοῖα καὶ
π[άλιν]
115 ἀπολύει, ἵστησι πονη[ρὰ δαιµό]νι̣α̣ πλεῖστα, θῆρας δὲ παύει
καὶ ὀ-
δόντας ῥήξει ἑρπετ[ῶν ἀν]ηµέρων συντόµως, κύν[α]ς δὲ
κοιµίζει καὶ ἀφώνο[υς ἵσ]τησι,µεταµορφοῖ δὲ εἰς ἣν ἐαν
βούλῃ µορφήν θη[ρίου π]ετηνοῦ, ἐνύδρου, τρετραπόδου
ἑρπετοῦ, βαϲταξει σ[ε εἰς] ἀέρα καὶ πάλιν ῥίψει σε εἰς
κλύδων
α ποντίων ποταµ[ῶν καὶ ῥύ]ακας θαλασσίων , πήξει δὲ ποτα
µοὺς καὶ θάλασσα[ν συντό]µως καὶ, ὅπως ἐνδιατρέχῃς
σταδίως, ὡς βούλει. µά[λιστα] δὲ καθέξει σοῦ θελήσαντός
ποτε τὸν ἀφρὸν ἁλί[δροµ]ον, καὶ ὅταν θέλῃς ἄστρα κατενεγ-
κεῖν, ὁπόταν τε θέλῃς [τὰ θερ]µὰ ψυχρὰ ποιῆσαι καὶ τὰ
ψυχρὰ
125 θερµά, λύχνους ἀνά[ψει κ]αὶ κατασβέσει πάλιν, τείχη δὲ
σείσει καὶ πυρίφλογα [ποιή]σει, δουλεύσει σοι ἱκανῶς
εἰς [ἃ] ἂν ἐπινοήσῃς, ὦ µα[κάρι]ε µύστα τῆς ἱερᾶς µαγείας,
καὶ ἐπι-
τελέσει σοι ὁ κράτιστος [πάρ]εδρος οὗτος, ὁ καὶ µόνος
κύριος
τοῦ ἀέρος, καὶ συνφων[ή]σουσι πάντα οἱ θεοί· δίχα γὰρ
τούτου
130 οὐδέν ἐστιν. Μηδεν[ὶ ἄλλῳ µε]ταδῷς, ἀλλὰ κρύβε, πρὸς
Ἡλίου, τοῦ

44
 ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣τουκυρι[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τοµεγατουτοµυϲτηριονεϲτιν
δεο ολεγοµενοϲε[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ α̣προϲηλιονεξορκιϲµοϲ
τουπαρεδρουωριπι[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]µ̣ουντεαινθυφ̣πιχραουρ
ραιαλκαρφιουθρµου[ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ανοχαναυµουναιαχανο̣
135 ζω·ζωνταζω· ̣ ̣ταζωµαυγϊαϲϲουωριϲαυωνουϲ
ϲαραπτουµιϲαραχθια[ ̣]ριχαµχωβιραθαυωφαυφαυω
δαυααυαντωζουζω ̣αρρουζωζωτουαρθωµναωρι
αυωιπταυχαρηβιαωυοϲβιαυπταβαϊνααααααα
ανηιουωυωοιηεαχααχχαχαχχαρχαραχαχαµουνηϊ
140 ϊαεωβαφρενεµουνο[ ̣]λ̣αρικριφιαευεαϊφιρκιριλιθον
υοµενερφαβωεαϊ·χαθαχφνεϲχηρφιχροφνυρωφωχωβοχ
ϊαρβαθαγραµµηφιβαωχνηµεωου̣τοϲεϲτινολοολεγο
µενοϲπροϲ επτακιϲ[ ̣ ̣]ταεϲτινδεογλυφοµενοϲειϲτον

λιθον ωροϲανδρι ̣[ ̣]λεωντοπρωϲοποϲτηµεναριϲτερα

145 χειρικρατωνπολονκαιµαϲτιγακυκλωδεαυτουδρακοντα
ουροβορονυποδετοεδαφ̣οϲτουλιθουτοτουτοκρυβεαχα
αχαχαχαχβαρχαραχαχκαιδιειρηϲαϲϲπαρτωϊανου
βιακωφορειπεριτοντ[ ̣]αχηλονλογοϲ ϊνουθω
πτουαυµϊανχαριχ·χαραπτουµι·ανοχα αβιθρου
150 αχαραβαυβαυβαραθιανατεβδουανανουαπτυρπανορ

45
 [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τοῦ κυρί[ου θεοῦ], τὸ µέγα τοῦτο µυστήριον. ἔστιν
δὲ ὁ λόγος ὁ λεγόµενος ἑ[πτάκις ἑπ]τὰ πρὸς ἥλιον
ἐξορκισµὸς
τοῦ παρέδρου· ‘ωρι πι[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]µοῦν τε αινθυ̣φ πιχ̣αρουρ-
ραιαλ καρφιουθυµου[ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ανοχαναυ µουν̣α̣ιχαναπτα-
135 ζω· ζων ταζωταζω· πταζω µαυϊας σουωρι σουω ωους
σαραπτουµι σαραχθι[ ̣]ριχαµχω βιραθαυ ωφαυ φαυω
δαυα· αυαντω ζουζω· αρρουζω ζωτουαρ θωµναωρι
αυωι πταυχαρηβι αωυοσωβιαυ πταβαϊν ααααααα
αεηιουωυωοιηεα χαχαχ χαχαχ χαρχαραχαχ Ἀµοῦν ω· ηϊ
140 ϊαεωβαφρενεµουνο[ ̣]λαρικριφιαευεαϊφιρκιραλιθον-
υοµενερφαβω[ ̣]αϊ χαθαχ φνεσχηρ φιχρο φνυρω φωχωχοχ
ϊαρβαθα γραµµ̣η φιβαωχνηµεω.’ οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ λόγος ὁ λεγό-
µενος πρὸς ἥλιον ἑπτάκις [ἑπ]τά. ἔστιν δὲ ὁ γλυφόµενος εἰς
τὸν
λίθον Ἡλίωρος ἀνδρ[ιὰς] λεοντοπρόσωπος, τῇ µὲν ἀριστερᾷ
χειρὶ κρατῶν πόλον καὶ µάστιγα, κύκλῳ δὲ αὐτοῦ δράκοντα
οὐροβόρον, ὑπὸ δὲ τὸ ἔδαφος τοῦ λίθου τὸ ὄνοµα τοῦτο
κρύβε· ‘αχα
αχαχα χαχ χαρχαρα χαχ.’ καὶ διειρήσας σπάρτῳ Ἀνου-
βιακῷ φόρει περὶ τὸν τ[ρ]άχηλον. λόγος Σελήνῃ· ‘ϊνουθω
πτουαυµι· ανχαριχ· χαραπτουµι· ανοχα αβιθρου
150 αχαραβαυβαυ βαραθιαν ατεβ δουανανου απτυρ πανορ

46
 παυραχ·ϲουµιφορβαφριφ ̣ριφορβαραβαυβωηθαχαφορριµ
µιρφαρ·ζαυρα·πταυζουχωθορπαραχθιαου·ζαιθα·πραυ
Col. III
ϊαβουκαταντουµιβαθαραχοιβιανοχταυταειπων
οψειτινααϲτεραεκτουκατολιγοναναλυοµενονκαιθεο
155 πο̣ι[̣ ̣]υµ[ ̣]ν̣ονϲυδεπροϲϊωνκαιδεξαµενοϲτηcχειροϲ
καταφ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ọνλεγετοναυτονλογον·ωπταυµιναφθαυβι
µαιουθ[ ̣ ̣]ουµητροβαλ· ραχηπτουµι αµµωχαρι
αυθει· α̣[ ̣]ταµαρα· χιωβιταµ· τριβωµιϲ· αραχοιϲαρι
ραχι·ϊα̣ ̣ ̣υβιταυραβερωµιανταβιταυβιταυϲοιει
160 ποντια̣[ ̣] ̣κριθηϲεταιϲυδεαυτωλεγετιεϲτιντοενθεον
ϲουον̣[ ̣ ̣]αµηνυϲονµηαφθονωϲιναεπικαλεϲω
µαια[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τινδεγραµµατωνιεϲουεϲολυρφθηµωθ
εϲτινδεκ̣αιταεξηϲλεγοµεναδευροµοιβαϲιλευθνθεων
ϊϲχυροναπεραντοναµιαντοναδιηγητοναιωνακα
165 τεϲτηριγµ̣ενονακινητοϲµουγινουαποτηϲϲηµερον
ηµεραϲε̣πιτοναπανταχρονοντηϲζωηϲµουεπειτα
ερωτααυτονκατατωναυτωνορκωνεαντοϲοιειπηϲυδε
τηϲχειροϲαυτουλαβωνκατελθεκαικατακλινοναυτονωϲ
προειπονπαρατιθωιαυτωεξωνµεταλαµβανειϲβρω
170 τωνκαιποτωνεπανδεαπολυϲηϲαυτονµετατοαποϲτη

47
 παυραχ· σουµι φορβα· φοριφορβαραβαυ· βωηθ· αζα· φορ·
ριµ
µιρφαρ· ζαυρα· πταυζου· χωθαρπαραχθιζου· ζαιθ· ατιαυ
ϊαβαυ καταντουµι βαθαρα χθιβι ανοχ.’ ταῦτα εἰπὼν
ὄψει τινὰ ἀστέρα ἐκ τοῦ <οὐρανοῦ> κατ’ ὀλίγον
ἀναλυόµενον καὶ θεο-
155 ποι[ο]ύµ[ε]νον. σὺ δὲ προσιὼν καὶ δεξάµενος τῆς χειρὸς
καταφ[ίλησ]ον λέγε τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον· ‘ωπταυµι ναφθαυβι
µαιουθ[ ̣ ̣]ου µητροβαλ· ραχηπτουµι αµµωχαρι
αυθει· α[ ̣]ταµαρα· χιωβιταµ· τριβωµις· αραχο ισαρι
ραχι· Ἰαουβι ταυραβερωµι ανταβι ταυβι.’ ταῦ<τά> σοι εἰ-
160 πόντι ἀ[π]οκριθήσεται, σὺ δὲ αὐτῷ λέγε· ‘τί ἐστιν τὸ ἔνθεόν
σου ὄν[οµ]α; µήνυσόν µοι ἀφθόνως, ἵνα ἐπικαλέσω-
µαι α[ὐτό’. ἔσ]τιν δὲ γραµµάτων ιεʹ· σουεσολυρ φθη µωθ.
ἔστιν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς λεγόµενα· ‘δεῦρό µοι, βασιλεῦ, θεὸν
θεῶν,
ἰσχυρὸν, ἀπέραντον, ἀµίαντον, ἀδιήγητον, Αἰῶνα κα-
165 τεστηριγµένον· ἀκίνητός µου γίνου ἀπὸ τῆς σήµερον
ἡµέρας ἐπὶ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον τῆς ζωῆς µου’. ἔπειτα
ἐρώτα αὐτὸν κατὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ὅρκων. ἐὰν τὸ ὄνοµά σοι εἴπῃ,
σὺ δὲ
τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ λαβὼν κάτελθε καὶ κατάκλινον αὐτόν, ὡς
προεῖπον, παρατιθῶν αὐτῷ, ἐξ ὧν µεταλαµβάνεις βρω-
170 τῶν καὶ ποτῶν. ἐπὰν δὲ ἀπολύσῃς αὐτὸν, µετὰ τὸ ἀποστῆ-

48
 ναιεπιθυεαυτωταπροκειµενακαιϲπενδεοινονκαιουτωϲ
τωκραταιωαγγελωφιλοϲεϲειαποδηµουντιϲοιϲυν
αποδηµηϲειπενοµενωχρηµαταδωϲειερειϲοιταµελλοντα
γενεϲθαικαιποτεκαιποιωχρονωνυκτοϲηηµεραϲεαν
175 δετιϲεερωτηϲητικαταψυχηνεχωητιµοιεγενετοητιµελ
ειγενεϲθαιεπε̣ρωτατοναγγελονκαιερειϲοιϲιωπηϲυδε
ωϲαποϲεαυτουλεγετωεπερωτωντιϲετελευτηϲαντοϲϲου
τοϲωµα ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲτ̣ ελειωϲπρεπονθεωϲουδετοπνευµαβαϲτα
ξαϲειϲαερ[ ̣ ̣]ξ̣ειϲϲυναυτωειϲγαραιδηνουχ[ ̣]ρηϲειαεριον·
180 πνευµαϲυ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ενκραταιωπαρεδρωτουτωγαρπαντα
υποκειτα̣ιοτανδεθεληιϲτιπραξαιειϲαερ̣α̣λεγετο
µονονκαι[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αιοψηαυτονκαιεγγυϲϲουεϲτωτακαιλεγε
αυτωιποιη ̣ ̣ ̣τουτοτοεργονκαιποιειπαραυτακαιποιηϲαϲερει
ϲοιτιαλλωβουλειϲπευδωγαρειϲουρανονεανδεµηεχηϲ
185 παραυταεπιταξαιλεγεαυτωπορευουκυ̣ ̣ιεκαιαπελευ
ϲεταιουτ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣νοθεοϲυποϲουµονουθεωρηθηϲεταιουδε
φωνηνπ̣οτ̣εαυτουουδειϲακουϲειλαλ ̣υντοϲειµηϲυαυ

49
 ναι ἐπίθυε αὐτῷ τὰ προκείµενα καὶ σπένδε οἶνον, καὶ οὕτως
τῷ κραταιῷ ἀγγέλῳ φίλος ἔσει· ἀποδηµοῦντί σοι συν-
αποδηµήσει, πενοµένῳ χρήµατα δώσει, ἐρεῖ σοι τὰ
µέλλοντα
γενέσθαι καὶ πότε καὶ ποίῳ χρόνῳ, νυκτὸς ἢ ἡµέρας. ἐὰν
175 δέ τίς ἐρωτήσῃ· ‘τί κατὰ ψυχὴν ἔχω’; ἢ· ‘τί µοι ἐγένετο ἤ τί
µέλλ-
ει γενέσθαι;’ ἐπερώτα τὸν ἄγγελον, καὶ ἐρεῖ σοι σιωπῇ· σὺ
δὲ
ὡς ἀπὸ σεαυτοῦ λέγε τῷ ἐπερωτῶντί σε. τελευτήσαντός σου
τὸ σῶµα π̣ε̣ρ̣ι̣στελεῖ, ὡς πρέπον θεῷ, σοῦ δὲ τὸ πνεῦµα
βαστά-
ξας εἰς ἀέρ[α ἄ]ξει σὺν αὑτῷ. εἰς γὰρ Ἅιδην οὐ χ[ω]ρήσει
ἀέριον
180 πνεῦµα συ[σταθὲν] κραταιῷ παρέδρῳ· τούτῳ γὰρ πάντα
ὑπόκειται. ὅταν δὲ θέλῃς τι πρᾶξαι, εἰς ἀέρα λέγε τὸ ὄνοµα
µόνον καὶ· [‘ἐλθέ’, κ]αὶ ὄψῃ αὐτόν, καὶ ἐγγύς σου ἑστῶτα,
καὶ λέγε
αὐτῷ· ‘ποίησον τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον,’ καὶ ποιεῖ παραυτὰ καὶ
ποιήσας ἐρεῖ
σοι· ‘τί ἄλλο βούλει; σπεύδω γὰρ εἰς οὐρανόν.’ ἐὰν δὲ µὴ
ἔχῃς
185 παραυτὰ ἐπιτάξαι, λέγε αὐτῷ· ‘πορεύου, κύριε’, καὶ ἀπελεύ
σεται. οὕτως οὖν ὁ θεὸς ὑπὸ σοῦ µόνου θεωρηθήσεται, οὐδὲ
φωνήν ποτε αὐτοῦ οὐδεὶς ἀκούσει λαλοῦντος, εἰ µὴ σὺ αὐ-

50
 τοϲµον[ ̣]ϲ̣ερειδεϲοιπεροκα̣τακλιϲεωϲανθρωπουηζηϲε
ταιητελ[ ̣ ̣] ̣[ ̣]ϲ̣εικαιποιαηµερ̣ακαιποιαωαραινυκτοϲ
190 δωϲειδε[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αγριαϲβ̣οταναϲκαιπωϲθ ̣ρ̣[ ]̣ ̣ευϲειϲκαιωϲ
θεοϲπρο[ ̣] ̣υνηθηϲειεχωντονθεονφιλ̣[ ̣]νταυταϲευαν̣υϲει
οκρατ ̣ι[ ̣]ϲ̣παραιδροϲταυταουνµηδενιπαραδιδουειµη
µονω ̣[ ̣] ̣ισχινωυϊωιϲουαξιουντιτα ̣[ ̣]ρ̣ηµωνρηθεν
ταενερ ̣[ ̣]µαταδιευτυχειτοδελεγοµενο ̣π̣ροϲ ουδεν

195 ζητειειµηϊαεωβαφρενεµουν καιια̣ ̣βαθαε εϲτιν

ουντου ̣ρωτοφυουϲθεουκαιπρωτογε̣νουϲ
ρυϲτικη
επικαλο ̣µ̣αιϲεκυριεκλυθιµουοαγιοϲθεοϲ[ ̣]εναγιοιϲανα
παυοµ ̣ν̣οϲωαιδοξαιπαρεϲτηκ ̣ϲιδιη ̣ ̣κωϲεεπικα
200 λουµαι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣τ̣ωρκαιδεοµαιϲουαιωναιε̣[ ̣ ̣] ̣ινοκινοκρα
τ̣ωραιω ̣οπολοκρατωρεπιτουεπταµερ[ ̣]ουcτατειϲχαω·
χαωχ ̣ουφχθεθωνϊµεεθηχρινϊα̣µερουµ
ϊαλδαζαω̣βλαθαµµαχωθφρηξαηκε[ ̣] ̣φυηϊδρυ
µηωφερ ̣ριθωϊαχθωωψχεωφιριθµεω ̣ωϲερωθ
205 θαµαϲτ ̣ ̣φατιριταωχϊαλθεµεαχεοτοριζωµαδια
κατεχω ̣οτοϊϲχυρονονοµαεχωντοκα ̣ηγιαϲµενον

51
 τὸς µόν[ο]ς. ἐρεῖ δέ σοι περὶ κατακλίσεως ἀνθρώπου, εἰ
ζήσε-
ται ἢ τελ[ευ]τ[ήσ]ει, καὶ ποίᾳ ἡµέρᾳ καὶ ποίᾳ ὥρᾳ νυκτός.
190 δώσει δέ [σοι καὶ] ἀγρίας βοτάνας καὶ πῶς θερ[α]πεύσεις,
καὶ ὡς
θεὸς προ̣[σ]κυνηθήσει ἔχων τὸν θεὸν φί[λ[ο]ν. ταῦτα εὖ
ἀνύσει
ὁ κραται[ὸ]ς πάρεδρος. ταῦτα οὖν µηδενὶ παραδίδου, εἰ µὴ
µόνῳ σ[ο]υ ἰσχινῷ υἱῷ σου ἀξιοῦντι τὰ π[α]ρ’ ἡµῶν ῥηθέν-
τα ἐνεργ[ή]µατα. διευτύχει.’ τὸ δὲ λεγόµενον πρὸς ἥλιον
οὐδὲν
195 ζητεῖ εἰ µὴ ϊαεωβαφρενεµουν (λόγος) καὶ ια ̣βαθα (λόγος).
Ἔστιν
ο ὖ ν τοῦ πρωτοφυοῦς θεοῦ καὶ πρωτογενοῦς
ῥυστική·
‘ἐπικαλοῦµαί σε, κύριε, κλῦθί µου, ὁ ἅγιος θεός, [ὁ] ἐν
ἁγίοις ἀνα-
παυόµενος, ᾧ αἱ Δόξαι παρεστήκασι διηνεκῶς· σὲ ἐπικα-
200 λοῦµαι, προπάτωρ, καὶ δέοµαί σου, αἰωναῖε,
[αἰωνακ<τ>]ινοκρά-
τωρ, αἰωνοπολοκράτωρ, ἐπὶ τοῦ ἑπταµερ[ί]ου σταθείς χαω·
χαω·χα·ουφ· χθεθωνϊµεεθηχρινϊα̣ µερουµ
ϊ Ἀλδα ζαω βλαθαµµ̣α̣χωθ φριξα ηκ̣ε̣[.].φυηϊδρυ-
µηω φερφ̣ριθω ϊαχθω ψυχεω φιριθµεω [ ̣]ωσερωθ
205 θαµαστ ̣ ̣ φατιρι ταωχ ϊαλθεµεαχε· ὁ τὸ ῥίζωµα δια-
κατέχων, ὁ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν ὄνοµα ἔχων τὸ καθηγιασµένον

52
 [ ̣]π̣οπα ̣ ̣ ̣ναγγελωνεπακουϲονµουοκτιϲταϲδεκα
νουϲκ[ ̣ ̣]ταιουϲκαιαρχαγγελ̣ου ̣ωπαρε̣ ̣τ̣ηκαϲινµυρια
δεϲαγ ̣[ ̣ ̣]ωναφατοικατουρανονψωθηϲανκαικυρι
210 οϲεπεµ[ ̣] ̣τυρηϲεν ̣ηϲοφια̣ ̣ ̣υκαικατηυλο ̣ ̣ ̣εν
ϲουδυν̣ ̣µινκαιειϲ̣ ̣ον̣ ̣οιϲθετ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣αθοµοιοτη ̣ ̣αυ̣ ̣ου
οϲον ̣α̣[ ̣ ̣ ]υτο̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ειε̣ ̣ι ̣αλ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣αιϲεκυριετωνπαντωνενωραιαναγ
γκηϲεπ ̣ ̣ουϲο̣µ ̣ ̣τ̣ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣µουηψυχηκαιαπορου
µαι ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ οκυριεκυριευωνπαντων
215 αγγελω ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲπιϲονµουπροϲπαϲα ̣υπεροχη ̣εξου
cιαϲδαιµονοϲαε ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ναικυριεοτιεπικαλ
ουµαιϲουτοκρ ̣[ ̣ ]τοντοδιηκοναποτουϲτερεωµατοc
επιτηνγηναθηζοφωιµζαδηαγηωββηφιαθεαααµ
βραµιαβρααµθαλχιλθοεελκωθωωηηαχθωνων
220 ϲαιϲακχωηιϊουρθαϲιωιωcϊαϊχηµεωωω
ωαωαεϊαναϲωϲονµεενωραιαναγκηϲλεγε ηοπου
εανκαταληφθηϲ αµαυρωϲιϲ αναγκαια
λαβωνϲτεαρηοφθαλµωννυκτιβαυκαικαικυλιϲµακαν
θαρουκαιφακνι ̣ουµυρουλεοτριβηϲαϲπανταχριεολον
225 τοϲωµα ̣ιονϲουκαιπροϲηλιονλεγεκαιεξορκιζωϲετοµεγα
βορκηφοιουριϊωζιζιλαπ̣αρξεου·χθυ ̣ηλαιλαµ

53
 [ὑ]πὸ πάντων ἀγγέλων· ἐπάκουσόν µου, ὁ κτίσας δεκα-
νοὺς κ[ρα]ταιοὺς καὶ ἀρχαγγέλους, ᾧ παρεστήκασιν µυριά-
δες ἀγγ[έλ]ων ἄφατοι· κατ’ οὐρανὸν ἀνυψώθης, καὶ κύρι-
210 ος ἐπεµ[αρ]τύρησεν τῇ σοφίᾳ σου καὶ κατηυλόγησέν
σου <τὴν> δύναµιν καὶ εἶπέν σε σθένειν καθ’ ὁµοιότητα
αὐτοῦ,
ὅσον κα[ὶ α]ὐτὸ[ς ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ειε̣ ̣ι ̣αλ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣αιϲ σε, κύριε τῶν πάντων, ἐν
ὥρᾳ ἀνάγ-
κης, ἐπάκουσόν µου, ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ ἀποροῦ-
µαι ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ὁ κυριεύων πάντων
215 ἀγγέλων, ὑπεράσπισόν µου πρὸς πᾶσαν ὑπεροχὴν ἐξου
σίας δαίµονος ἀε[ρί]ου ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ναί, κύριε, ὅτι ἐπικα-
λοῦµαί σου τὸ κρυ[π]τὸν ὄνοµα τὸ διῆκον ἀπὸ τοῦ
στερεώµατος
ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν· αθηζοφωιµ ζαδηαγηωβηφιαθεαα Ἀµ-
βραµι Ἀβρααµ θαλχιλθοε ελκωθωωηη αχθωνων
220 σα Ἰσακ χωηϊουρθασιω Ἰωσϊα ϊχηµεωωωω
αωαεϊ, ἀνάσωσόν µε ἐν ὥρᾳ ἀνάγκης’. λέγε ἡλίῳ ἢ ὅπου
ἐὰν κατα[λ]ηφθῇς. Ἀ µ α ύ ρ ω σ ι ς ἀ ν α γ κ α ί α ·
λαβὼν στέαρ ἢ ὀφθαλµὸν νυκτιβαῦ καὶ κύλισµα καν-
θάρου καὶ <ὀµ>φακνίνου µύρου λειοτριβήσας πάντα χρῖε
ὅλον
225 τὸ σωµά[τ]ιόν σου, καὶ πρὸς ἥλιον λέγε· ‘ἐξορκίζω σε τὸ
µέγα
ὄνοµα βορκη φοιουρ ϊω ζιζια̣ α̣πα̣ρξεουχ θυθ̣η λαιλαµ

54
 ααααααιιιιιωωωωϊεωϊεωϊεωϊεωϊεωϊεωϊεω
ναυναξαιαιαιαεωαεωηαωυγρωνποιεικαιεπι ̣ε
γεαθεωρητονµεποιηϲονκυριε αεωωαηεϊηηαω
230 απεναντιπαντοϲανθρωπουαχριδυϲµ ̣ν ϊαωϊω
Col. IV
µνηµονικη
λαβωνχαρτηνϊερατικονγραψονταπρoκειµενα οµερ
µαϊκωκαιγραψαϲωϲπροκειταιαποκλυϲωνειυδωρπηγαι
οναποζπηγωνκαιπιεαυτωεπιηµεραϲζνηϲτηϲεξα

νατοληϲουϲηϲτηϲ πινεδετοαρκουνεϲτινδεταγρα
φοµεναειϲτοπιττακιονκαµβηχαµβρη·ϲιξιωφιαρπον
χνουφιβριντατηνωφριβριϲκυλµααρουαζαρβαµεϲεν
κριφινιπτουµιχµουµαωφακτιωφιαρτωϲιβιβιου
240 βιβιουϲφηϲφηνουϲινουϲιϲιεγωϲιεγωνουχανουχα
λινουχαλινουχαχυχβαχυχβακαξιωχυχβαδητοφωθ  
ιιααοουυηηεεωωταυταποιηϲαϲαποκλυϲονκαι
πιεωϲπροκειταιεϲτινδεκαιτουµελανιουηϲκευητρωγλι
τιϲ ςδϊϲχαδαϲκαρικαϲγφοινικωννικολαωνοϲτεαζ
245 ϲτροβιλιααβραχαζαρτεµιϲιαϲµονοκλωνουκαρδιαϲζ
ϊβεωϲερµαϊκηϲπτεραζυδωρπηγαιονταυτακαυϲαϲποι
εικαιγραφε αµαυρωϲιϲδοκιµηµεγαεργον

55
 αααααα [ιι]ιιι ωωωω ϊεω ϊεω ϊεω ϊεω ϊεω ϊεω ϊεω
ναυναξ αιαι αεω αεω ηαω’ καὶ ὑγρὸν ποίει καὶ ἐπίλε-
γε· ‘ἀθεώρητόν µε ποίησον, κύριε Ἥλιε, αεω ωαη εϊη ηαω,
230 ἀπέναντι παντὸς ἀνθρώπου ἄχρι δυσµῶν ἡλίου ϊω ϊωω (230)
φριξριζεεωα·  
Μνηµονική·
λαβὼν χάρτην ἱερατικὸν γράψον τὰ προκείµενα ὀνόµατα
ζµυρνοµέλανι Ἑρ-
µαϊκῷ καὶ γράψας, ὡς πρόκειται, ἀπόκλυσον ἐς ὕδωρ πηγαῖ-
ον ἀπὸ ζʹ πηγῶν καὶ πίε αὐτὸ ἐπὶ ἡµέρας ζʹ νήστης ἐξ ἀ
νατολῆς οὔσης τῆς σελήνης. πῖνε δὲ τὸ ἀρκοῦν. ἔστιν δὲ τὰ
γρα-
φόµενα εἰς τὸ πιττάκιον· ‘καµβρη χαµβρη· σιξιωφι Ἁρπον
Χνουφι βριντατηνωφριβρισκυλµααρουαζαρβαµεσεν
κριφι νιπτουµι χµουµαωφ Ἀκτιωφι αρτωσι βιβιου
240 βιβιου σφη σφη νουσι νουσι σιεγω σιεγω νουχα νουχα
λινουχα λινουχα χυχβα χυχβα καξιω χυχβα δητοφωθ
ιι αα οο υυ ηη εε ωω.’ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἀπόκλυσον καὶ
πίε, ὡς πρόκειται. ἔστιν δὲ καὶ τοῦ µελανίου ἡ σκευή·
τρωγλῖ-
τις ζµύρνα δραχµαὶ δʹ , ἰσχάδας Καρικὰς γʹ , φοινίκων
Νικολάων ὀστέα ζʹ ,
245 στροβίλια ἄβροχα ζʹ , ἀρτεµισίας µονοκλώνου καρδίας ζʹ ,
ἴβεως ‘Ἑρµαϊκῆς πτερὰ ζʹ , ὕδωρ πηγαῖον. ταῦτα καύσας
ποί-
ει καὶ γράφε. Ἀ µ α ύ ρ ω σ ι < ς > δ ο κ ί µ η . µέγα ἔργον·

56
  λαβωνπιθηκουοφθαλµονηνεκυοϲβιοθανατουταυτατρι
ψαϲϲυνελαιωϲουϲινωκαιβοτανηναγλαοφωτιδοϲτρι
τοροδονλεγε

250 βωνδεαυταεκτωνδεξιωνειϲταευωνυµαλεγετον
γονωϲυποκειταιανοκανουπανοκουϲιρφρηανοκω
ϲωτϲωρωνουιερανοκπεουϲιρεπενταϲηττακο
αναϲτηθιδαιµωνκαταχθονιεϊωερβηθϊωφορβηθϊω
πακερβηθϊωαποµψοεανεπιταξωυµινεγωο οπωϲ
255 επηκοοιµοιγενηϲθεεανδεθεληϲηϲαφαντοϲγενε
ϲθαιχριϲονϲουτοµετωπωνµονονεκτουϲυνθεµατοϲ
καιαφαντοϲεϲηεφοσονχρονονθελειϲεανδεθελη
ϲηϲφεναινεϲθαιαποδυϲεωϲερχοµενοϲειϲανατολην
λεγετοτουτοκαιεϲειδηλοωτικοϲκαιεποπτοϲπαϲιν
260 ανθρωποιϲεϲτινδετοονοµαµαρµαριαωθµαρµα
ριφωγγηποιηcατεµετον εποπτηνπαϲινανθρωποιϲ
εντηϲηµερονηµεραηδηηδηταχυταχυεχελιανκα
απολλωνιακηεπικληϲιϲ
λαβωνκλ ̣ναδαφν ̣ϲεπταφυλλονεχεε̣ντηδεξ[ ̣ ̣] ̣ε̣ιρι
265 καλωντουϲουρανιουcθεουϲκαιχθονιουςδαιµον[ ̣ ̣]γρα
ψονειϲτονκλωνατηcδαφνηcτουcζρυϲτικουϲχ[ ̣]ρα
κτηραϲειϲινοιχαρακτηρεϲοιδε

57
 λαβὼν πιθήκου ὀφθαλµὸν ἢ νέκυος βιοθανάτου καὶ βοτάνην
ἀγλαοφωτίδος (τὸ ῥόδον λέγει) ταῦτα τρί-
ψας σὺν ἐλαίῳ σουσίνῳ, τρί-
250 βων δὲ αὐτὰ ἐκ τῶν δεξιῶν εἰς τὰ εὐώνυµα λέγε τὸν λό-
γον, ὡς ὑπόκειται· Verba Coptica
Verba Coptica
ἀνάστηθι, δαίµων καταχθόνιε ιω Ἐρβηθ ιω Φορβηθ ιω
Πακερβηθ ιω Ἀποµψ, ὃ ἐὰν ἐπιτάξω ὑµῖν ἐγὼ ὁ δεῖνα, ὅπως
255 ἐπήκοοί µοι γένησθε.’ ἐὰν δὲ θελήσῃς ἄφαντος γενέ-
σθαι, χρῖσόν σου τὸ µέτωπον µόνον ἐκ τοῦ συνθέµατος,
καὶ ἄφαντος ἔσῃ, ἐφ’ ὅσον χρόνον θέλεις. ἐὰν δὲ θελή-
σῃς ἐµφαίνεσθαι, ἀπὸ δύσεως ἐρχόµενος εἰς ἀνατολὴν
λέγε τὸ ὄνοµα τοῦτο, καὶ ἔσει δηλωτικὸς καὶ ἔποπτος πᾶσιν
260 ἀνθρώποις. ἔστιν δὲ τὸ ὄνοµα· ‘Μαρµαριαωθ µαρµα-
ριφωγγη, ποιήσατέ µε, τὸν δεῖνα, ἔποπτον πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις
ἐν τῇ σήµερον ἡµέρᾳ, ἤδη, ἤδη, ταχύ, ταχύ.’ ἔχε<ι> λίαν
καλῶς.
Ἀπολλωνιακὴ ἐπίκλησις·
λαβὼν κλῶνα δάφν[ης] ἑπτάφυλλον ἔχε ἐν τῇ δεξ[ιᾷ] χειρὶ
265 καλῶν τοὺς οὐρανίους θεοὺς καὶ χθονίους δαίµον[ας]. γρά-
ψον εἰς τὸν κλῶνα τῆς δάφνης τοὺς ζʹ ῥυστικοὺς χ[α]ρα-
κτῆρας. εἰσὶν οἱ χαρακτῆρες οἵδε·

58
 τονµενπρωτονχαρακτηραειϲτοπρωτονφυλλοντον[ ̣ ̣]υ̣τερον
270 παλινουτωϲειϲτοδευτεροναχριληξεωϲτωνζφυλλωνκαι
τωνζχαρακτηρωνβλ̣επεδεµηαπολεϲηϲφυλλον ̣ϲεαυ
τονβλαψηϲτουτογαρµεγιϲτονϲωµατοϲφυλακτικονενοι
παντεϲυποταϲϲονταικαιθαλαϲϲακαιπετραιφριϲϲουϲι
καιδαιµονεϲφυλακτη̣ρωντην θειανενεργειανην̣περ
275 µελλειϲεχεινεϲτινγαρ̣φυλακτηριονµεγιϲτοντηϲπρα
ξεωϲιναµηδενπτωηθηϲ εϲτινδεηπραξηϲ
λαβωνλυχνοναµιλτωτονϲκευαεϲονονδιαβυϲϲινουρακκουϲ
καιροδινουελαιουηναρδινουκαιϲτολιϲαϲϲεαυτονπρο̣φη
τικωιϲχηµατιεχεεββεννινηνραβδονεντηλαιαιχειρικαι
280 τοφυλακτηριονεντηδεξιαιτουτεϲτιντονκλωνατηϲδα
φνηϲεχεδεενετοιµωλυκουκεφαληνοπωϲανεπιθηϲ
τονλυχνονεπιτηϲκε̣ ̣ ̣ληϲτουλυκουκαιβωµονωµον
ϲτηϲϲαµενοϲε̣γγυϲτηϲκεφαληϲκαιτουλυχνουϊναεπιθυ
ϲηϲτωθεωικαιευθεωϲειϲερχεταιτοθειονπνευµαεϲτιν
285 δετ̣οεπιθυµαλυκουοφθαλµοϲϲτυραξκινναµωµον
βδελ̣λακ̣αι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣εντ̣ιµονεντοιϲαρωµαϲικαιϲπονδηντελε
̣ ̣ν ̣π ̣ο ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣κ̣α̣ ̣µελ̣ι ̣οϲκαιγαακ̣τοϲκαιοµβριουυδατοϲ
[ ̣ ̣]ε̣ιπλακουνταϲζκαιποπαναζταυ ̣αµελλειϲολαπ ̣ιηϲαι
[ ̣ ̣]γ ̣ϲ̣του̣λυχνουεϲτολιϲµενοϲκαιαπεχοµενοϲαπο

59
 τὸν µὲν πρῶτον χαρακτῆρα εἰς τὸ πρῶτον φύλλον, τὸν
[δε]ύτερον
270 πάλιν οὕτως εἰς τὸ δεύτερον, ἄχρι λήξεως τῶν ζʹ φύλλων καὶ
τῶν ζʹ χαρακτήρων. βλέπε δέ, µὴ ἀπολέσῃς φύλλον [καὶ]
σεαυ-
τὸν βλάψῃς· τοῦτο γὰρ µέγιστον σώµατος φυλακτικόν, ἐν ᾧ
πάντες ὑποτάσσονται καὶ θάλασσα καὶ πέτραι φρίσσουσι
καὶ δαίµονες φυλ<άσσονται χαρ>ακτήρων τὴν θείαν
ἐνέργειαν, ἥνπερ
275 µέλλεις ἔχειν. ἔστιν γὰρ φυλακτήριον µέγιστον τῆς πρά
ξεως, ἵνα µηδὲν πτοηθῇς. ἔστιν δὲ ἡ πρᾶξις·
λαβὼν λύχνον ἀµίλτωτον σκεύασον διὰ βυσσίνου ῥάκους
καὶ ῥοδίνου ἐλαίου ἢ ναρδίνου καὶ στολίσας σεαυτὸν
προφη-
τικῷ σχήµατι ἔχε ἐβεννίνην ῥάβδον ἐν τῇ λαιᾷ χειρὶ καὶ
280 τὸ φυλακτήριον ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ, τουτέστιν τὸν κλῶνα τῆς δά-
φνης, ἔχε δὲ ἐν ἑτοίµῳ λύκου κεφαλήν, ὅπως ἂν ἐπιθῇς
τὸν λύχνον ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ λύκου, καὶ βωµὸν ὠµὸν
στησάµενος ἐγγὺς τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ τοῦ λύχνου, ἵνα ἐπιθύ-
σῃς τῷ θεῷ· καὶ εὐθέως εἰσέρχεται τὸ θεῖον πνεῦµα. ἔστιν
285 δὲ τὸ ἐπίθυµα λύκου ὀφθαλµός, στύραξ, κιννάµωµον,
βδέλλα καὶ ὅτι ἔντιµον ἐν τοῖς ἀρώµασι, καὶ σπονδὴν τέλε-
σον ἀπὸ οἴνου καὶ µέλιτος καὶ γάλακτος καὶ ὀµβρίου ὕδατος
ποίει πλακοῦντας ζʹ καὶ πόπανα ζʹ . ταῦτα µέλλεις ὅλα
ποιῆσαι
[ἐγ]γὺ̣ς̣ τοῦ λύχνου, ἐστολισµένος καὶ ἀπεχόµενος ἀπὸ

60
290 π̣α̣ντωνµυϲαρωνπραγµατωνκαιπαϲηϲϊχθυοφαγιαϲ
καιπαϲηϲϲυνουϲιαϲοπωϲανειςµεγιϲτηνεπιθυµιαναγα
πητονθεονειϲϲεεϲτινδεταονοµαταµελλειγραψαι
ειϲτοβυϲϲινονρακοϲκαιελλυχνιαϲειϲειϲτοναµιλτωτονλυχνον
αβεραµενθωουλερθεξαναξενθρελυοωθνεµαραιβαι·
295 αεµινναενβαρωθερρεθωβαβεανιµεαοταντελεϲηϲπαν
ταταπροειρηµενακαλειτηιεπαοιδην̣ αναξαπολλωνελθε
ϲυνπαιηονιχρηµατιϲονµοιπεριωναξιωκυριεδεϲποτα
λιπεπαρναϲϲιονοροϲκαιδελφιδαπυθω
ηµετερωνϊερωνϲτοµατωναφυεγκταλαλουντων
300 αγγελεπρωτευουζηνοϲµεγαλοιοϊαωκαιϲεννουρανι
ονκοϲµονκατεχονταµιχαηλ·καιϲεκαλωγαβριηλπρω
ταγγελεδευρ’απολυµπου·αβραϲαξαντολιηϲκαχαρη
µενοϲϊλαοϲελθοιϲεϲδυϲιναντολιηϲεπιϲκοπιαζει[ ̣ ̣]δωναι
παϲαφυϲιϲτραµ ̣ειϲεπατερκοµοιοπακερβηθ
305 ορκιζωκεφαληντεθεουοπερεϲτινολυµποϲ
ορκιζωϲφρακιδαθεουοπερεϲτινοραϲιϲ
ορκιζωχεραδεξιτερηνηνκοϲµοϲεπεϲχεϲ
ορκιζωκρητηραθεουπλουτονκατεχοντα
ορκιζωθεοναιωνιοναιωνατεπαντων

61
290 πάντων µυσαρῶν πραγµάτων καὶ πάσης ἰχθυοφαγίας
καὶ πάσης συνουσίας, ὅπως ἂν εἰς µεγίστην ἐπιθυµίαν ἀγά-
γῃς τὸν θεὸν εἰς σέ. ἔστιν δὲ τὰ ὀνόµατα, <ἃ> µέλλεις
γράψαι
εἰς τὸ βύσσινον ῥάκος καὶ ἐλλυχνιάσεις εἰς τὸν ἀµίλτωτον
λύχνον·
‘αβεραµενθωουλερθεξ αναξ εθρενλυοω θνεµα ραιβαι·
295 αεµινναε βαρωθερ ρεθωβαβ εανιµεα.’ ὅταν τελέσῃς πάν-
τα τὰ προειρηµένα, κάλει τῇ ἐπαοιδῇ· ‘Ἄναξ Ἀπόλλων, ἐλθὲ
σὺν Παιήονι, χρηµάτισόν µοι, περὶ ὧν ἀξιῶ, κύριε. δέσποτα,
λίπε Παρνάσιον ὄρος καὶ Δελφίδα Πυθὼ
ἡµετέρων ἱερῶν στοµάτων ἄφθεγκτα λαλούντων,
300 ἄγγελε πρῶτε <θε>οῦ, Ζηνὸς µεγάλοιο, Ἰάω, καὶ σὲ τὸν
οὐράνι-
ον κόσµον κατέχοντα, Μιχαήλ, καὶ σὲ καλῶ, Γαβριὴλ πρω-
τάγγελε· δεῦρ’ ἀπ’ Ὀλύµπου, Ἀβρασάξ, ἀντολίῃς κεχαρη-
µένος, ἵλαος ἔλθοις, ὃς δύσιν ἀντολίηθεν ἐπισκοπιάζει[ς,
Ἀ]δωναί·
πᾶσα φύσις τροµέει σε, πάτερ κόσµοιο, Πακερβηθ.
305 ὁρκίζω κεφαλήν τε θεοῦ, ὅπερ ἐστὶν Ὄλυµπος,
ὁρκίζω σφραγῖδα θεοῦ, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ὅρασις,
ὁρκίζω χέρα δεξιτερήν, ἣν κόσµῳ ἐπέσχες,
ὁρκίζω κρητῆρα θεοῦ πλοῦτον κατέχοντα,
ὁρκίζω θεὸν αἰώνιον Αἰῶνά τε πάντων,

62
310 ορκιζωφυϲιναυτοφυηκρατιϲτοναδωναιον
ορκιζωδυνοντακαιανατελλονταελωαιον
ορκιζωτααγιακαιθειαονοµαταταυταοπωϲ
ανπεµψωϲιµοιτοθειονπνευµακαιτελεϲη
αεχωκαταφρενακαικαταθυµον
315 κλυθιµακαρκληζωϲετονουρανουηγεµονηα
καιγαιηϲχαεοϲτεκαιαϊδοϲενθανεµονται
πεµψονδαιµονατουτονεµαιϲϊεραιϲεπαιδαιϲ
νυκτοϲελαυνοµενονπροςταγµαϲιϲα̣ϲ̣υπαναγκηϲ
ουπεραποϲκηνουϲεϲτιντοδεκαιφραϲϲατωµοι
320 οϲϲαθελωιγνωµηιϲιναληθειηνκαταλεξαϲ
πρηϋνµειλιχιονµηδαντιαµηφρονεοντα
µηδεϲυµηνιcηϲεπεµαιϲϊεραιϲεπαοιδαιϲ
αλλαφυλαξοναπανδεµαϲαρκιονεϲφαοϲελθειν
ταυταγαραυτοϲεδαξαϲενανθωποιϲιδαηναι
325 κληζωδουνοµαϲονµοιραιϲαυταιϲειϲαριθµον
αχαϊφωθωθωααϊηϊαηϊααϊηαϊηϊαω
θωθωφιαχαχαιοτανειϲελθηερωτααυτον
περιουθελειϲπεριµαντειαϲπεριεποποιϊαϲ
περιονειροποµπειαϲονειροτηcιαϲπερι
330 ονειροκριτιαϲπερικατακλιϲεωϲπεριπαντων
ο[ ̣]ωνεϲτινεντηµαγικηεµπει ̣ ̣ ̣
ϲτρωϲονδεθρονονκαικλ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ι ̣ ̣ ̣ιαβυϲϲινω
ϲυδεϲταθητιθυωνδιατουπροειρηµενουεπι
θ ̣µατοϲκαιµετατηνεξ ̣ταϲινεανθεληϲ
335 απολυϲαιαυτοντονθεοντηνπροειρηµενην
ε ̣εννινηνραβδονηνεχειϲχειριεντη

63
310 ὁρκίζω Φύσιν αὐτοφυῆ, κράτιστον Ἀδωναῖον,
ὁρκίζω δύνοντα καὶ ἀντέλλοντα Ἐλωαῖον,
ὁρκίζω τὰ ἅγια καὶ θεῖα ὀνόµατα ταῦτα, ὅπως
ἂν πέµψωσί µοι τὸ θεῖον πνεῦµα καὶ τελέσῃ,
ἃ ἔχω κατὰ φρένα καὶ κατὰ θυµόν.
315 κλῦθι, µάκαρ, κλῄζω σε, τὸν οὐρανοῦ ἡγεµονῆα
καὶ γαίης, χάεός τε καὶ Ἄϊδος, ἔνθα νέµονται ...
πέµψον δαίµονα τοῦτον ἐµαῖς ἱεραῖς ἐπαοιδαῖς
νυκτὸς ἐλαυνόµενον προστάγµασιν σῆς ὑπ’ ἀνάγκης,
οὗπερ ἀπὸ σκήνους ἐστὶ τόδε, καὶ φρασάτω µοι,
320 ὅσσα θέλω γνώµῃσιν, ἀληθείην καταλέξας,
πρηΰν, µειλίχιον µηδ’ ἀντία µοι φρονέοντα.
µηδὲ σὺ µηνίσῃς ἐπ’ ἐµαῖς ἱεραῖς ἐπαοιδαῖς,
ἀλλὰ φύλαξον ἅπαν δέµας ἄρτιον ἐς φάος ἐλθεῖν·
ταῦτα γὰρ αὐτὸς ἔταξας ἐν ἀνθρώποισι δαῆναι.
325 κλῄζω δ’ οὔνοµα σὸν Μοίραις αὐταῖς ἰσάριθµον·
αχαϊφω θωθω αϊη ϊαηϊα αϊη αϊη ϊαω
θωθω φιαχα.’ καὶ ὅταν εἰσέλθῃ, ἐρώτα αὐτόν,
περὶ οὗ θέλεις, περὶ µαντείας, περὶ ἐποποιίας,
περὶ ὀνειροποµπείας, περὶ ὀνειραιτησίας, περὶ
330 ὀνειροκριτίας, περὶ κατακλίσεως, περὶ πάντων,
ὅ[σ]ων ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ µαγικῇ ἐµπειρίᾳ.
στρῶσον δὲ θρόνον καὶ κλ[ι]ντήριο[ν δ]ιὰ βυσσίνω[ν],
σὺ δὲ στάθητι θύων διὰ τοῦ προειρηµένου ἐπι-
θ[ύ]µατος. καὶ µετὰ τὴν ἐξέτασιν ἐὰν θέλῃς
335 ἀπολῦσαι αὐτὸν τὸν θεόν, τὴν προειρηµένην
ἐβεννίνην ῥάβδον, ἣν ἔχεις χειρὶ ἐν τῇ

64
 λαιαµετενεγκωνειϲτηνδεξιανκαιτονκλων
α ̣ ̣ηϲδαφνηϲονεχειϲεντηδεξιαχειρι
µετενεγκονειϲτηναριϲτερανκαιϲβεϲον
340 τονκαιοµενονλυχνονκαιχρωτουαυτου
επιθυµατοϲλεγωνοτιιλαθιµοιπροπατωρ
προγενεϲτερεαυτογενεθλιεορκιζωτοπυρ
τοφανενπρωτονεναβυϲϲωι
ορκιζωτηνϲηνδυναµιντηνπαϲιµεγιστην
345 ορκιζωτονφθειρονταµεχρειϲαϊδοϲειϲω
ϊνααπελθηειϲταϊδιαπρυµνηϲιακαιµη
µεβλαψηϲαλλευµενηϲγινουδιαπαντοϲ

65
 λαιᾷ, µετένεγκον εἰς τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ τὸν κλῶν-
α τῆς δάφνης, ὃν ἔχεις ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ χειρί,
µετένεγκον εἰς τὴν ἀριστεράν, καὶ σβέσον
340 τὸν καιόµενον λύχνον καὶ χρῶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ
ἐπιθύµατος λέγων ὅτι· ‘ἵλαθί µοι, προπάτωρ,
προγενέστερε, αὐτογένεθλε· ὁρκίζω τὸ πῦρ
τὸ φανὲν πρῶτον ἐν ἀβύσσῳ,
ὁρκίζω τὴν σὴν δύναµιν, τὴν πᾶσι µεγίστην,
345 ὁρκίζω τὸν φθείροντα µέχρις Ἄϊδος εἴσω,
ἵνα ἀπέλθῃς εἰς τὰ ἴδια πρυµνήσια καὶ µή
µε βλάψῃς, ἀλλ’ εὐµενὴς γενοῦ διὰ παντός.

66
3.2 Translation PGM I

1 A daimon [is received] as an assistant, that will

reveal to you all
2 clearly, [and he will speak with you], eat with
you and sleep with
3 you. Take [ …] two of your fingernails and
4 all the hair [of ] your head and take a Circaean
falcon
5 and deify it in [milk] of a black [cow] after you
have blended
6 it with Attic honey, and […] clothe it with a
colorless rag
7 and put [close] it your fingernails and your
8 hair and take [royal paper] and write with myrrh
on it the following
9 and place in the same way [ together with the] hair
and the fingernails and plaster
10 it with [uncut] frankincense and old wine. So, this
is
11 the writing [on the strip] a ee e e e iiii ooooo yyy
12 yyy o o o o o o o but write them forming two
grapes
a ooooooo
ee yyyyyy

67
 e e e ooooo
i i i i i i i i
ooooo eee
yyyyyy ee
o o o o o o o a
20 And take the milk with the honey and drink it
before the dawn
21 and (you will feel) something divine in your heart.
And take the falcon and set it up
22 in a shrine of juniper wood. And after you have
wreathed the shrine itself
23 make an offering of non-animal food and have old
wine.
24 and before you recline, speak directly to the bird
itself
25 after you have made sacrifice to it, as [you have]
as costum, and say the prescribed spell.
26   a ee e e e iiii ooooo yy[yyy]y o o o o o o o
come to me, good farmer
27 good daimon harpon [knou]phi brintanten siphri
28 briskylma arouazar[...] kriphi nipoumichmoumaorh
29 come to me, holy Orion, [you who lie] in the
North,
30 who make [the currents ]of Nile to roll down and
mix
31 with the sea [ ...] as does the man’s seeding

68
32 in the sexual act, […] who have founded the
world on an unbreakable basis
33 you, the young in the morning [and the old] in the
evening, you who cross
34 the under earth axis and [rise] breathing fire you
who have split the seas in the
35 first month, [who ejaculate] seed from the
[sacred] fig tree of Heliopolis
36 constantly. This is your authentic name arbath
abaoth bakchabre
37 Walking back [...] as in procession set yourself to
38 to consume the food and the dinner and the
aforementioned
39 offering, approaching face to face as companion
40 [.....]. This rite [....]
41 Hide, hide this rite and for [...] days avoid sexual
42 intercourse with a woman.[...] The spell of
Pnouthis, the sacred scribe, for acquiring an
assistant
43 Pnouthios to Keryx, [....], greetings. As one who
knows,
44 I have write for you this [...] for a paredros, to
prevent a failure
45 while you carry out this rite. After detaching all
46 the treatise [bequeathed ....] in countless books
47 [one of all]…. This assistant [....]that is going to
serve you

69
48 … and you will receive this holly paredros
49 to you and only[…] O friend of aerial
50 spirits that raise.. with sacred words
51 pesuade…now I have forwarded this
52 book so you may learn completely. Because the
spell of Pnouthis [have power]
53 to convince the gods and the [goddesses]. Hence
[I will transcribe] you about
54 [the receiving] of the paredros.. This is the
transmission of paredros
55 After you have been preliminary purified yourself
and [...]from any animal food and anything
uncleanly
56 and when there comes a [night you think good go]
up onto a high roof
57 dressed in purified clothes […] say the first spell
of communication
58 when the sun’s orb has begun to disappear[ …]
having
59 a totally black Isis band [on your eyes] and on
your right hand
60 hold the head of a falcon and [when the sun rises]
61 greet it shaking the [head and utter] this
62 sacred spell while you make an offering of uncut
frankincense and rose oil
63 and make the sacrifice [on an earthen] censer on

70
64 the charcoal of the heliotrope plant. [And as you
utter] the spell there will be
65 this sign for you: a falcon [will fly down[ and
stand in front of [you]
66 and after flapping its wings in mid-air [....]an
oblong stone, immediately
67 it will fly up [ascending] to the heavens. [You]
hold this stone
68 and carve it quickly and [engrave it later]. And
when it is engraved and you have bored a hole in
it,
69 pass a thread through it and wear it around [your
neck]. But in the evening
70 go up [again to your] room and standing facing
the dawn light
71 of the goddess, recite the hymnic spell, while you
sacrifice again
72 myrrh troglitis in the same way. Light a fire and
hold a branch of myrtle […]
73 shaking it and [hail] the goddess. Immediately
there will be
74 a sign for you like this: when [a star] has come
down and has stood in the middle
75 of the room and when the star has been [dissolved
before your eyes], you will behold the angel who

71
76 has been invoked and who has [been sent to you],
and you will learn quickly the decisions of the
gods
77 but you, don’t be afraid, move towards the god
and taking his right hand
78 kiss it and say this to the angel
79 because he will soon speak to you about that
which(or ‘what’) you want. But you adjure him
80 with this oath that he will remain always besi de
you
81 and he will not stay silent and he will not disobey
in any way. And when
82 he has firmly accepted the oath, take the hand of
83 the god and go down from the roof and when you
bring him into the narrow place
84 where you dwell, sit (him down). First arrange the
house as it
85 should be and prepare all kind of foods,
Mensedian wine
86 and bring them before the god, with an
uncorrupted boy serving,
87 and maintaining silence until the angel leaves.
88 You address to god the introductory words: I will
have you as a friendly assistant,
89 beneficent god, as my servant whenever I say so,
quickly,

72
 90 with your powers, appear to me on earth, yes, yes
god.
91 And you, reclining, you yourself quickly speak
about what you say
92 Test this oath of the god on what you want. But
when three hours
93 have passed, the god will immediately leap up.
Tell the boy
94 to run to the door and say “Go, lord, blessed god
to
95 where you live eternally, as you wish” and the god
will disappear.
96 This the sacred rite for acquiring a paredros. It is
known that he is
97 the god, he is an aerial spirit, which you have
seen. If you
give him a command, immediately.
98 he will fulfill the task. He sends dreams, he brings
women, men without
99 magical materials, he kills, he destroys, he stirs up
winds from the earth he holds
100 gold, silver, bronze and he gives (them to) you,
whenever the need occurs.
101 He releases from bonds an enchained person in
prison, he opens doors
102 He brings about invisibility, so that nobody can
see you at all, fetches fire, brings water,

73
103 wine, bread, and whatever you want from the
eatable things, olive oil
104 vinegar, with only the exception of fish, he will
bring plenty of vegetables, whatever kind you
desire
105 but as for pork meat- this never tell him to bring it
at all.
106 and when you want to prepare a dinner, tell him
so. Every space
107 you consider decent order him to prepare it (for a
banquet), quickly and without delay
108 Immediately he will put around chambers, gold
ceilings, you will see walls
109 covered with marble. And you will consider some
of them real
110 and the rest just an illusion. Expensive wine,
111 to provide for, to supply the dinner splendidly as
it is proper, rapidly he will bring daimons
112 and those who serve you, he will adorn with belts.
These things he
113 will perform quickly. And when you order him to
fulfill a task
114 he will do so. And you will see him excelling in
other things. He detains ships and again
115 releases them, he stops many evil spirits. He
restrains wild beasts and

74
116 quickly he will break the teeth of ferocious
reptiles, he hypnotizes dogs
117 and makes them voiceless, he transforms you- if
you
118 wish so- into whatever form of beast: one that
flies, swims, a four footed animal,
119 a reptile. He will hold you into the air and again
throw you into the billows
120 of the sea’s current and the waves of the sea. He
will freeze
121 rivers and seas quickly in a way that you can run
122 over them securely, as you want. And if ever you
wish it, he will
123 retain the sea-running foam and whenever you
want to, bring down the stars
124 whenever you wish to turn the warm (things) to
cold and the cold
125 to warm, he will light lamps and extinguish them
again.
126 And he will shake walls and [cause] them to blaze
with fire and he will attend you aptly
127 for whatever you think. O blessed initiate of the
sacred magic, and
128 he will accomplish it for you the mighty assistant
and the only lord
129 of the air, and the gods will agree to
everything(with him) because without him

75
130 nothing exists. Don’t communicate to anyone else
(this spell), but hide it, by Helios,
131 since you have been deemed worthy by the lord
god of this great mystery
132 This is the spell spoken [seven times seven] to
Helios to as adjuration
133 of the assistant amounte inthyph picharour
134 raial karphiouth ymou rothirban ochanau
mounaichanapta
135 zo zon tazo tazo ptazo mauias souori souo oous
136 saraptoumi sarachthi a. . . richamcho birathau
ophau phauo
137 daua auanto zouzo arrouzo zotouar thomnaori
138 ayoi ptaucharebi aouosobiau ptabain aaaaaaa
139 aeeioyoyooieea chachach chachach
charcharachach amoun oei
140 iaeobaphrgnemounothilarikriphiaeyeaiphirkira-
lithon
141 yomenerphaboeai chathach phnescher phichro
phnyro phochochoch
142 iarbatha gramme phibaochnemeo. This is the
spell spoken
143 seven times seven to Helios. This is the inscribed
on
144 the stone Heliodoros’ lion-faced figure holding in
the left

76
145 hand the celestial axis and a whip and around him,
in a circle, a serpent
146 biting its tail. And on the exergue of the stone this
name (write)
147 xxxx and after passing an Anubian string through
it
148 wear it around your neck. The spell to Selene.
Inoutho
149 ptouaumi anharich charaptoumi anocha abithrou

150 acharabaubau barathian ateb douananou aptyr

panor

151 paurach soumi phorba phokiphorbarabau boeth

aza phor rim

152 mirphar zaura ptauzou chothar parachthizou zaith

atiau

153 iabaou katantouml bathara chthibi anoch.

Having said this,

154 you will see a star resolved after a while and
155 transformed into a god. So, you, approaching (him)
and having taken him by the hand,
156 kiss him and say the same spell. Οptaumi naphthaubi
157 maiouthmou metrobal racheptoumi ammochari

158 autheia. ..tamara chiobitam tribomis aracho isari

77
159 rachi iakoubi tauraberomi antabi taubi
When you have
160 said this he will respond. But say to him “what is
your divine
161 name without envy so that I may invoke
162 it. It consists of 15 letters. Souesolyr phthe moth
163 And this is to be said next “come to me King, god of
the gods
164 strong, boundless, undefiled, indescribable, Aion
steadily
165 established, be inseparable from me from this
166 day and all the time of my life. Then
167 ask him according to the same oaths. If he tells you
the name, you
168 take his hand, descend the downstairs, recline him
(for dinner) as
169 aforementioned, putting before him food and drink
which you
170 partake of. When you release him, after his
departure,
171 sacrifice to him what is prescribed. Make a wine
offering, and in this way
172 you will be friend of the mighty angel. When you are
away from home
173 he will accompany you, when you are indigent, he
will give you money, he will tell you the
174 future and when and what time of the night or day, if

78
175 someone asks you “what I have in my soul?” or
“what happened to me?” or
176 “what will happen to me?” ask the angel and he will
tell you wordlessly, you
177 tell to the questioner as if (the answer comes) from
yourself. When you die, he will shroud your body as
worthy of a god and holding your spirit,
178 he will carry it into the air with him, because it does
not go to Hades aerial spirit
179 united with the powerful assistant, since to him are
all
180 subjected. Whenever you want to do something, just
say his name to the air
181 and “come down” and you will see him, standing
next to you. Then tell
182 him “Do this task” and he will immediately, and
after doing it he will say to
183 you, “what else do you want?” I am in a hurry to (go
back) to heaven.
184 If you do not have more
185 to order him immediately, say to him “Go, lord” and
he will leave.
186 So, in this way, the god will be seen by you alone,
nor
187 will anyone ever hear his voice speaking, just you
yourself

79
188 alone. He will tell you about the illness of a man
whether he will live
189 or die, on what day and at what hour of night
190 And he will also give you wild herbs and the power
to cure
191 and as god you will be [worshipped] having a god as
friend. These
192 things the mighty assistant will accomplish. So, do
not give to
193 anyone these (things) except your own son, when he
claims
194 the activities transmitted by us. Farewell. The
address to the sun
195 needs nothing except (the formula)
iaeobaerhrenemoun and (the formula) iarbatha So,
this is the (invocation)
196 for the first-begotten and first-born son god
197 Protective
198 I summon you, lord, hear me god, holy god, who
among the holy ones
199 rest, at whose side Doxai stand forever.
200 I call upon you, [first] father, I pray to you eternal,
eternal bearer of the sun’s rays
201 eternal ruler of the celestial sphere, standing upon the
seven-parts chao

202 chao cha ouph chthethonimeethechρinia meroum

203 i alda zao blathammachoth phrixa eke . . . phyeidry

80
204 meo pherphritho iachtho psycheo phirithmeo
roseroth

205 thamastra phatiri taoch ialthemeache; you who

hold the deep root
206 who posses the mighty name, the consecrated
207 by all angels. Hear me you, the establisher
208 of the mighty decans and archangels, whom stand by
209 ineffable myriads of angels. You have been arised to
heaven and the lord
210 became witness of your wisdom and has blessed
211 your power… his resemblance...
212 as much strength as he himself has....lord of
everything, in an hour of need;
213 listen to me.... my soul .... and I am confused
214 .....you who master over all
215 angels; protect me against all the supreme power of
216 aerial daimon .....because I invoke y
217 our secret name which reaches from the firmament to
218 the earth. Athezophoim zadeageobephiatheaa am
219 brammi abraam thalchilthoe elkothooee achthonon
220 sa isak choeiourthasio iosia ichemeo o o  o
221 aoaei save me the hour of need Say this to Helios or
222 whenever you need to do so. Necessary spell of
invisibility
223 Having taken fat or an eye of a night owl and
224 having ground them all together until smooth, smear
all

81
225 your body and say to Helios: I adjure you by your
great
226 name borke phoiour io zizia aparxeouch thythe
lailam

227 aaaaaa iiiii ieo ieo ieo ieo ieo ieo ieo

228 naux ai aeo aeo eao dampen it and say

229 in addition: make me invisible, Lord Helios, aeo oae
eie eao
230 before any man until sunset io io
232 o phrixrizo eoa memory spell
233 Having taken hieratic papyrus write the prescribed
names with Hermaic myrrh ink.
234 And once you have written them as it is prescribed,
wash them off into spring water
235 from seven springs and drink it on empty stomach
for seven days
236 while the moon is in the east. But drink sufficient.
These are the
237 written on the strip of the papyrus: kambre chambre
sixiophi harpon

238 chnouphi bnntatenophnbriskylma araouazar

bamesen

239 kriphi niptoumi chmoumaoph aktiophi artose bibiou

240 bibiou sphe sphe nousi nousi siego siego noucha

noucha

241 linoucha linoucha chychba chychba kaxio chychba

detophoth

82
242 ii aa oo e e ee o o After doing these wash the
writing off and
243 drink as is prescribed. This is the preparation of the
ink: myrrh
244 troglitis 4 drachms, 3 karian figs, 7 pits of Nikolaus
dates, 7
245 dried pinecones, 7 piths of single-stemmed
wormwood,
246 7 wings of Hermaic ibis, spring water. Having burnt
these, prepare and write.
247 Tested spell for invisibility. A great work
248 Having taken an eye of an ape or a corpse that has
died violently,
249 rub this with oil of lily, and while you are rubbing
from the right to the left, say the spell
250 as follows: [verba Coptica]
253 Rise up, infernal daimon io erbeth io phobeth io
254 Pakerbeth io apomps. If I, the NN, order you to do
(something),
255 be obedient to me. And if you wish to become
invisible
256 smear just your forehead with the mixture
257 and you will be invisible during the time you wish.
And if you wish
258 to be visible, move from west to east and
259 pronounce this name and you will be seen and
visible to all

83
260 men . The name is marmarioth
261 marmariphegge Make, xx, visible to all on this day,
immediately, immediately,
quickly, quickly. It works very well.
263 Apollonian invocation
264 Take a seven-leafed sprig of laurel and hold it in
your right hand
265 while you call the celestial and chthonic gods. Write
266 on the sprig of laurel the seven protective characters
267 The characters are these:
269 the first character onto the first leaf, the second
270 again in the same way on the second (leaf) until
finish the seven leafs and
271 the seven characters. Watch not to lose a leaf
272 and harm yourself. Because this is the body’s
greatest protective amulet, to which
273 all are subjected, and seas and rocks tremble
274 and the daimons try to be protected from the divine
energy which
275 you are going to have. Because it the greatest
protective amulet for
276 the ritual so as not to fear anything. This is the rite
277 Take a lamp not colored red and prepare it with fine
linen cloth
278 and rose oil or oil of spikenard and dress yourself in
a prophetic
279 garment and hold an ebony staff in the left hand and

84
280 the protective amulet in the right, which is the sprig
of laurel
281 Have ready a wolf’s head, so that you can put
282 the lamp on the wolf’s head and an altar of unbaked
clay
283 set up near the head and the lamp, so that you may
sacrifice
284 on it to the god, and immediately the divine spirit
enters. The
285 offering is a wolf’s eye, storax gum, cassia,
286 balsam gum and whatever is value among the spices
and make a libation of
287 wine and honey and milk and rainwater.
288 and make 7 flat cakes and 7 round cakes. All these
you are going to make
289 near to the lamp, dressed and abstaining from
290 all the unclean things and from all eating of fish
291 and from all sexual intrecourse, so that you may
bring the god into the greatest
292 desire to you. These aret he names you are going to
write
293 on the linen cloth and which you will put as a wick
into the lamp, not painted red
294 aberamenthooulerthexanaxethrenlyoothnemaraibai

295 aeminnaebaro therrethοbabeanimea. When you have

performed

85
296 all the aforesaid invoke (the god) with this song
“Lord Apollo, come with Paian
297 give me an answer to what I ask, Lord
298 Master leave mountain Parnassos and the Delphic
Pytho
299 because our mouths utter unutterable words.
300 First angel of the god, of great Zeus, IAO
301 and you who domain the heavenly cosmos, Michael
302 I call also you Archangel Gabriel, come here from
Olympos
303 Abrasax, rejoicing in dawns, come graciously
304 who look upon the sunset from the dawn Adonai
305 all nature trembles in front of you, father of the
world,
306 I adjure you by god’s head, which is Olympos
307 I adjure you by god’s seal, which is vision
308 I adjure you by the right hand that you held over the
cosmos
309 I adjure you by eternal god, aion of all
310 I adjure you self growing nature, almightiest
Adonaios
311 I adjure you by setting and rising Eloaios
312 I adjure you by these sacred and divine names
313 that they send me the godly spirit and fulfill
314 what I have in my mind and my soul
315 Listen, blessed one, I summon you leader of sky
316 and earth and Chaos and Hades where…

86
317 send me this daimon through my sacred charms,
318 who by night is driven following the orders of your
compulsion
319 from whose own tent this come and let him tell me.

320 everything I have in my mind, speaking the truth

321 (Send him) gentle, gracious, without thinking
anything against me
322 neither you be wroth towards my sacred chants
323 but take care that my entire body comes to light
intact
324 because you arrange these things among the
humankind in order to be taught
325 I call your name in number equal to the Moirai
326 achaiphothothoaieiaeiaaieaieiao
327 thothophiacha and when he enters ask him
328 about what you want, about the prophecy, about
divination through epic verses
329 about the sending of dreams, about the requesting of
a dream, about
330 the interpretation of dreams, about the striking with
disease
331 about everything that forms the magical experience.
332 Cover a throne and a couch with a cloth of linen,
333 but remain standing up while you sacrifice with the
abovementioned
334 burnt offering. After the enquiry, if you want

87
335 to release the god himself, shift the aforementioned
336 ebony staff that you are holding in the left
337 hand to the right hand and shift the sprig of
338 laurel that you are holding to the right hand
339 to your left hand and extinguish
340 the burning lamp and use the same
341 burnt offering while saying: be propitious to me, first
father
342 eldest-born, self-engendered. I adjure the fire
343 which first appear in the abyss
344 I adjure your power, the greatest of all
345 I adjure him who destroys as far as in Hades
346 so you may leave for your ships, and don’t
347 harm me, but be forever well disposed.

88
3.3 Paleographic Commentary

1. π αρε̣δρικωϲ : The horizontal stroke of the ε is abraded. The ω is

closed at the top, as if the scribe changed his mind and instead of an
ω he tried to write an ο. Perhaps he was not sure about the right
orthography of the word.
προϲ̣: Pa. restored the letter as θ. There is a lunate shape, which
could be interpreted as ϲ, but there is clearly ink above it in a form
very similar to a θ. Although I cannot explain the ink above the ϲ, Ι
have chosen to restore the letter as c because the ductus of the letter,
to my eyes, matches more closely to that of ϲ rather than of θ which
is usually shaped in oval with a cross bar in the middle exceeding
the margins of the oval.
Προϲ[λαµβανεται: I have choosen this because the text speaks
about λήψις.
ωϲ: These two letters are slightly abraded and the ω is written
higher than the other letters.
In the first line Pr. change the clause of purpose that is in the
original text to relative clause. I believe that it is unnecessary,
because the syntaxis is correct.
2. κ ̣ ̣: Pr., Pa και
The letters are almost entirely abraded. From the first letter, what
has been left on the surface indicates a rounded letter such as ο, α
etc.
3. δ̣υϲχ̣̣: Pr. ουϲ Pa δυο
The left part of the δ is abraded.

89
̣τ ου: There is ink before the letter τ at the upper part, but I consider
it too risky to speculate about its identity because of the extensive
abrasion of the surface.
4 τριχα̣[ ϲ: Pr. Pa τριχα[ϲ
There is a rounded letter with its right part lost in the lacuna.
Although its context helps us to restore an α there, I have prefer to
dot it because out of its context it is hard to say whether we have an
α or an ο.
κε] φ̣ ̣λ̣η̣ϲ: Pr. κε]φαλης Pa ....ηϲ
Of the first dotted letter, its right part is lost in the lacuna, and of the
other half, the lower part is abraded but its particular way of
formation makes it recognizable. Of the second dotted letter,
apparently an α, only traces of a left descending stroke (/) have
remained. Λ, although abraded, is readable.
5. ] ̣ϲµε̣λαινηϲ: Pa ς̣] µελαινης Pr. βο]οϲ µελαινηϲ
The first dotted letter is almost lost in the lacuna. There is only a
flake of ink surviving from it upper right part. The second dotted is
abraded but seems to have a lunate shape which fits with the
context.
6. αττικον̣ ̣ ̣ ̣: Α τ was forgotten and added later, so it is written
above the α. The last letter of the word, a ν is all damaged except
for its first vertical stroke, a fact that makes it unreadable out of its
context and explains the dot. The other letters are abraded and only
minimum traces of their very upper parts remain.
̣ ̣ ̣ ̣η̣δ ευϲον: Only undistinguishable minimum traces of letter.
7. τιθ̣ε̣ι̣δ̣ ̣: Pr. Pa τιθει

90
The cross bar of θ is abraded and, in isolation, could be also
considered as ο. The upper half of ε, and δ have also suffered
abrasion. Some traces of ink from the very tops of the letters have
survived. After these, there is a minimal trace of ink belonging to
the bottom of the damaged letter.
̣υ το: Pr. Pa αυτου
After the lacuna, the surface is abraded and what we can see is a
very faint stroke descending from left to right. (\).
8. χα[ ̣] ̣ιον: Pr. χάρτην καθαρον, Eit. χαλκοῦν γραφίον, Abt- Wü
ϲοι γραφε, Hein. χαρτίον βασίλειον Pa. [ϲ//////νονϲυ γραφε
Before the ι there is ink at the middle letter height, albeit, insuffient
to help the identification of the letter. Eitrem’s and Hein.’s
restorations are more loyal to the text in the papyrus. I preferred
Hein.’s because it is common in the corpus to find instructions
about the quality of the paper needed for the fulfillment of the
recipe, and it has (always) to be of the best quality.
11. ]α̣κιω: Pr., Pa ]ακιω
What remains from the letter is the down part of a descending
stroke from left to right (\).
20. µ ̣λιτι: Pa. [µελιτι] Pr. µελιτι
A split running down the papyrus has damaged almost the entirety
of the letter. I am able to see a stain of ink at the middle letter
height.
21. καρ ̣ιαι: Pr., Pa καρδιαι
The letter is abraded. There is only ink belonging at the top of the
letter.
λ̣αβων: Pr., Pa λαβων

91
The letter is abraded. A descending right to left stroke is visible (/).
24. λεγεα ̣τικρυϲ: Pr. λεγεα ντικρυϲ Pa. [ιϲτα] αντικρυϲ
There is a split just before the letter which has affected it. There is
ink at the bottom of the letter and a vertical stroke. The
interpretation of Pa. is incorrect.
25. εθοϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ε̣ι ̣:Pr.ωϲεθοϲεχειϲ Pa. ωϲεθοϲεϲτι
There is a lacuna that has damaged the letter. Only some ink from
the very top of the letters remains on the papyrus. The last dotted
letter is an a(?) that has been damaged by a split. A vertical stroke is
still visible.
27. δ[ ̣] ̣µων: Pr., Pa δ[αι]µων
I think there is a minimal trace of ink at the very top of the letter,
and therefore I preferred to dot it instead of putting it in brackets.
αρπον ̣[ ̣]ο̣[ ̣]φι: Pr. αρπον [κνου]φι Pa. αρπον [χνουφι]
The first dotted letter is almost entirely lost in the lacuna. Only a
minimal trace of ink has remained before the lacuna at the upper
part of the letter. The under-dotted letter is an a, rounded but
abraded.
29.{α̣}οε: Pa. ο ε Pr. ε
It seems more like a blot of ink. I am quite sure that the scribe,
having made a mistake, wrote an α instead of ο. This o does not
appear in the edition by Pr.
31. θ̣ ̣ ̣αττη: Pr., Pa. θαλαττη
The under-dotted letter is a rounded letter. The context suggests the
solution of a θ, but seen in isolation, this is not clear because its
crossing stroke is totally abraded. From the dotted letters only
minimal traces of ink have survived at the upper part of the letter.

92
καιαλλ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]̣α̣ι̣:Pr. και αλλ[οιωνζω]η Pa. αλ[λα/////η]
καθωϲ ̣ερ̣: Pr. Pa. καθωϲπερ
From the dotted letter, only a descending stroke from right to left
(/) is still discernable. The under-dotted letter is a rounded one, but
as the vertical stroke of the expected ρ is missing I preferred to dot
it.
32. ϲπορα̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ηι ̣αρρ ω̣ ̣ϲτ̣η:Pr. ϲποραν ε̣π̣[ι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣βαϲει]αρραιστω
(l.αρρωϲτη) Pa. [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣κ//////// ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]
Next to ρ seems to be rounded letter, as we would expect. Then,
there is an abraded stain of ink at the middle letter height. The last
letter before the lacuna has the form of a reversed v, and it could be
a λ or a µ, or even an α. Regarding the letters after the lacuna I am
uncertain because they are abraded. Some ink seems to exist before
the α, but this might be a fiber from the papyrus. Although there is
enough ink, I am not able to identify the letter below the other
letter. It is too small and looks like a blot of ink.
33. οπρωϊαϲναιοϲκαιο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]βυτηϲ: Pa.ο πρω[τ]α [̣̣̣ και ̣ ̣]
///////αυτη(ϲ) Pr. ο πρωϊαϲνεαροϲκαιο[ψε πρεσ]βυτηϲ.
Pa. was confused with the dieresis of the ι and read it as τ.
Regarding νεαροϲ, this must be a mistake because only 5 letters are
present, not 6.
34: πο̣λ[ ̣]νκαιπ̣ ̣ ̣ι̣ ̣ ̣εοϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ωνοδτα : Pa.
The abrasion and the lacuna make the reading doubtful. Perhaps,
with close scrutiny, it s possible to discern the shadow of a ν before
εος and this argues in favor of the word πυριπνεος, however, I have
to stress that before ι, what remains on the papyrus does nor

93
indicates a ρ. It seems to be a big letter formed by an arc facing
rightwards.
35. νιαο[ ̣]οναϲ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ιτο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ινεον: Pa.νιαϲ ̣ναϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣///////ινεον] Pr.
νι α ο γοναϲ [ιειϲ ε]π̣ι τ̣[ο ιερον ερ]ινεον
The majority of the letters are partly damaged or abraded, and
categorical identification is too risky.
36.νε κεω ̣ ̣ ̣υ̣[ ̣ ̣]α̣υθεν[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] :Pa. νεκεωϲ [ ̣ ̣αυθεν ̣]/////// Pr.
διηνεκεωϲ (l. διηνεχεωϲ) [το]υ[το] αυθεν[τικον ϲου]
From the dotted letters, only flecks of ink have survived. From the
first under-dotted letter, the left upper part has survived- a loop-
which matches with the υ. The second under-dotted letter is a
rounded letter.
37. π ̣µποµ̣ε̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣α ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]: Pa. πεµ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣//////[αϲ]////// Pr. πεµποµε[νο]ϲ [δε]
αβ[λαυτοϲιθι]
Some letters have been lost in the lacuna an only small traces of ink
remain at the bottom. After α,m there is some ink, but so little that I
am not able to restore it.
38. πρ ̣ϲ̣χρηϲιντηϲβρωδ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]: Pa. προϲχρηϲιντηϲ βρω[ϲεωϲ
του]διπνου Pr. προϲχρηϲιντηϲ βρω[ϲεωϲ κα]ι του διπνου
πρ ̣ϲ: Abraded letter. Τhere is only a small trace of ink at the bottom
of the letter. An arc facing rightwards forms the under-dotted letter.
39. ̣νηϲπαραθεcεωϲπ̣[ ] ̣τ̣ο̣ϲτοµα: Pa. µενηc
παραθεσεωc/////////ϲτοµα Pr. µενηϲ παραθεcεωc [πελαζων] το
ϲτοµα
̣ ̣νηϲ: The lower part of the letters is abraded and I cannot identify
them.

94
40. λο̣ϲο̣ ̣ ̣ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲ̣ι̣αικ̣ε̣[ - c.16] ̣[ ̣]π̣ραξι ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa.
[λ///////ϲταικ ̣]//////////////////πραξ//////
Pr. λοcτ[ω θεω]ειλικρ[ινειαν δεεχει παϲαν] η πραξιc [αυτη] (l.
τωθεω ω]cηλικε[ϲ]
After λοc I think we have a rounded letter, and the letter I have
restored as ι exists on the papyrus as a tall descending stroke (/).
41. κρυβεκρυβ ̣[ ̣]ηνπρ[̣: Pa. κρυβε κρυβ[ε][τηνπρ////////ϲ̣ Pr. κρυβε
κρυβ[ε]τηνπρ[αξιν και απε]χε
The expected ε of κρυβε is lost but I think there is a minimal trace
of ink at the middle letter height and a dot is a more accurate
assessment than brackets.
42. ϲυνουϲιαϲαιγυναικι̣ : Pa. ϲυνουϲ[ια ̣ ̣αι] γυναικ[ι]
In the restoration by Pr. there is an evident problem with the space.
The π-if it is- cannot possibly be the π of Pnouthios. There is much
more space than would be required for just three missing letters.
43.  πνουθιουκηρυκιο̣υ̣: Pa. [̣̣̣ ̣υτιου] κηρυκι[ου Pr.
πνουθιουκηρυκιϲ̣ε̣
The beginning of this line is problematic. There is a cross, and over
it the stroke of the paragraphos. However, before these, in the
margin there is a letter. To my eyes it seems like an α or η, and
below, a symbol in the form of reverse interrogative. Paragraphos
is obviously used to separate the recipes. The cross could be also
explained by the epistolary form of the recipe. It was common to
open a letter with a cross.
44.προϲετα̣ξαϲοι ̣η̣νδε: Pa. προϲεταξα[ϲοι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] Pr.
προϲεταξαϲοι[τo]νδε

95
Before the ν there is ink, but not in rounded shape. There is a clearly
visible vertical stroke, therefore I preferred to restore it as η.
45.επιτελο̣ ̣ ̣τ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣δετ̣[]ι̣ν: Pa. επι τε///////[δει///////////ον] Pr.
επιτελ[ουν]τα [τη]νδε[την πραξιν]
The surface is damaged and only ink from the top of the letters
remains on the papyrus.
46. τα̣καταλε̣ιπ ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]: Pa. τα καταλ[αµ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣/////////[εκ] Pr. Τα
καταλει[ποµενα ηµινεν] βιβλοιϲ.
Only ink from the central part of the letters remains. Ε has lost its
half upper part and π its horizontal stroke. Although ink remains
from the other letter dotted letters, I cannot distinguish what they
could be.
47. ̣ ̣ε̣νπαν ̣ω̣ντ̣α̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣τουντα: Pa.[ ̣ ̣ ̣νιοϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣τεο]//////////// Pr. τα [ε]ν
παν[των]ληα ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣<υπηρετ>ουντα
For the first two letters, although we can reconstruct them from the
previous line, the ink is disturbed. E is abraded and for ̣ω̣ν, I am not
quite sure where the individual letters start and where they stop.
After the lacuna there is a small diagonal stroke (/) at the lower part
of the letter.
48. δ ̣ονεπεδα̣ ̣α̣αϲο̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]: Pa. δρονειϲ [δεµαϲ ̣ ̣ ̣///////////αγιον] Pr.
δρον επεδει[ξ]α αϲο[ ̣ ̣ ̣παρεδρον]
I think Pr.’s restoration is not paleographically supported. Ξ is a
quite big letter with a characteristic form, and in this part of the
papyrus the abrasion is extensive, but I cannot ascertain there is a
letter totally missing, or, at least a space where a ξ could fit.
Moreover, where the ξ is supposed to be there is ink at the top of the

96
letter and instead of a horizontal stroke there is a mark resembling
an inverted ‘v’.
49.µονουαọ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ν̣ ̣οϲ: Pa. [µε ̣νουα ̣ ̣ //////// ̣ ̣ ̣οϲω]φιλ ̣ ̣αεριον Pr.
υµαϲ και µονον αι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣τοϲ, ω φιλαι αεριον
After α there is an arc facing down. Then there is a tiny trace of ink.
50. ̣ ̣ε̣υµατωνεωρουµ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ε: Pa. πνευµατων θωρουµενωνδε Pr.
πνευµατων χωρουµ[ενων] ̣ ̣ ̣µε
The first two letters have lost their upper part. At the lower part we
have four damaged vertical strokes. Ε has also lost its upper part.
On the papyrus there is a damaged θ, with its cross bar easily
visible.
51. πειϲαντεϲεϲχοµ ̣: Pa. πειϲαντεϲϲε[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣///////// ̣ ̣δε Pr.
πειϲαντεϲεϲοµ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣νυ]ν
Χ is easily distinguishable in the papyrus. After µ there is a very
small trace of ink at the bottom of the letter.
52. ϊν̣ ̣κµαθηϲ: Pa., Pr. ϊνεκµαθηϲ
53. παϲαϲ ̣ ̣: Pa. παϲαϲ ̣ ̣ Pr. παϲαϲ τα[ϲ
Only flecks of ink have survived from middle height of the letters.
54. παρε ̣ρουλη̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣ϲ: Pa. παρεδρο [ ̣λ Pr. παρεδρου λ[
55. γνευϲα̣ϲη ̣ ̣ ρ̣: Pa., Pr. γνευcαc και
I am not sure about the letter η. As it is formed, it could be also a κ.
56. ̣ιαcκ ̣ ̣ενοιαβουλει: Pa., Pr. ϲιαϲκαιενοιαβουλει
I am not able to read the dotted letters because they are very
abraded and only dispersed traces of ink remain.
δωµατοϲενθεν ̣: Pa. αλλου Pr. υψηλου
The proposals of the previous editors are incorrect. In the papyrus,
the letters are clear enough for accurate identification.

97
57. ενδε̣δυ̣µενο̣ϲ̣κ ̣θαρ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa.εν ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣µεν ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ Pr. ενδεδυµενοϲ
καθαρωϲ
Letters seriously damaged or abraded.
58. ̣ ̣ογιν ̣ηϲ ̣ελ̣ειαϲ̣: Pa. [ ̣ ̣ ̣εν ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] Pr. απογτηϲ..ελειαϲ
60.κ̣ ̣φ̣ ̣[-c .8- ]ν ̣τελλοντοϲ: Pa. κεφα[λην πριν α]νατελλοντοϲ Pr.
κεφα[λην και α]νατελλοντοϲ
κ̣ ̣φ̣ :̣ The half upper part of κ is totally abraded. The next letter is
abraded. Then there is a vertical stroke that goes down to the
interlinear space. The last letter before the lacuna is also very
abraded.
ν ̣τελλοντοϲ: There is a lacuna causing damage to the letter.
61.καταϲειωντηνκε[: Pr. καταϲειωντηνκεφ[αPa.
καταϲειωντηνκε[
62. επιθυωνλιβα ̣[: Pr. επιθυωνλιβανον α[ Pa. επιθυωνλιβα[
λιβα ̣: Only the lower part of a stroke descending from right to left
(/) remains.
63. επιϲπενδωνεπιθυϲα[ ]νου Pr. επιθυϲαϲ [επι γηι]νου
θυµιατηριου Pa. επιθυϲαϲ [και του] θυµιατηριου
ε̣ ̣α̣νθ ̣: Pr. επ ανθρ Pa. [επ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]. The lower parts of the letters are
abraded.
64.ηλιοτροπιου ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ϲται: Pr. ηλιοτροπιου β[οτανηϲ ε]ϲται Pa.
ηλιοτροπιου /////ϲται.
There is ink at the very bottom of the letter, but in shape that I
cannot identify.
65. ϊεραξκ ̣τ̣: Pr. ιεραξ κατ[ Pa. ιεραξ ̣ ̣ ̣ Abraded letters.
66.] ̣µηκη: Pr. ευµηκη Pa. ευ]µηκη There is a vertical stroke visible.
69. περι :̣ Pr. περιτ[ον Pa. περι [τον

98
There are traces of ink of the bottom of the letter. They seem to
belong to a descending stroke (/).
70. δωµατιονϲ̣[]νκαι: Pr. δωµατιονϲ[ου παλι]νκαι Pa. δωµατιον/////
ε]ν και
71. λεγετονυµ[]τον[ ̣]ε: Pr. λεγετονυµ[νικον]τονδε Pa. .
λεγε[τονλογον]τονδε
76.βουλα ̣ ̣υ ντοµωϲ: Pr. Pa βουλαϲ ϲυντοµωϲ
Minimal trace of ink.
78. κατ ̣[ ̣ ̣] ̣ηϲον: Pr. Pa κατ[αφιλ]ηϲον
After τ there is a rightwards descending stroke (\) which could be
the descending stroke of the α, but out of context, it could also be
seen as the descending part of the λ. Regarding the second dotted
letter, the remnants suggest a λ but as the left part is damaged we
cannot exclude the possibility of an α.
79. ̣ϲ̣: Pr. Pa ωϲ προϲ
There is ink at the lower right part of the letter insufficient-to my
eyes- to be identified.
80. ̣ο πωϲ:
Only an almost vertical stroke at the right part of the letter has
survived.
81. προϲ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]: Pr. προϲι[γηϲη Pa προα[πιη
There is a vertical stroke after c. About the restoration of Pr. as
προσι[γήσῃ µη]δὲ  I  doubt  that  in  this  space  six  letters  could  fit.  

In  the  same  space  in  the  next  line,  he  has  restored  only  three  

letters.    

99
82.   ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣δ ω: The first dotted letter has lost its right part. However,
it is clear that it is a lunate or a circular letter. From the second,
there is only a trace of ink at its lower right part.
83. καταπηδα ̣: There is still visible the upper part of a vertical
stroke.
84. ̣ρ ωτον: It seems that there is a vertical stroke before π.
85. ̣α ντοια: There is a vertical stroke before α.
86. ̣ϲτον: There is a vertical stroke before ϲ.
υπηρετουντ ̣ϲ̣: There is a small lacuna that has damaged the upper
part of the letters. C is still recognizable but the next letter is not.
87. ο̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣]ελοϲ: Traces of ink belonging to a rounded letter.
101. δεϲµων̣ ̣αλυϲεϲι: Pr. Pa δεϲµων [α]λυϲεϲι
I think there is a minimal trace of ink very close to λ.
102. ̣αθολου: Pr. Pa [κ]αθολου
There is a small trace of ink at the lower edge of the lacuna.
105. χοιρο ιον̣[ ̣] ̣υτο: Pr. Pa χοιριον [τ]ουτο
107: ̣υπρ ̣ποϲ: Pr. Pa ευπρεπωϲ
Letters abraded and I can distinguish that the penultimate letter is o.
109. µ̣ ̣ρµαρ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τ̣αϲ: Pr. µαρµαρωθε̣[ν]τ̣αϲ Pa. µαρµαρωθ[εντα]ϲ
Letters abraded.
112. κοϲµη ̣ ̣ ̣ταυτ :̣ Pr. κοϲµηϲει Pa. κοϲµη[ϲει]
The lower part of the letter is lost in the lacuna and the ink survived
is abraded.
113. ̣υ ̣ ̣ ̣µωϲ: Pr. Pa ϲυντοµωϲ
Letters abraded and partly lost in the the lacuna.
The following lines has suffered a crack that caused a lacuna across
them. At the adge of the lacuna there are abraded letters

100
114. π̣ρ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ϲ̣α̣ντα: Pr. προ[τερη]ϲαντα Pa [προ./////...οντα] Wu
πρω[τευ]οντα
117. κο ̣ ̣ιζ ̣ ̣και: Pr. Pa κοιµιζει και
119. ̣ρπ ̣τουβαϲταϲ̣ει :̣ Pr. Pa ερπετου βαϲταξει ϲ[ε ειϲ]
123. ̣ ̣τ ̣αφροναλ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣αι: Pr. τον αφρον αλι[δροµ]ον και Pa τον
αφρον αν////..αι]θεληϲτα θερµα
124. θελη [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣µ̣α: Pr. Pa θεληϲ [τα θερ]µα
127.ε̣ι ̣ ̣α̣νεπ ̣ν̣οηϲηϲ ̣ω̣µ̣[ ] ̣ ̣µυϲτα: Pr.ειϲ αν επινοηϲηϲ ω µα[καρι]ε
µυϲτα Pa [ει...ον επευ.νησωµαι////...] υϲτατηϲ
128. τ̣ε̣λ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣οκρατιϲτοϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]εδροϲ: Pr. Pa τελεϲαι ϲοι ο κρατιϲτοϲ
παρεδροϲ
131. ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣τουκυρι[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]τοµεγα: Pr. αξιωθειϲ υπο του κυρι[ου θεου]
το µεγα Pa αξιωϲ...... του κυρι[ου] το µεγα
132. ολεγοµενοϲε[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ α̣προϲ: Pr. ε[πτακις επ]τα προς Pa [ε////αια]
προϲ
153. χοιβι: Pr. read χθιβι but the circle is less oval than usual in the
case of a θ and the horizontal stroke does not penetrate both edges;
compare the o at the beginning of the next sentence.
155. π ̣ι[̣ ̣]υµ̣[ ̣] ̣ον:Pr. ποι[ο]υµ[ε]νον ποιου[µεν]ον
Of the first dotted letter only the lower left part has survived the
abrasion. It forms a lunate shape which can be interpreted in many
ways. The first letter in square ckekets is completely abraded, but
the ink has left a mark on the papyrus so we can read the letter. The
right part of the µ and the next letter are lost in a lacuna. Of the last
dotted letter, only the upper part of a vertical stroke has survived.
Pa. transcribe the word as πoι oυ[µ̣ ̣ ̣]ον.
156. καταφ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ο̣ν: Pa.καταφ[ιληϲ]ον Pr. καταφιλων

101
The fibers next to the aforementioned lacuna have been lost and
only the right part of the ο has survived. Pr. restored the lacuna
καταφιλων and Pa. καταφιληϲον. I believe that the restoration of Pa.
is more correct as the letters that can fit here exceed two and a half.
Moreover, the under dotted letter is more probably an ο because its
top seems to be closed and not open, as would be the case with an
ω.
158. αυθει·α̣: After the under dotted letter, the first layer of fibers
has been lost, which has affected the letter. It is clear that it is a
rounded letter but impossible to say which one with precision.
There is also a small horizontal stroke at the middle height of the
letter and it is unclear whether it belongs to this letter or the next
one, or it is a ligature.
159. ϊα̣ ̣ ̣υ βι: Pa. ια..ουβι Pr. ια[κου]βι
We have a large lacuna that has affected four lines. The first dotted
letter is hardly recognizable because only an abraded ascending
diagonal stroke (/) has survived, a ν is more probable in my opinion
than a µ.(??) Of the second dotted letter there is only a minimal
trace of ink.
160. α̣[̣ ̣]̣ ̣κριθηϲεται: Pa.[απο]κριθηϲεται Pr. [απ]ο̣κριθηϲεται
The first under dotted letter seems to be a rounded one would match
with an expected α. Of the second dotted letter, a descending
diagonal stroke at the upper right part of the letter is visible.
161. ο ̣[̣ ̣ ̣]α: Pa. ο[νοµ]α Pr. ον[οµ]α
From the dotted letter, only a diagonal stroke (/) with a cap at the
top which could be the beginning of another stroke, has survived.
Perhaps a µ or a ν.

102
επικαλεϲω: A smudge below κ.
163. κ̣αι: The vertical stroke of the κ has been almost completely
destroyed and it now resembles a c.
165. ϲτηριγ ̣ενον: Pa., Pr.κατεϲτηριγ[µ]ενον
The fibers have been lost and the left part of the letter is lost.
166. ε̣πι: The cross bar of ε is lost and it seems more like a c.
κλινοναυτο
176. επε̣ρωτα: The letter is abraded at the lower part. It has a lunate
shape with a cross bar, so it could be either ε or θ, but it is not clear.
178. ̣ ̣ ̣ϲτελει: Pa. περιϲτελει Pr. [περι]ϲτελει
The surface is damaged and the fibers are missing. The papyrus still
preserves some traces at the top of the letters. There is a fleck of
ink, then a right angle (L) and then α blurred arc facing rightwards.
The solution proposed by Pr. and Pa. is very reasonable in this
context, but not easily accepted paleographically.
179. αερ[ ̣ ̣]ξ̣ειϲ: Pa. αερα αξει Pr. αερ[α α]ξει
The surface layer of the fibers has been removed and this has
affected the letter. The left part of the letter has beens totally
destroyed, but the right part indicates a letter such as ξ.
ουχ ̣ρηϲει: Pa. ϲυ χωρηϲει Pr. ου χ[ω]ρηϲει
There are only some minimal traces of ink at the bottom of the
letter. Pa. reads ϲυ instead of ου but the letter is clearly an ο not an
ϲ.
181. υποκειτ ̣ι: Pa. υποκειται Pr. υποκει[ται]
The lost fibers have affected the letter. There is a curved stroke at
the down part of the letter.

103
αερ̣α̣: There are missing fibers at the center of the letters. At the top
and the bottom of the letters, traces of ink have survived. At the first
dotted letter there is a vertical stroke that goes down and trace of at
the top of the letter that matches with the upper part of the loop of ρ.
Of the second, there is a trace at the top that seems to be the very
beginning of the descending diagonal. At the bottom there is a thin
horizontal stroke.
183. ποιη ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa. ποιηϲον Pr. ποιη[ϲον]
The fibers are missing and only some uncertain traces have
remained at the bottom of the letters.
185. κυ̣ ̣ι ε: Pa., Pr. κυριε
Some fibers have been lost and the lower part of the υ is damaged.
Of the next letter, only a horizontal trace has survived at the top of
the letter, but it is hard to identify it with certainty.
186. ουτ ̣ ̣ ̣υν: Pa., Pr. ουτωϲ ουν
The pressure of the folding has damaged the surface. Of the dotted
letters, we have only dispersed traces of ink especially at their
bottom. Curiously, before the υ there is ink clearly in form of an ω.
Perhaps the scribe wrote an ω by mistake, instead of an ο and in
order to emend it he closed it on the top. The υ is abraded at the
upper part but it is still legible.
187. π̣οτ̣ε : The horizontal stroke of π and τ are completely abraded.
λαλ ̣υ ντοϲ: Pa., Pr. λαλουντοϲ
The letter is abraded and only the upper half of an arc facing
rightwards is still visible.
188. µον [ ̣] ̣: Pa.µονοϲ, Pr. µον[ο]ϲ

104
The lower part of the letter is lost in the lacuna. There is a
horizontal stroke at the top of the letter.
κατ ̣κ λιϲεωϲ: Pa., Pr. κατακλιϲεωϲ
The lower part of the letter is abraded. The surviving part, an arc at
the top facing downwards is not sufficient to identify it.
189. τελ[ ̣ ̣] ̣[ ̣] ̣ει: Pa., Pr. τελ[ευτηϲ]ει
From the dotted letters we have two traces of ink at their top.
ηµερ̣αι: The lower part of the letter is damaged because the fibers
have been lost and there are small lacunae. The Ρ retains its loop,
but the major part of its vertical stroke is missing.
190. δ̣ε̣: Pa., Pr. δε
The bottom horizontal stroke of the Δ is lost and from the ε only an
arc facing rightwards remains
α̣γ ριαϲ: The a has lost its circle and only its oblique stroke
descending to the right remains.
β̣ο ταναc: The lower loop of the β is missing.
θ ̣ρ̣[ ̣] ̣ευϲει: Pa. θεραπευϲειϲ Pr. θερ[α]πευcειϲ
There is a break above the letters and a lacuna after them that has
affected them. The Ε is limited to an arc and next to it, underneath
the bottom line, there is a vertical stroke suggesting a ρ.
190. προ[ ̣] ̣υνηθηϲει: Pa., Pr. προ[ϲκ]υ̣ν̣ηθηϲει
There is large arc still visible suggesting an ϲ and an ε, but also a κ
would match with the context.
191. φι̣λ̣: The letters are damaged and the traces left on the papyrus
could also suggest other letters out of the context. The I has lost its
upper part and could also be seen as a damaged Τ and the λ has lost
its right part so could be interpreted as an Ν.

105
α ̣υϲει: The letter is blurred. I am only able to see something like a
diagonal dash (/).
192. τα̣ι[ ̣]ϲ̣: There is an arc at the bottom of the line facing upwards
suggesting a rounded or semicircular letter and the c has lost its left
upper part in the lacuna. Only the endings of the lunate remain
visible.
193. µονω ̣[ ̣]υ̣: From the first dotted letter there is only a minimal
trace of ink at mid letter height. The Υ is fragmentary because it has
lost its left part.
̣[ ̣]ρ̣ηµων: There is an uncertain trace of ink at the upper letter
height. The Ρ has lost its loop but the vertical stroke goes further
down to the bottom line suggesting it.
194. ενεργ̣ ̣µατα: The letter is abraded and can only be seen by very
careful inspection..
λεγοµενον̣: The break has disturbed the fibers and the ink is
confused.
195. ει ̣η: An abraded letter. There is a semicircle at the left part.
και ̣ ̣βαθα: As in the previous line the fibers have been disturbed and
there are uncertain traces of ink.
196. τουπ̣ρ̣ωτο: From the first under dotted letter, only a long
vertical stroke at the left part remains suggesting an Ν or a Π. The P
has lost its vertical stroke.
γε ̣νουϲ: An abraded letter; only a trace of ink at mid letter height
probably belonging to a descending diagonal stroke (\) is
discernible.

106
198. επικαλο ̣µ̣αι: There is only a minimal trace of ink at the left
upper part remaining from the dotted letter. The M has lost its left
part.
199. παυοµ[ ̣]ν̣οϲ: The left vertical stroke of N has been lost in the
lacuna and the lower part of the other two are totally abraded.
Παρεϲτηκ ̣ϲ ι: There is no α on the papyrus, as Pa. and Pr. have
transcribed; there is only a vertical stroke.
διη ̣ ̣κωϲ: There is a stain of ink at the left upper part visible from
the first dotted letter, and from the second few uncertain traces at
the top and the bottom.
200. ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣τ̣ωρ: The first letter is blurred and partly lost in the lacuna.
A very faint Γ remains on the papyrus suggesting a π οr an α Γ. The
From the next two dotted letter there are uncertain traces of ink at
the bottom of the line.
206. κατεχω ̣οτοϊϲ: Pa. κατεχω [ϲο] το ιϲ[χυρον] Pr. κατεχω[ν ο] το
207. [ ̣]π̣οπα ̣ ̣ ̣ν: Pr. [υ]πο παντων Pa. προ παντων
αρχαγγελ̣ου ̣ωπαρε̣ ̣τ̣ηκαϲιν: Pr. Pa. αρχαγγελουϲ ω παρεϲτηκαϲιν
210-218: These lines are very damaged and the letters very abraded.
Sometimes, the photo does not help to distinguish the ink from the
fibres. I give my reading and the reading of the previous editors.
210. οϲεπεµ[ ̣] ̣τυρηϲεν ̣ηϲοφια̣ ̣ ̣υκαικατηυλο ̣ ̣ ̣εν: Pa. οϲ
[επεµ//////µυριαιϲ ..ϲι.ρ.τουκαι καταυλ...εν] Pr. οϲ επεµ[αρ]τυρηϲεν
[τ]η ϲοφια ϲου και κατηυλογηϲεν
211. ϲουδυν̣ ̣µινκαιειϲ̣ ̣ον̣ ̣οιϲθετ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣αθοµοιοτη ̣ ̣αυ̣ ̣ου : Pa.ϲου
δυ[να]µιν [και ειϲ..τοιϲ θε[λε]ιν καθ οµοιωϲιν αυτου] Pr. ϲου
δυν[α]µιν και ειπεν ϲε ϲθενειν καθ οµοιοτητα αυτου

107
212. οϲον ̣α̣[ ̣ ̣]υτο̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ειε̣ ̣ι ̣αλ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣αιϲ: Pa. [οϲον και αυτοϲ [ε]θε[λ]ει]
επικαλουµαι ϲε Pr.οϲον και αυτοϲ ϲθενει επικαλουµαι ϲε, κυριε
213. γκηϲεπ ̣ ̣ουϲο̣µ ̣ ̣τ̣ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣µου: Pa. κηϲ επακουϲον µου οτι
[θ[ολου]ται µου] η ψυχη Pr. κηϲ επα[κ]ουϲον µο[υ] οτι [θλ]ι[βε]ται
µου Abt. θ[ολουτ]αι
214. µαι ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ οκυριε: Pa. µαι [......ναι..βα.......οιο] κυριευων
Pr. µαι α[παντων] αβου[λοϲ διο ελθε]µοι ο κυριε Eitr. [απορ]ι̣α̣
[και] βα[ϲανιζοµ]αι
215. αγγελω ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲ: Pa. Pr. αγγελων υπεραϲπιϲον
216. cιαϲδαιµονο ϲαε ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ν α: Pa.ϲιαϲ δαιµονοϲ
[θ.ε...α////ειµαρµενηϲ ναι Pr. δαιµονοϲ αεριου και ειµαρµενηϲ ναι
217. ουµαιϲουτοκρ ̣[ ̣ ] : Pa. ϲου το κρυ[π]τον Pr.
264. κλ ̣να: There is a lacuna and the surface is seriously abraded.
There is a tiny trace of ink at the upper left part of the letter and at
the right the remaining ink forms an angle a right angle. It would be
plausible to think that there are two letters missing because there is
enough space. The context gives the solution in this case.
δαφν ̣ϲ̣:There is a small lacuna and the letters are extremely
abraded. Only speck of ink at the mid letter height has survived
from the first letter; from the second dotted letter there are two
traces of ink, at the bottom, and at the top a slightly ascending
horizontal stroke
ε ̣εε̣ντη: There are two flecks of ink at the bottom remaining from
the dotted letter, one at the left and one at the right, a horizontal
stroke at mid letter height and a tiny trace of ink at the right top of
the letter. The Ε is limited to an arc without a cross bar.
ε̣ιρι: Only the upper half of the letter is still visible

108
269. [ ̣] ̣υτερον: Only a descending oblique stroke at mid letter
height is still visible from the dotted letter.
271. ̣ϲ εαυ: A lacunose letter. Only two traces of ink have survived
at the upper and lower left part.
282. κε̣ ̣ ̣ληϲ: The letters of this word are abraded. However the
only unrecognizable is the letter after ε. We can see only some
uncertain flecks of ink at the mid letter height.
286. κ̣αι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣: The reading out of the context is very dubious because
of the abrasion. The first dotted letter at the bottom has an arc
facing upwards which implies a rounded letter. There are also some
flecks of ink at the upper letter height. The T has lost its horizontal
stroke and the ι is almost totally abraded. Only the mark(shadow?)
of the ink on the papyrus is visible and a few tiniest traces of ink.
εντιµ ̣ν: The letter is extremely abraded. Some traces of ink remain
at the left part of the letter
287. ̣ ̣ν ̣π ̣οι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣κ̣α̣ ̣µελ̣ι ̣οϲ: Pa. ϲον] απο οινου και µελιτοϲ Pr.
(τελε)ϲον απο οινου και µελιτοϲ
304. τρα µ̣ε̣: The right part of the µ is abraded and there are two
traces of ink at the top of the letters. The second under dotted letter
seems to be ligatured with the next ε. However, this is a misleading
impression they are not ligatured, but the cross bar of the ε touches
the next letter.
τε̣:Pa. reads ϲε but this is a mistaken reading. It is a T, not very well
formed but still visible.
308. θ̣εου: The cross bar is abraded and it appears like an ο.
311. δ̣υνοντα: The letter is formed by two arcs facing in different
directions, one rightwards and the other leftwards. It is possible that

109
the scribe first wrote a c and then tried to correct his error by
forming the letter in this way.
ϲα̣ϲ: Pa. and Pr. read η but the letter is an α.
331. εµπειρ̣ι̣α:̣ There is a lacuna that has damaged the upper part of
the letters. At the bottom of the letters, two vertical strokes and an
arc facing upwards are still discernible. After them there are traces
of ink at the mid letter height.
334. θ ̣µατοϲ: There is a break that passes over the letter and
damaged it. There are only some tiny traces of ink, but these are
sufficient for the identification of the letter.
εξ ̣τα: A break passes over the letter and it has been lost in the
resulting lacuna. There is only a small trace of ink at right upper-
letter height
335. ε ̣εννινην· The break has also damaged this letter; but some
traces of ink at the edges of the break remain.
338. επ ̣θυµατοϲ: At lower-letter height there survives a part of a
vertical stroke.

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3.4 Textual Commentary PGM I

PGM I 1-42
1-2 The first spell of the papyrus contains instructions on how to
acquire a divine assistant, a daimon, which is going to stand by the
practitioner, παρεδρικῶς.36 It details how the daimon will reveal to
the practitioner whatever he wants to know, will be his companion
and will eat and sleep with him. These lines are remarkable for the
assonance of the syn. The words συνόµιλος, συ]ναριστῶν ἔσται σοι
and συγκοιµώµενος contribute to evoking a sonic perception of the
forthcoming intimacy between the magician and the paredros.

1 Πρᾶξις: The praxis describes all the procedures the magician has
to perform during the execution of the magic recipe. The word
praxis is used to describe the set of magical operations, necessary to
carry out the recipe, that is, the whole ritual of a magic recipe and
not just one action. Proof of this is provided by some recipes also
being titled with the word praxis, for example ἀρκτικὴ πρᾶξις, προ]
γνωστικὴ πρᾶξις or φυλακτήριον τῆς πράξεως

1 παρεδρικῶς: The word is a technical expression borrowed from

its older non-magical use for someone who sits beside or assists
another (Pi. P.4, 4; Hdt. 7,147).37 In Hellenistic magic it is a deity,
usually a minor deity or a daimon as in case of this papyrus, who is
36
Spells containing the word paredros or its cognitive I 42-195; IV 1331-89; IV
1716-1870; IV 1928-2005; IV 2006-2125; IV 2145-2240; VII 862-918; XIa 1-40;
XII 14-95.
37
Cancik, Schneider, Salazar (2007), 48.

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summoned as an assistant and servant to carry out any task
demanded by the magician.38 In PGM, the tem is used ten times to
denote various types of non-human helpers. A paredros is acquired
by ritual and vocative manipulation and compulsion.

1 δαίµων: This is a very complex term, especially in this period

when different philosophical approaches coexist and influence each
other. Every case should be studied carefully and individually since
no adequate generalization of the term exists covering every case of
its use. In the majority of the magical texts daimon is not intended
in a pejorative sense and describes intermediate entities -neither
gods nor mortals- but endowed with supernatural powers. 39 Usually
the term is used to refer to a spirit of «restless» dead, which is they
are sometimes also called νεκυδαίµονες. In the divine hierarchy, the
daimones are ranked lower than gods and usually appear contrasted
with the gods, as in the l. 265 of this papyrus where we read «τοὺς
οὐράνιους θεοὺς καί καταχθόνιους δαίµονες. In this spell, the
daimon will be the spirit of a hawk, which, through a process of

38
The term daimon can also be referred to a transcendental entity of a person who
died a violent death or prematurely (e.g IV 1928-2005,2006-2125). See below.
Rarely, the term paredros may also describe the divine assistance given by some
verses from Homer (e.g.IV 2145-2240). See Pachoumi (2011), 155–165. Ciraolo
(1992), 57 classifies them as: the divine, the cestial, the spiritual and the material,
admitting however that it is impossible to form a clear idea regarding the beliefs
in paredroi because of the lack of enough evidences. About daimon paredros see
Ciraolo (1992); Scibilia (2002).
39
On the term daimon generally see Suarez (2000) and Dillon (2000). On the
term daimon in PGM see also Hopfner (1921-1924); In the magical papyrus see
Suarez, Blanco, Chronopoulou (2016), 204-206; Greenbaum (2015), 46-61.

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deification, will acquire divine powers. Generally, in the corpus
some gods are also referred to as daimones.40

2 συναριστῶν: Predominant in the spell is welcoming the god with

a meal, which implies the hospital attitude of the practitioner. The
meal should be abundant, offering all kinds of food and Mendesian
wine and must be served by an uncorrupted boy and it is offered in
order to ensure the God’s favor.

In literature, the motif of human hospitality to deities can be found

in Homer’s Odyssey,41 in Euripides’ Bacchae, briefly in Vergil’s
Aeneid and, of course, in Ovid. 42In the religious context,43 we have
the feast of Theoxenia, which honored the Dioskouroi and the
Delphi Theoxenia.44 The details of this special festival are obscure.
W. Burkert describes it as “in a closed room a table is spread and a
couch with two cushions is prepared; two amphorae are set out,
presumably filled with a food made from all varieties of grain,
panspermia. Vase paintings and reliefs show the horsemen whirling
through the air to the banquet. But snakes may also be shown
curling round the amphorae. The festal eating by the human votaries

40
Helios (V 250, IV 460), Osiris (VII 963), Hecate-Selene (IV 2598, 2661, VII
882), Acephalos (V 146), Abrasax (XXIII 9), Iao (XIII 818, XV 14).
41
About Homer and hospitality they are several publications See Bailey (1987),
126; Edwards (1975), 51–72; Pedrick (1988), 85–101; Reece (1992).
42
Ovid narrates how Jupiter, Mercury and Neptune, visiting Hyrieus of Tanagra
in the guise of men rewarded their host with the gift of a long-desired son, Orion.
Frazer (1989), 499–544. Ovid also relates the story of Baucis and Philemon.
SeeMiller (1984),628-724.
43
In the religious context, the meal is part of the sacrificial ritual and the
sacrificial banquet became one of the most pertinent contexts of divine
manifestations.
44
See Suárez (2010), 58-81;Kowalzig (2008) 188-201.

113
follows.”45 This festival was celebrated in many parts of Greece,
sometimes attaining the status of a major national festival as at
Delphi where Apollo hosted.46 Burkert mentions also depictions of
the Dioskouroi galloping through the air towards the two klinai
prepared for them.47 Ovid’s third narrative has been deliberately left
for the last, after the description of Theoxenia, which places us in
the religious context. It concerns Jupiter and Lycaon.48

There are several versions of the Lycaon myth, already reported by

Hesiod, told by several authors. According to Burkert,49 this is the
explanatory myth behind the archaic festival of Lykaia, on the
slopes of mountain Lykaion and the sacrifices that took place there.
This myth brings us to the concept of sacrifice, which can also be
explanatory in our case. We should bear in mind that the PGM
abounds with sacrifices and offerings. The sacrifices can also be
seen as offerings of meal to the gods and sometimes the god is
invited to attend the meal after the sacrifice with his followers.50
Therefore, we can consider the meal offered in the spell as a

45
See Burkert (1985), 213.
46
See Morris (1992), 104.
47
For the ritual of Theoxenia see also Jameson (1994), 35-37; Parker (2011), 142-
144; Petridou (2016), 289-309. Parker stresses that “mortals might dine under the
same roof as the gods, but the god has his own table” which means that “the
difference in nature between man and good was irreducible”. However, in our
case is not clear if they dine together or separately.
48
. Miller (1984), 214-243.
49
See Burkert (1983), 84–92.
50
The link between sacrifice and banquet as a way of communication with gods
is discussed in Parker (2011), 127-144; It is argued that “the sacrifice opened a
channel of communication between man and god and the mediator was the
animal”. The banquet after the sacrifice “forges bonds between man and god.”
But this spell gives us no evidence that the food offered was before sacrificed. As
Scibilia (2002), 82, mentions the only animal sacrifice (bird) alluded in the text
“takes the form of a mimetic evocation of the celestial falcon.

114
reflection or an imitation of a sacrifice. On the other hand, we
should not reject the idea, identifiable in other Greek contexts that
the process of ritually sharing a portion with a god is a means of
appeasing or compelling the god to cooperate.

Moreover, some inscriptions have been linked with the cult of Zeus
Panamaros,51 attested from the second century BCE to the fourth
century CE. The inscriptions present the god as the host of the meal.
Interesting are also the so-called “invitations to the kline of
Sarapis”.52 Thirteen papyri with invitations to attend a sacred dinner
with the god Serapis have been discovered until now. The thirteenth
invitation is P.Oxy 3693. All the invitations were made in the name
of a particular host, the god.53The god was supposed to be present at
the banquet. Excavations in sanctuaries have unearthed banquet
rooms for about ten persons. As these cases depict the god as the
host of the meal, they are eloquent about the relationship between
the worshippers and the god and support the human belief that
mortals and immortals can be co-diners.

In Egypt, also, the Daily Temple Ritual was carried out daily on a
regular basis and in the same way in all temples throughout the
country. Among the other ritual acts, the King had to consecrate the
divine meal. At sunrise, the officiant would proceed to the sanctuary
to present the meal. It included vegetables, wine, different kinds of

51
See Hatzfeld (1927), 57–122; on Zeus Panaramos see also Petridou (2016), 99-
100.
52
See Gilliam (1976), 317; Gill (1974), 117–137.
53
See Will (1976), 353–362.

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bread and cakes, fruits and meat cut from the sacred cattle that
belonged to the temple. The animal had previously been slaughtered
in the temple precinct, according to strict ritual procedures. They
put it before the statue of the god. These offerings symbolized the
rebirth and the immortality of the King. The same ritual meal was
presented at midday and in the evening.54

In the Book of Genesis, we come across the same motif of

hospitality. In the biblical passage, Abraham is about to act as a
servant to three heavenly guests – two were angels, and the other
was the Lord, Jehovah. Abraham had neither seen nor heard their
approach. He ran towards the men in spite of his age, and without
knowing who they were, as in the Ovid’s text. Abraham set baked
bread before them, a whole calf and the dinner was served along
with butter and curds (yogurt) and milk. This ignorance also led
Sarah, then ninety-nine years old, to laugh at the annunciation of
her pregnancy. I should stress that this scene takes place at noon, in
a family environment and not in an isolated place. Although Sarah
is not present from the beginning, we can explain her presence
because the message that she is going to have a son was also for
her. However, there is a very interesting detail in this biblical
narrative that leads us back to the magical papyrus. God does not
appear alone. He is accompanied by two angels, a fact that reminds
us of the hermeneutical problem of the scene in the papyrus and the

54
SeeDavid (2002).

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dubious alternate use of the word angelos and theos, that has led
some scholars to consider that we have two entities.

The last cases come from the Christian religion. The first one is
from the Book of Revelation (3:20),55 where Christ knocks at the
doors saying, “Behold, I stand at the door and knock. If anyone
hears my voice and opens the door, I will come in to him and eat
with him, and he with me.” Of course, this fragment is an allegory.
The door is the heart of every man where Christ seeks to enter and
the dinner meal is the communion.

The second one (Vis. 5. 1) is dubious because the concept of a meal

offered is based on the translation of the word κλίνην as dining
couch. The fragment is as follows:

While I was praying at home and sitting on my dining couch

[καθίσαντος εἰς τὴν κλίνην], there entered a man glorious to look
on, in the dress of a shepherd, covered with a white goatskin, with a
bag on his shoulders and a staff in his hand. And he greeting me,
and I greeted him back. And at once he sat down by me, and said to
me, I have been sent by the most revered angel to dwell with you
the rest of the days of your life.56

3-10 The practitioner has to drown a falcon in the milk of black cow
mixed with Attic honey. After the drowning he has to wrap the

55
About the connection of this text with other divination texts, see Aune (2012).
56
Peterson (1947), 624-35. In this article, Peterson showed that the “revelatory
apparatus” of the three Visions resembled Hellenistic divination, especially that
of the PGM I. See also Peterson (1959), 271-276.

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carcass in undyed fabric coated with a mixture of wine and myrrh.
Then, he has to place two of his fingernails next to the corpse of the
falcon together with all the hair of his head and to write an
inscription with myrrh on a piece of papyrus. This papyrus should
be also placed together with the hair, the falcon and the fingernails
before coating them all with uncut frankincense and old wine.

2-3 ὄνυχας καὶ πάσας σου τὰς τρίχας ἀπὸ κεφαλῆς: Hair and
fingernails are termed, in the field of magic, ousia (substance). As
the word itself acquired magical connotations in Late Antiquity, S.
I. Johnston has defined ousia as “a special sort of image, a physical
object that stood in for what was otherwise missing, making it
present.”57 It is a material that represents someone or something; a
part of the whole and is widely used in erotic magic and the
katadesmoi. A magical papyrus is on display in the Neues Museum
which still has hair stuck on its surface. In this case, the fingernails
and hair, representing the magician, are put together (τίθει δὲ
πλησίον αὐτοῦ τοὺς ὄνυχάς σου σὺν ταῖς θριξί) with the deified bird
in order to achieve union with it. The falcon, after its ritual
drowning, has become a deity, and the magician seeks systasis with
it as a way of attaining the power of the deity.

5 ἀποθέωσον:58 One of the first tasks the magician has to carry out is
the apotheosis of a falcon. The falcon is an animal associated with the
solar-regal principle and was considered as the emanation of a number

57
Johnston (2004), 148.
58
For the meaning and the history of the term see Lycourinos (2012) 52-53.

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of divinities, including Ptah, Apis, Osiris, Horus and Isis.59 The falcon
god Spd was also linked with Horus.60 The apotheosis can be
achieved by the drowning of the animal in the milk of a black cow
mixed with attic honey. In the fifth century, Herodotus wrote about
the Egyptian practice of deifying the drowned through
mummification.61 However, a proper understanding of this belief and
practice requires familiarity with the myth of Osiris. Osiris was
drowned in the waters of the Nile water and subsequently resurrected.
Hopfner states, “only after death by drowning could Osiris become
god”62 and Hornung writes, “in the late period of Egyptians formally
recognized the process of “divination by drowning”; monuments were
even erected for people who has drowned in the Nile.”63 This is
something we have to consider in conjunction with the revitalization
of the soil of the Nile valley by the annual inundation by the river.
Moreover, the rite is also connected with the Sun’s nocturnal journey.
This journey is described in the New Kingdom underworld books, the
Amduat and the Book of Gates.64 The Sun sets (is drowned) in the
west and rises (is resurrected) in the east. During this journey the solar
barque moves down in the earth.65 The regeneration (resurrection) of
the drowned is one of the many parallel motifs which accompany the
central motif of solar regeneration. The solar barque is also mentioned

59
Ray (1976) Recto 4-8, 137.
60
Griffiths (1980), 13.
61
Griffith (1909), 132-134; For more bibliography see Spiegelberg (1917), 124-
125; Hermann (1966), 370-409 and (1977), 17-19; Griffiths (1970) 273.
62
Hopfner (1921-1924), 130.
63
Hornung (1989), 105.
64
Hornung (1987).
65
For a detailed analisis of this myth see Lycourinos (2012), 56-60.

119
in the last prayer of the papyrus, in the l. 346 “that you depart,
returning to your ship”.

5 γάλα βοὸς µελαίνης συµίξας αὐτῷ µέλι Ἀττικὸν: Milk and honey
are both natural foods that are used for the nourishment of the new
born child and allude to the topography of paradise.66 The black cow
implies fertility and birth. The black color recalls the color of the soil
after the floods of Nile and it is in contrast with the red colour of arid
land. Regarding the contrast between the black cow and the white
milk, Mathieu states, “the meeting of the fertile black and the
nourishing white, for us paradoxical, find its full coherence”.67 Thus,
the solar falcon is drowned in the white milk of a black cow, then
nourished by it and resurrected. Z. Licourinos comments “taken as a
whole, we are dealing with a feminine, black-lunar matrix and a
masculine, golden-solar embryo that comes to fruition within this
matrix. Theologically, the imagery evoked is of Isis as the “black
virgin” who nourishes the golden divusfilius, Horus, with her divine
“virgin’s milk.”68 In addition, in pharaonic iconography Isis and
Hathor are represented as cows while in Pyramid Texts the pharaoh
drinks the divine milk from the breast of his mother Isis. We also
encounter the milk of a black cow in PGM XIII 130, 360, 686, and in
PDM xiv 87, 639.

6 µέλι Ἀττικὸν: Honey appears frequently in magical papyri, which

is not unexpected given that it is a nutritious product and renowned

66
Lycourinos (2012), 52-53.
67
Mathieu (2009), 26.
68
Lycourinos (2012) 62.

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for its healing qualities. In fact, in medical papyri it appears more
than 500 times as an ingredient of treatments linked to respiratory,
digestive or parasitic problems. According to Egyptian mythology,
honey flowed from the eyes of the god Ra, although it is not
exclusively linked to this deity but also to the gods Neith, Nut, Min
and Hathor. This mythical origin imbues it with the belief in its
power for life and therapy. Even Hippocrates himself was
convinced of the healing power of honey. In P. Cair. Zen III 59426
from the third century, a man named Dromón asks Zeno to bring
him a kotyle of Attica honey because he has problems with his eyes,
and the god has ordered him to use this type of honey to heal
himself. This is because Attica honey was considered even more
potent than usual for healing processes. It is also noteworthy,
therefore, that in three magic recipes, this particular honey is
specifically required since it was considered to be of the best quality
and consequently, the most expensive (in fact, it was a real luxury)
and difficult to obtain. The honey mentioned is probably the one
from Mount Hymettus, frequently mentioned, and praised by the
ancient writers. However, of the three documented cases in which
the use of this type of honey is specified, only one, VII 191-192 -
where honey is mentioned in connection with sexual potency - can
be considered "medical".

6 σύνδησον αὐτὸν ῥάκει ἀχρωτίστῳ: This ritual refers to the

mummification of the falcon. As aforementioned, the process of the
deification of the bird requires its embalming and mummification.
The mummification of animals and birds was a common practice in

121
Egyptian religion; the Ibis, for example, was a species suffering
extensively from this practice. Visitors to temples purchased
mummified ibis from the priests and presented them as votive
offerings. “The demand was so big that the number of mummified ibis
in some of such burial sites is phenomenal” comments A.
Aufderheide.69 A similar fate was suffered by the falcons whose
mummification was linked with the cult of Horus. The temple of
Nectanebo at Saqqara, dedicated to Isis, the mother of Horus,
contained 100,000 mummified votive falcons.70 The temple priests
bred some sacred animals such as cats and ibises specifically for the
purpose of interment, but falcons are difficult to breed in captivity.
So, the depredation to the wild falcon population was devastating.
However, in our case, as correctly Moyer stresses that the falcon is
more than just a sacred animal, explaining why it is not buried in a
coffin and tomb: the falcon is a divine image, the divine assistant
invoked in the subsequent invocation so the falcon is placed in a
shrine of juniper and worshipped as a deity in its own right.71

9 ζµύρνῃ: Myrrh is the resin of commiphoramyrrha tree and

comprised one of the most sacred herbal substances of ancient Egypt
and one of the most exquisite offerings to the gods. It was used in the
forms of an essential oil and gum resin, with the gum resin being
69
Aufderheide (2003) 399. He also mentions an ibis cemetery with 1500
mummified birds at Abydos. Diodorus of Sicily narrates that the slaughter of the
Ibis reached was so extensive that subsequently, any killing of ibis unrelated to
ritual was punishable by death.
70
MacDonald (2016)
71
See Moyer (2003). In this ritual Moyer sees common elements with the
initiation of the priests and tends to evaluate all this process as an initiation of the
magician. The magician who assumes the power of the priests and is permitted to
contact with the divine.

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frequently burned as incense, and both the oil and resin forming
ingredients in a wide variety of perfumes and medicines. In the
magical papyri, myrrh is called the Guide of Isis72 as it was thought to
be a consolation in times of sorrow bringing, peace and healing.73
While in the papyrus it is not clear how Isis employed her “guide,” we
can conjecture that she may have burned it as incense—or made it
into ink for inscribing amulets to aid her search; exactly as myrrh is
used in the magical papyri. The existence of the myrrh tree was
explained as it being the tears of the god Horus, perhaps in connection
with his own mourning for his father.74 Myrrh as ingredient in ink for
writing on papyrus occurs throughout the PGM and we have many
instances of instructions on how to make magical myrrh ink.75
Magically, myrrh is used to purify, bless, and protect. Lidonnici has
published research about the cost of myrrh based on the documentary
papyri and proved that, although it was used for a variety of purposes,
it was also a very expensive one because it had to be imported from
Arabia and Africa.76

10 λιβάνῳ ἀτµήτῳ: Frankincense77 is a fragrant gum resin of a light

yellowish-brown color used mostly as incense. It comes in the form of
large tear shaped drops and had been in use since the 18th dynasty, as
witnessed by the frankincense found in the tomb of Tutankhamon.

72
PGM XXXVI. 339. It is in an hymn for myrrh.
73
Watt, Sellar (2004).
74
De Cleene, Lejeune (2002) 435.
75
See Ballesteros (2015) 44-55
76
Lidonicci (2001).
77
About the provenance and the trade of myrrh and frankincense see Lucas,
Harris (2012), 90-97. For archaeological evidence for the use of incense in
ancient Egypt see Nielsen (1986)

123
Nielsen believes that even after the use of frankincense and myrrh
became well known, it was restricted to special occasions on account
of their rarity and price.78 According to the Ebers papyrus
frankincense was also used for medical purposes, especially for throat
and larynx infections, stopping bleeding, phlegms, asthmatic attacks
and vomitus. In the religious context, priests burned frankincense and
myrrh in the temple during prayers, hoping the smoke would carry
their prayers to the gods; pleasing them with the pleasant fragrance of
the substances. Frankincense -and myrrh- were also used in the
mummification process. When the internal organs had been removed,
frankincense and myrrh were used to stuff the body cavity; before
wrapping the body in linen, it was anointed with oil and perfumes
made from these substances.

In the Greek religious context, both substances were well known and
widely used. They had been imported, probably from southern Arabia,
since the 8th cent. The burning of incense was connected with
Aphrodite and a myth.79 Myrrh and frankincense were thrown into the
sacrificial fires, according to Aeschines, for the purpose of attracting
the gods and thus, establishing communication between the two
worlds.

11- 25: The practitioner should now continue writing the seven
vowels in succession on a strip of papyrus with an increasing number
forming a triangle, and the seven vowels in succession with a

78
Nielsen (1986), 3.
79
Detienne (1977), 37-38; Burcket (1985), 62.

124
decreasing number forming an inverted triangle (see text). Then,
before dawn, he has to drink the liquid, which the falcon was drowned
in, and then wait to feel something divine occur in his soul. Next he
has to place the falcon in a juniper shrine and crown it. The following
step is to make offerings with food not containing blood and old wine.
Then, before going to rest after having made the sacrifice, he should
make an invocation, speaking directly to the bird.

12 Κλίµατα: The term may refer to the seven latitudinal strips of

the cosmos as a whole, or to seven astrological zones.80

13-19 α εε ηηη ιιιι οοοοο υυυυυυ ωωωωωωω: The vowels were

considered as powerful entities in themselves, and their recitation
created an acoustic effect suiting the magical context.81 Therefore the
recitation of the vowels was very common practice as part of ritual
procedures. The magicians of the late antiquity had a propensity to
create physical shapes using letters and words on a writing surface
and this was a well known phenomenon among poets from the
Hellenistic period onwards who tried to match the content of the poem
with its shape.82 However, the magicians seemed to be more reserved
than the poets and they limited their “words-shapes” to some
geometric forms, especially the triangle (or the inverted triangle) and
80
Pachoumi (2017), 22; Edmonds (2004) 277-281.
81
Pythagoreans connected the Greek alphabet with the 24 sounds of the lute and
Orphics and Pythagoreans related the seven vowels and the seventeen consonants
with the soul and the body. The astrology in the Hellenistic period also
considered the seven vowels as the cosmic sounds of the seven planets and,
consequently, sounds with a special power than influences the cosmic system.
See Dieleman (2005), 64-657; Dornseiff (1926), 35-51; Goodwin (1852), 27.
82
This kind of poesy, known as calligram, persisted through the Renaissance and
was made popular again by Stephan Mallarme and Guillaume Apollinaire.

125
they called this particular design “grape-cluster” (shape) or wing
(shape). It is unclear why the magicians adopted these designs, but the
predominant theory is that many magicians writing in Greek wanted
to imitate the sacred Hieroglyphic writings; combining the audible
with the visible.83 Such practices are attested in different magical
traditions up to the present day. 84 The seven vowels occur frequently
in the Greek Magical Papyri written out thrice or written in succession
with an increasing number. This method permitted the arrangement of
the vowels in geometrical patterns, so the power of the characteres
was reinforced by their visual representation. In PGM I these two
triangles of descending and ascending vocalizations symbolize the
anabasis and the katabasis of the falcon, its ritual act of drowning and
its deification through it.85

20 τὸ γάλα σὺν τῷ µέλιτι ἀπόπιε: By drinking the liquid in which

the falcon had been drowned the practitioner connected to the divine
power. The belief that the divine power could be absorbed through a
liquid it well established in Late Antiquity and appears in magical
papyri too. The Late Egyptian used to drink water previously poured
over curative and apotropaic images such as the well-known Horus
Cippi.86 In the same papyrus, in l. 232-247, a memory spell invokes
the same procedure. The magician has to write some voces magicae
on a hieratic papyrus, and then has to wash them off into spring water

83
See Frankfurter (1994), 189-221; Graf (2015), 236-237.
84
See also Faraone (2010), 91-114; Heim (1892); Dornseiff (1926), 58-59 and
63-67. For full bibliographic survey see Önnerfors (1993), 162-167. For the
word-shapes in Jewish magic see Bohac (2008) 265-269.
85
Lycourinos (2012) 51.
86
Mu-Chou (2010); Forshaw (2014), 33-34; Johnston (2008), 146-147.

126
and drink large quantities of this water. In XIII 432-440 the magician
is given the following instructions: into a special ink he has prepared,
he has to throw the power of seven flowers and write something with
this on a natron on both sides. Then he has to lick off one side, wash
off the other side into wine and milk and then drink the liquid.
Apparently through this process they believed they absorbed the
power of the magic words or the power of the flowers.87

21 ἔνθεον ἐν τῇ σῇ καρδίᾳ: The nourishment from the mixture in

which the falcon was deified brings the practitioner into direct contact
with the deity and establishes a bond between these two entities. By
drinking the milk, the practitioner participates in the process of the
deification.

ναῷ ἀρκευθίνῳ:88 One of the elements marking almost the whole

corpus of the magical papyri is the miniaturization of the rituals. The
performance of several rituals demands material and artifacts that are
usually only found in temples; so in the limited domestic space where
the majority of the performances of these rituals takes places-usually
rooms or roofs- it is impossible to reproduce these things in the
original size. Moreover, the offerings that an individual could afford
to offer to the gods cannot be compared with those offered in a
temple. The solution was the employment of miniaturization89 and
symbolism. All the elements are reproduced in a small scale model.

87
PDM lxi 128-147 is not well preserved, but from the text that has survived we
can assume that a similar process is described. See Johnston (2009), 146-147.
88
For the cases of juniper shrines in the magical papyri see Smith (2016) 27.
89
On the function of miniaturization in general see Frankfurter (2002) 160-161;

127
The reduction allows the transformation of two bricks into an altar,
and through symbolism, the eye of an animal represents the whole
animal. What should be underlined is that this reduction does not
imply less potency and effectiveness.

23 ἀψύχοις φαγήµασιν:90 Ciraolo makes a very interesting remark:

Only the paredroi, man-made objects with no connection to a
formerly living being, call for an animal sacrifice, which in each case
consists of one or more birds; and she believes that the presence or
absence of an animal sacrifice is the distinctive difference between
paredroi, which are man-made objects, and those which were
formerly living beings. The explanation she gives is that spells
associated with formerly living beings are possessed of an exceptional
magical power and the rituals performed aim at controlling this
power; not to endow the object with a power it did not previously
possess. In the case of a man-made object, the ritual aims at creating a
connection with the object and the magical power. It is a kind of
animation of the object via the magical power.91 In any case,
sacrificial offerings with non-animal food it is very far from the Greek
religious credo.

23 οἶνον ἔχε προπάλαιον: Wine libations were part of every sacrifice.

The wine was poured onto the altar.92 Nevertheless is not so clear why
the wine had to be old. It is the only instance in the corpus where this

90
On non-anomal sacrifice vocabulary see Rudhardt (1958); Eckhardt (2014),
255-273.
91
Ciraolo (2001), 289.
92
About the wine offering in Egypt see Mu-chou (1995).

128
prerequisite is stipulated. Of course, the old wine would have been of
a better quality and this could be a possible explanation.

25-36 The invocation to the falcon.

The practitioner starts the invocation by calling upon Agathos Daimon
and Harpon Knouphi. Some voces magicae intervene and then the
divinity is identified with Orion and its positive influence on the Nile
and the prosperity emanating from the river. Thereafter, the
invocation refers to the solar journey in the sky and below the sea,
mentioning also a sacred tree in Heliopolis which has a pivotal role in
Egyptian cosmogony. The orison ends with the pronunciation of the
real name of the gods, videlicet voces magicae.

25 τὸν προκείµενον λόγον: Obviously, this is an incorrect word. The

right one is ὑποκείµενον because the logos comes after.

26 ἀγαθὲ γεωργέ: This title was given to Anubis.

27 Ἀγαθὸς Δαίµων:93 Agathos daimon was a deity already mentioned

in the classical comic poets who represent it as a protector of domestic
stores . It is a deity associated with the myth of the foundation of
Alexandria. According to the Alexander Romance, the architects had

93
Agathos Daimon has been thoroughly discussed by Ogden (2013). For Agathos
Daimon in general, see Harrison (1912), 277–316; Cook (1914–1940), vol. 2, part
2: 1125–1129; Ganschinietz/Ganszyniec (1918), (1919); Jakobsson (1925), 151–
175; Rohde (1925), 207–208; Tarn (1928); Taylor (1930); Dunand (1969),
(1981), with bibliography; Fraser (1972), 209–211, with associated notes;
Quaegebeur (1975), 170–176 and passim; Mitropoulou (1977), 155–168;
Pietrzykowski (1978); Sfameni Gasparro (1997); Jouanno (2002), 75–76, 105–
108; Stoneman (2007), 532–534; Stoneman (2008), 56–58.

129
marked out the new city between two rivers, Drakon and
Agathodaimon. However, a drakon appeared to the workmen,
terrifying them and delaying the project. Alexander, when he became
aware of the problem, gave the order to his men to kill the serpent.
Once the creature had been killed, Alexander paid tribute to it. He
ordered it to be buried and all the soil from the digging of the
foundations to be deposited in a particular place, a hill, called “Dung
Heap”. He also commanded that the neighborhood should be
garlanded in memory of the appearance of Agathos Daimon. When
the foundations of the heroon had been laid down, a large swarm of
snakes leaped out and slithered into the houses nearby. The
doorkeepers admitted these snakes to the houses as Agathoi Daimones
and the cult of the Agathoi Daimones was established in Alexandria.94
Then Agathos Daimon was identified with the Egyptian serpent god
Šaï,95 giving rise to the question of whether Agathos Daimon was
originally a Egyptian god appropriated by the Greeks and
Macedonias, or a Greek god adopted by Egyptians. As Ogden points
out, there is no certain evidence of a direct nature for Agathos
Daimon’s conceptualization as an anguinform prior to his arrival in
Alexandria.96 In the Hellenistic period in Alexandria, Agathos

94
Alexander Romance 1325-7 and 10—13.
95
See Merkelbach (1992), 4-5.
96
There are, in fact, only two certainly pre-Ptolemaic images of AgathosDaimon,
and both represent him in humanoid form. First, a relief of the late fourth century
BC found to the east of the Parthenon is dedicated to “AgathosDaimon and
AgatheTyche.” Below the inscription, a male bearded figure holds a cornucopia
and is accompanied by two female figures. Second, a broken relief from Thespiae
of the last quarter of the fourth century BC carries the dedication “Hagestrotos,
Timokrateia, Ptoilleia, Empedonika, to AgathosDaimon” and shows a bearded,
avuncular, seated figure being approached by two worshippers. He holds a
cornucopia, and an eagle sits beneath his throne.

130
Daimon and Agathe Tyche became mostly linked to Sarapis and Isis,
but also associated with other gods of Graeco-Roman Egypt.

27 Ἁρπον κνοῦφι97: (Variants Χνοῦµις, Χνοῦφις) Chnoubis is the

Greek form of the Egyptian Chnum, the ancient ram god, a deity also
identified with the sun. He was represented as a ram with long horns
or as a man with a ram’s head. Nevertheless, the Chnoubis of the
Roman period had changed and was shown as a serpent god. Many
gnostic amulets and gems have been found depicting the god as
leontocephalic and serpent-bodied, usually with seven rays radiating
from its head, occasionally in conjunction with the twelve zodiacal
signs. The upper part of its body represents the solar forces and the
lower personifies the earth. The rays stand for the seven planets, the
seven Greek vowels and the seven colours of the visible spectrum.
According to the writer Hephaestion,98 Chnoubis was the name of one
of the three Dekans in the Sign of the Zodiac, Cancer, and the name
was set in the breast of Leo. This is a one of Drexler arguments
doubting that the Chnoubis of the magical amulets is the old
cosmogonic god Chnum.99 The amulets showing Chnoubis appear to
have been used as a remedy for stomach illnesses.100

97
The bibliography about Chnoubis and the amulets with its icon is very long.
Dexler (1889) produced a masterly treatment of it. On Chum-Chnoubis see
Bonnet (1952), 1335-1340.
98
Engelbrecht (1887), 63
99
Lindsay follows Dexler. See Lindsay (1970), 309
100
Christina Riggs (2012), 353

131
27 βριντατην σιφρι: This may conceal the Egyptain epithet Nophris
which means «good», often used in titles for Osiris, such as
Osoronnophris.101

29 ὁ ἅγιος: This is an adjective that appears several times in the

PGM. Usually, as Rudhardt stresses, it is not used for gods but for
saints. Though, PGM is an exception. In addition to Orion, we find
Cronus, Helius, Osiris, Serapis, Selene, Harpocrates, Taut and
Acephalo, all treated similarly. 102

29 Ὠρίων: In the invocation, the falcon is called Orion. We learn

from Plutarch that the south was the region of Horus, and Orion was
the soul of Horus.103 However, Horus was not the only deity
associated with the constellation of Orion since Osiris was as well.104
The invocation that follows to Orion-Osiris firstly exalts the fertility
of the Nile caused by Osiris, likening it to the fecundity of men during
sexual intercourse. Subsequently, it refers to the solar journey, the
changes occurring during the day and its passage through the
underworld during the night.

33-34 ὁ τὸν ὑπὸ γῆν διοδεύων πόλον: This is a reference to the

voyage of the sun god, his changes during the day and his passage

101
Betz(1996), 337.
102
About the use of ἅγιος in magical papyri see Suárez, Blanco, Chronopoulou
(2015), 225.
103
In the earlier stellar cult Horus as Orion was the hunter of the power of
darkness with his dogs Cyon and Prokyon.
104
Griffiths (1980), 13; Moyer (2013) 222.

132
through the underworld.105 Every day Ra sails his boat on a voyage
across the sky. The twelve hours of the day were personified as twelve
solar deities. The priests of Heliopols observe and encourage the
voyage of the boat. After sunset, and during his nightly journey, Ra
has to traverse the hazardous underworld and face the serpent Apep, a
hostile deity who tries to defeat and eat him. The deity Seth helps Ra
in this struggle with the serpent. In the middle of the night, Ra is
united with Osiris, regenerating both deities in the process. After
overthrowing Apep, Ra is reborn as the rising sun, repeating the
circle.

35 τ[ὸ ἱερὸν ἐρ]ινεὸν τῆς Ἡλιουπόλεως:106 Heliopolis is connected

with an Egyptian myth of Atum. According to the Pyramid section
narrating the myth, Atum “in Heliopolis creates by taking his organ in
hand and achieving the pleasure of ejaculation out of which come
male and female-Shou and Tefnout.”107 Heliopolis is also associated
with a sacred tree named ised which guaranteed the prosperity of the
reign.

36 το]ῦ[το] αὐθεν[τικόν] σου ὄνοµα: In many religions from the

Near East108 there was a belief that the original miraculous name of a
god is endowed with overwhelming power. So, if someone possesses
the real name, he is supposed to be able to control the god and his

105
On the solar voyage see Hornung (1963); Rosso (2012) 9-23; Ward (2000);
Tyldesley (2010).
106
On the identity of the tree see Suárez (2012b)
107
Leeming- Page ( 1997) 196
108
Egyptian religion, Judaism and Islam.

133
power. Thus, the god must keep this name secret. For the Egyptians,
the name was as much a part of a man’s being as his soul.109

36-42: After the invocation, the practitioner has to come back without
shoes and consume the offerings, standing face to face with the god.
The last instructions concern the secrecy of the ritual performance and
the abstinence from sexual intercourse with a woman for five days.

37 πεµπόµε[νο]ς [δὲ]: There is an interpretative problem here. The

subject of the passive participle is σύ, but there is not a meaning of the
verb, which can make sense here. Betz translated it as “when you are
dismissed” but this is problematic translation. Dismissed by whom?
“Dismissed” with the meaning of “finish” or “complete” in English is
not compatible with the meanings of πεµποµαι in Greek. The only
solution I can propose, admitting that it is a ‘long shot’, is the verb
with the meaning of to move in procession,110 because we have also
the verb of movement ἀναποδίσας.

37 ἀναποδίσας: O’ Neil translated it as ‘walk backwards’ and

considered it as a magical rite, citing also PGM IV, 44, 2493 and
PGM XXXVI 273, but as Johnston has correctly noted the verb means
to walk back whence one came.111

109
Wallis Budge (2013), 157; This belieftwas not only applied to the gods but also
to the people who used to conceal their real name because its knowledge could be
used in casting spells.
110
See TLG.
111
Johnston(2002), 354.

134
41 κρύβε, κρύβ[ε]τὴν πρ[ᾶξιν: This phrase is ubiquitous in the
corpus. The majority of the rituals conclude with this indication of
secrecy. As Dickie has correctly stressed, secrecy it is not an
incidental feature of magic but is integral to it, part of its
quintessence.112 This can be understood if magic is viewed as the
antithesis of religious in the same dyadic system. Moreover, the
secrecy is part of the concept of the exclusivity of a powerful body of
knowledge promoted by magicians when soliciting clients. This
potent knowledge should remain unrevealed and undisturbed
according the official religious concept. Any attempt to access it, or
use it against the will of the gods, is therefore condemned. Thus, on
one hand, it is the illegality of the practice of magic113 that imposes
the need for secrecy, and on the other hand, it is the secrecy itself that
fascinates people as something extraordinary. Here, we see a crucial
difference between magic and mystic cults: mystic cults are secret to
the uninitiated, but open to the group of initiated people who
participate in the cult and its rituals legally. Magic is a lonely,
secretive experience proscribed by law.

41-42 ἄπε]χε σαυτὸν ἐν ἡµέρ[αις ζʹ]συνουσιάσαι γυναικί: The

PGM provides elaborate details regarding magical performance.
There is a high concern for purity in both the rituals of preparation

112
Dickie (2003), 38.
113
In the land of Egypt magic-heka- was incorporated into the official religious
system. However, there was a common association between the sorcerer and the
criminal in antiquity, and magic was from underestimated till punished. There are
two famous cases of people being accused of being magicians: Theoris and
Apuleios. Theoris was condemned to death but Apuleios was luckier. Both cases
mirror the negative perception of magic in the ancient world due to the antisocial
use of magic in the casting spells.

135
and reception. Central to these rules are prohibitions concerning foods
and sexual behavior forbidden to the magician, to avoid pollution of
the ritual. The preparation for the magical adjuration included
imposing abstinence, fasting and pure clothes or garments. The
collection of the PGM often features the phrase “keep yourself pure”
and describes cleansing procedures before the practice of magic.114
The magician’s state of ritual purity and preparedness provides an
exemplar and indicates the state of mental and physical perfection and
preparation essential for the performance of the magical ritual.

It is an often-repeated cliché that the Greeks had no sacred book.

But the absence of one single Panhellenic scripture does not mean
that the Greeks had no sacred texts at all. It is well known that they
had a plethora of texts that regulated and structured the performance
of religious rituals. Most of these sacred regulations are
epigraphically transmitted. Purity regulations were ever-present in
Greek sanctuaries, addressing very cosmic matters. “They provide
lists of objects that are prohibited in sanctuaries and enumerate
different sources of pollution, such as sexual intercourse,
menstruation, contact with a corpse, or even certain foods, listing
the number of days the polluted should keep away from the
sanctuary and the ways they can purify themselves” writes I.
Petrovic.115

114
See also PGM I 40–42, PGM IV 26–29, PGM IV 733–737. Please note that
the citations are exemplary and not exhaustive. For a more detailed analysis of the
cleansing procedure in the PGM, see Zografou (forthcoming); Blanco Cesteros,
Chronopoulou (forthcoming); Scibilia (2002), 81.
115
Petrovic (2011), 268.

136
Concerning purity regulations in Greek religion I have little to add
beyond what Robert Parker and other scholars have said on the
subject.116 But the fact that the practitioners feel the same need to be
purified before the eyes of the god, even if the magical ritual is
itself an “unclean” practice is very interesting. Fasting and
abstinence from sexual intercourse are always a secure path to the
pure status of the pious person. This also draws attention to the fact
that in almost all the magical rituals described in the papyri, even
the briefest, the scribe feels the necessity to add that the practitioner
should perform them in a state of purity, giving instructions for that
purpose. And we should not forget that fasting is a kind of
separation from everyday life.

Fasting is strongly linked with the condemnation of sarcophagy,

which is connected with the teaching of Orpheus in the Greek
world. Almost from Aristophanes’ time, poems attributed to
Orpheus circulated, condemning the murdering of animals, either
for food or as sacrifices.117 The most famous vegetarians were
Pythagoras and Empedocles, although there is a long debate about
whether they abstained from meat occasionally or permanently.
However, the prohibition of sarcophagy is central in the cult
prohibitions and is related with exceptional moments, especially
when a human is to have any kind of contact with the divine, such

116
For a catalogue and discussion of purity regulations as a group, see Parker
(1983). See also Parker (2004), 57–70; Lupu (2005); Chaniotis (1997). On purity
of mind in Greek religion, see Chaniotis et al. (1997), SEG 47-2340.
117
See Borgeaud (2013); Bernabé (2011).

137
as entering a temple, attending a sacrifice, or waiting for an
epiphany.

Diogenes Laertius (VIII 33), following Alexander Polyhistor and,

again, Aristotle says:
Purification is by cleansing, baptism and lustration,
and by keeping clean from all deaths and births and all
pollution, and abstaining from meat and flesh of animals that
have died, mullets, gurnards, eggs and egg-sprung animals,
beans and other abstinences prescribed by those who
perform mystic rites in the temples.118

Porphyry, in his work De Abstinentia,119 gives a conceptualization

of purity defining it as an “absence of mixture”, amixia, whereas
pollution is the result of such a mixture: not to mix the same with
the other, or with the opposite. Thus, consuming the dead body of
an animal is a mixing of life and death. The principle is that purity
consists of abstaining from mixing, agneia. Of course, this principle
is not only applied to food, but starting with ritual prescriptions
related to food, it logically leads to the condemnation of hetero- or
homosexual unions. From a male perspective, sexual intercourse,
which is a mixture of masculine and feminine, “feminises” the soul
and the sperm that dies in the process is also a mixture of death and
life.

118
Trans. By Hicks, R.D (1925), 1:33.7.
119
Trans. By Taylor (1965).

138
It is considered that Greek had been strongly influenced by the
Egyptians. The first prohibition in Egypt concerns fishes,120 mainly
which come out of the sea: this abstention has to do with the fact
that such fishes come from elsewhere, from outside, and in certain
rituals fish and birds are identified with the enemies of Egypt, with
“foreign invaders”. However, when talking about prohibitions, we
are talking about occasional, and not absolute or permanent
prohibitions. Fish is not systematically avoided as food in Egypt
and some fishes that are prohibited in a certain area in Egypt are
consumed elsewhere in the country.121 It is known about the
Egyptians’ prohibitions that they abstained from any fish, solipedic
quadrupeds, or fissipedic or non-horned ones. They also abstained
from carnivorous birds. Many even abstained from any animal,
without exception, and this is valid for all priests during the times
when purity is permanently required.122 What is more interesting is
in Chapter 64 of the Book of the Dead, where it says: “this formula
should be read when pure and blameless, without having eaten
small herd or fish, and without having had sexual relationship with
a woman.”

In the Jewish religion things were a little more complicated. As

Origen (Comm. Rom. 9. 36. 1–2) highlighted, the Jewish scriptures
did not specifically forbid eating meat. Jewish Law prohibits
various types of unclean meat including pork. Furthermore, the
proper preparation of meat, such as draining the blood, is equally

120
See Borgeaud (2013), Alcock (2006).
121
See Baetens (2013), 17–24; Darby et al. (1977).
122
See Borgeaud (2013).

139
important.123 Other texts specifically describe abstinence as
avoiding meat and wine. Thus, Joseph and Aseneth124 mentions
Joseph avoiding Egyptian meat and wine because he considers them
idolatrous. The Book of Daniel narrates Daniel and his friends
eating only vegetables in order to maintain their purity. These
stories of traditional Jewish heroes could serve as examples and
sources of inspiration for Jews in a Pagan and Gentile
environment.125 This evidence leads us to consider the dietary
prohibitions of Jews as one of the main ways of public
identification. Undoubtedly, Jews also believed that purity is linked
with food restrictions, especially those of meat and wine. The
remarkable point in this case is that they adopt these prohibitions on
a permanent basis and not occasionally. We should not forget also
that two Gospels, of Lucas and Matthew, show Jesus fasting in the
desert before his encounter with the Devil.

But fasting is also a prerequisite in Jewish mysticism and magic. In

Hekhalot Zutarti126 Aquiva said “everyone who repeats this
Mishnan and wishes to utter the name of God must fast for forty
days…”

123
See Toney (2007), 78.
124
Ancient apocryphal expansion of the Book of Genesis. See Philonenko (1968);
Bohak (1996).
125
See Toney (2008), 59–60.
126
The Hekhalot and Merkavah manuscripts belong to Jewish mysticism and are
written in Hebrew and Aramaic with several borrowings from Greek. This is an
enigmatic work in terms of date and authorial identity. Schäfer, its editor, does
not propose a specific date of composition but there is a long debate about it. The
Hekhalot literature is post-rabbinical, produced some time between late antiquity
– some believe in Talmudic times or earlier – and the early Middle Ages (200
CE–700 CE). The Hekhalot Zutarti, in particular, is concerned with the secret
names of God and their powers. See Schäfer (1988).

140
The Greek Magical Papyri finds something of a counterpart in the
Jewish book Sepher Ha-Razim.127 The book is full of Greek terms,
including incantations based on pagan prayers, indicating the close
bonds between Jewish and Greek during this period. Its magical
rituals are similar in style and content to the PGM. On its pages we
can find the same concern for purity and perfection.128
Purify yourself from all impurity and cleanse your flesh
from all carnality and then you will succeed. (First Firmament, 39)
Then go out on Sunday to the sea shore or to a river bank
during the third hour of the night. Wear a new cloak and do not eat
(the meat of) any animal, nor anything which yields blood (when
slaughtered), and do not drink wine. (First Firmament, 223–235)
Cleanse yourself for three weeks from all fruit of the palm,
from all kinds of animals, small and large, from wine, from (all)
types of fish and from all (animals) that yield blood (when
slaughtered); and do not approach a woman in her impurity, and do
not touch anything which has died, and do not come near a leper or
one afflicted by venereal discharge, even accidental, and guard your
mouth from every evil word and from every sin. (Second
Firmament, 5–10)129

127
Sepher Ha-Razim was reconstructed by Mordecai Margalioth and translated
into English by Micheal Morgan following the discovery of fragments from the
Cairo Genizah in 1963. Margalioth dated Sepher Ha-Razim to the early fourth or
late third century CE. Others argue for a later date. Alexander considers
Margalioth’s dating “too precise, and probably too early. The evidence suggests
that the original form of Sepher Ha-Razim was composed in the fifth or sixth
century CE, probably more towards the end of this period than the beginning. The
place of composition, on linguistic grounds, is most likely to have been
Palestine.” See Morgan (1983); Margalioth (1966); Alexander (2003), 170 -190.
128
The cited passages are exemplary and not exhaustive.
129
Morgan (1983), 24; 41; 43 (respectively)

141
In addition to these Jewish magical texts, there are some instances
in Jewish literature where revelatory dreams and visions are
obtained as a result of fasting. Daniel is the recipient of dreams and
visions some of which were acquired through “prayer and
supplication, with fasting, and sackcloth, and ashes” (Dan. 9:3).

The above survey clearly shows that magic, as almost all religions
of that time, considered fasting and abstinence from certain types of
food as a kind of spiritual purification and preparation needed for
performing complicated magical formulas but also as a way to
attract the deity. We can assume that this is an application of the
Law of Similarity, similia similibus. Gods are considered pure, thus,
in order to attract them, the practitioner must also be pure or at least
purified.

Conclusion: The drowning of the falcon overshadows this passage.

The ritual described, the apotheosis of the bird, its mummification, the
enshrinement and the offerings hold many similarities with the cult of
divine animals in Egypt of Late Antiquity, but here it is adapted to a
domestic ritual -with the restrictions that may imply this- aiming to
cast a spell of paredros. The practitioner performing these rituals acts
like a priest. J. Moyer has maintained that this rite is a rite of initiation
of the magician. The magician acts like a priest and performing rituals
very similar to those of initiated priests, such as seeking direct access
to the divine, or the priest’s privilege of approaching the divine an
assuming their powers.

142
The influence of the official religion in this section is more than
evident, and we can assume that the original scribe of this spell either
had a profound knowledge of the official rituals performed in temples
and their symbolism, or he had access to sacred books; both
possibilities indicate that the original scribe was a priest.

PGM I 43-195 Second ritual for acquire a parhedros. The

instructions are given in epistolary form. Pnouthis sends a letter to
Keryx explaining to him what he should do to obtain a supernatural
assistant.

43-54 In the preamble to the spell, Pnouthios, a sacred scribe sends

a letter to Keryx greeting him and stating that he is going to give
him instructions how to expediently implement the spell for a
paredros. He says that this is a powerful spell, able to convince the
gods and that he found it after searching in countless books (of
magic).

4 2 ἱ ε ρ ο γ ρ α µ µ α τ έ ω ς : This was the Greek term for the

scholarly writers of the House of Life associated with temples. The
scribes there represented all kinds of wisdom. They were prominent
priests, having both the authority and ability to interpret dreams and
predict the future on the basis of the ancient writings.130 We know
that the biblical Moses became an Egyptian Priest, a Hierogrammat.

130
See Zauzich(1968), 1199-1201.

143
43 Πνούθιος Κήρυκι τ]ὸν θεὸν χαίρειν: The formula has the
structure of a letter sent by an hierogrammateus named Pnouthis to
someone called Keryx. In this letter the author addresses the
recipient in terms consistent with a master-disciple relationship.
Pnouthios is self-defined as ειδως, a person familiar with this kind
of magic. The names Pnouthios seems to derive from Pa-ntr «the
god» or «he of the god» and the Keryx means «herald». The word
hierogramateus endows a person with the prestige of authority.
Generally speaking, the epistolary form as a genre for the diffusion
of the wisdom was a characteristic of this period. The options we
have to interpret this situation are the following. A. Both sender and
recipient are real persons who actually maintain a correspondence.
B. The sender is, in fact, a priest who invents a fictional character as
recipient. C. Both of them are real, but the interchange of letters
never existed and was imagined. D. Neither of the protagonists
existed in reality and the epistolary forms of the text are a literary
device fashionable at the time. 131 However, The names used for the
sender and recipient are remarkable. The name Keryx does not
exist, and Pnouthios is scarcely attested.132 Consequently I consider
the last case as the most likely, i.e. that both persons are imaginery.

43 Κήρυκι133 is not a personal name but a designation given to the

herald at a procession or sacrifice in ancient Greece. In the
Eleusinian Mysteries, one of the families of priests was that called

131
About the pseudepigraphy in magical texts see Suárez (2014).
132
Acoording Trismegistos it appears only two times.
133
Eleusinian Mythology: Eumolpus, Triptolemus, Polyxenus, Herald-Keryx,
Himmarados, the Suppliants, Demophon of Eleusis, Diogeneia

144
the Kerykes, descended from Keryx, herald, a son of Hermes, the
divine herald. The Dadouchos, the second priest of the Mysteries,
was appointed from this family, as was the priest who officiated at
the altar.134 The link with the mystery rites is significant in this
particular case, because Pnouthios, while describing the
extraordinary character of the rite, addresses his student Keryx, as
‘bl[essed] initiate of the sacred magic’ (PGM I.127) and commands
him to ‘share with no one [else] (...) this great mystery’ (PGM
I.130f.).135

44 πρὸς τὸ µὴ διαπίπτειν ἐπιτελ[οῦν]τα [τή]νδε [τὴν πρᾶξ]ιν: It

is easy to imagine that some magical spells, especially the very
ambitious ones raising high expectations, such as an encounter with
the divine, would have experienced repeated, if not, constant
failure. It could be supposed that a good excuse for these failures
would have been to blame the faulty execution of the spell
instructions. If we go through all the magical recipes of the corpus
we realize that it is difficult to find an example of a very clear and
fully detailed recipe. We can assume that these recipes were
addressed to persons already initiated into magical rites; but
nevertheless, in a case of failure the easiest explanation is that the
practitioner had deviated from the correct procedure, or had not

134
Kerényi (1991), 23.
135
On the use of language deriving from mystery religions in the PGM See: Betz
(1991), 244–259. However, Ritner regards these Greek terms as mere translations
of Egyptian concepts like ssˇtA that do not carry any of the connotations of Greek
mystery-cult theology. Note that he does not explain the personal name Keryx.
Ritner (1995), 3365f.

145
 136
been properly purified. This was exactly the explanation given
by the god to Thessalos when he asked him why he had failed when
trying out Nechepso’s recipes “He did not know the proper times
and places where the plants must be gathered”.

46 καταλειπόµενα βίβλοις µυρίαις συντάγµατα: In the corpus of

magical papyri there are many instances where the scribes admit to
having consulted other books or having found the magical recipes in
them.137 These references reveal that the magician of this period had
at their disposal some kind of library, and that some of the recipes
were the result of research and compilation from other handbooks.
Moreover, from the content of the handbooks that have reached us,
PGM, shows that this library was very rich, containing books of
literature from many civilisations, and covering many subjects:
philosophy, sacred books from different religious etc.138

52 [ἔχει γὰρ δύναµι]ν Πνούθεως λόγος πείθειν θεοὺς καὶ πάσας

τὰ[ς θεάς: This is the phrase in which the essence of magic and the
power of the words are revealed. The belief that some words were
so powerful that even the gods could not refuse to obey them.
Actually, this spell draws its power from the invocation of the
sacred name, and thereby from the primal, magical belief that such
names are integral to the being and contribute to the power of their
bearers.

136
Bohak (2008), 46-49; For a general discussion about mistakes and failures of
rituals Hüsken (2007).
137
See for example PGM II. On this see also Suárez (2017) 113-142.
138
For a full analysis of this subject see Suárez (2012a).

146
PGM I 54-196
54-95 The ritual for acquire a paredros is as follows: The magician,
after having been purified, should at night climb onto a high roof
wearing clean clothes. He should cover his eyes with a black strip
as used in the cult of Isis and hold in his right hand a falcon’s head
[Missing text]. Then he should utter the first spell of systasis at
sunset [missing text]. [missing text]. At dawn he should salute the
sun shaking the falcon’s head, [missing text] recite the sacred words
while he makes an offering, burning frankincense and rose oil. As
he recites, a falcon should appear in front of him and drop an
oblong stone. Then the falcon will go up again. The magician
should engrave the stone and wear it round his neck (as an amulet).
In the evening, he should go up again and gazing at the light (of the
star) of the goddess (Isis?) address to her a hymn, in the meantime
sacrificing myrrh. After this, he should light a fire and holding a
branch of myrtle hail the goddess while shaking it.

When all these things have been done, a blazing star will come
down in the middle of the household, which will then dissolve, and
an angel will appear in front of the magician to reveal the god’s
will. The magician should receive the angel by taking his right hand
and kissing it. Then he should adjure the angel that he will obey
him. After the oaths, the magician should lead the god downstairs
into a narrow room, prepared to receive a god. There, the magician
has to prepare a table with all kinds of food and wine. The god,
served by an uncorrupted and silent boy, should dine. The magician

147
should then address the god, insisting that the god should be his
friendly assistant. The god will stay three hours and the magician
can test the oaths by asking the god whatever he wants. After three
times, the god will leap up and the boy should accompany him to
the door while the magician says an apolysis.

56 ἀνα]βὰς ἐπὶ δώµατος ὑψηλοῦ: Performing magic is a solitary

experience. The protagonist needs to be alone, preferably in an
isolated area. The meeting with the deity is perceived as an
individual and not a collective experience. The sense of separation
from everyday life is a necessary precondition for the divine
meeting and prepares the recipient of the extraordinary experience.
In this case, the area required is a roof, probably because the
practitioner addresses a celestial divinity and the roof is the highest
place that someone can easily reach. From the roof, you can also
have an unobstructed view of the heavens. In addition, it is of
utmost importance to be alone and a roof serves this purpose.

In PGM XII 38, where the god Eros is invoked, we read “on the
third day, place another chick on the altar; while conducting this
portion of the ritual, consume the chick by yourself, allowing no
one else to be present.” In a spell of attraction (PGM IV 2649)
between the instructions given we read, “go up to a lofty roof, and
make the offerings”. A charm for a direct vision of Apollo (PGM
VII 728) starts “in a ground-floor room without light”. Elsewhere
(PGM IV 170) it is written: “at whatever sunrise you want /
(provided it is the third day of the month), go up to the highest part

148
of the house and spread a pure linen garment on the floor. Do this
with a mystagogue.”

Regarding this element, we should comment that isolation was not a

prerequisite in ancient Greece.139 The religious credo of the Greeks
can be described as peculiar, because they seemed to believe that
the gods were living among them. They had chosen as their home
the highest Greek mountain and very frequently came down and
lived amongst mortals. Artemis hunts in Arcadia, she takes her bath
in a river of Arcadia, on some days Apollo resides in his Oracle in
Delphi, Dimitra serves the oikos of Celeus, Zeus is almost always
on earth trying to seduce a mortal girl etc. In Homer, gods are
known more by their power than their discrete personalities.140 In
the Iliad, theophanies (or epiphanies) are very frequent and often
influence the course of the battle and the myths, which suggests that
Olympians did not have any problems revealing their divine nature
wherever and whenever it was needed in order to fulfill their plans.
However, they were not visible to all alike, for example, Odysseus
but not Telemachus could see his helper, Athena. In the classical
Athens of the late fifth century BC, the presence of the gods had
become a convention to sophisticated minds and it was an
experience exploited in abundance in Greek drama. Therefore, I
believe the term theophaneia cannot be successfully adapted to the
case of Greek religion. It must be stressed that in all these divine

139
A highly important monography that discusses many aspect of this topic is
recently offered by Petridou (2016).
140
See Lane Fox (1986), 113; Platt (2011); Bremmer, Erskine, (eds.) (2010).

149
activities, gods took the human form so they were not easily
identifiable by the mortals.

However, the ancient Greeks had a festival called Epiphany. They

celebrated the appearance of a god to a human, at some specific
place and the hymns composed by Callimachus between the 270s
and late 240s BC, threw a bridge between literature and religious
life. Three of his hymns, especially, were associated with civic
festivals, although their style makes it hard to confirm that they
were meant for recitation on the festival’s day. Each, however,
begins with a scene in which the god or goddess is about to be
present among the onlookers.141

Prayers and invocations also match the language of hymns and they
also throw a bridge between literature and life. The lyrics of the
great Attic dramatists allow us insight into appeals to a god to
“appear” and their models were certainly daily hymns and prayers
of the cult. A very eloquent example comes from Sophocles in the
Ajax, where the chorus prays to Apollo to come “with kindly mind
and in easily recognizable form”.142 “In Aristophanes, as in
Sappho, gods are invited to assist human celebrations and to drink
with the participants of peaceful rustic festivals. These prayers call
on the gods by names and they request in advance the manner or
mood in which the god should appear,” claims Lane Fox.143

141
See Lane Fox (1986), 114; Vestrheim (2002).
142
See Lane Fox (1986), 116.
143
See Lane Fox (1986), 116.

150
In the Egyptian religion, a characteristic feature is the variety of the
forms in which the unseen intervenes. The Egyptian gods are not
monophysites.144 The gods could express their selves through a
confusing multiplicity of forms and almost never limited themselves
to one form but changed their manifestations at will. In this land,
sacred animals, earthly images and statues were worshipped as
incomplete manifestations or partial revelations of the gods. These
manifestations served to make the god more accessible to the
believer. The true form of the god, the complete and perfect
physical manifestation is rarely revealed to humankind, and the
worshipper perhaps has the opportunity to meet the god in the next
world.145 Although it is clear that the true form of the deity was
hidden to man, the Egyptian gods were not antisocial and their
manifestations always took place in a social framework. A serious
restriction in the case of Egyptian gods is that we cannot speak
about exclusively anthropomorphic manifestations, but even with
this restriction, it remains evident that they were approachable and
willing to make their presence on earth noticeable. We should not
forget that Egyptian people considered each king a god, descended,
according to mythology, from the times of the gods.

In studying the case of the Hebrew religion we should bear in mind

its monotheistic doctrine, which differentiates it radically from all
the other religions. Thus, the uniqueness of its god attributes to him
an unsociable nature and its manifestations are extremely rare. In

144
See Eyre (2009), 36.
145
See David (2002), 56.

151
his book Encountering the divine,146 George Savran has already
emphasized this in biblical scenes, counting many cases where the
protagonist is separated from his family or from other members of
society before meeting God. For example, the angel appears to
Elijah in Kgs 19.5 after he has dismissed the servant, and Manoah’s
wife is alone on both occasions when the angel appears to her.147
The fact that this was a highly private experience and the focus on
the solitary aspect of the theophany suggests that in the Jewish
religion the appearance of the divine is antithetical to human
company. This solitude also increases the sense of mystery
surrounding the encounter.

Of course, we should not underestimate the influence of mystery

cults, which took place in isolation and psychological abstraction,
outside the normal sphere of reality, assuming this antisocial
character. Magic can be described as a mystical experience from
this perspective, but the objection could be that mystery cults were
not exclusively performed or experienced individually. However,
they excluded the uninitiated and they beheld a secret and, some of
them, a marginal character. Moreover, the secrecy implied by
separation could also be seen as a necessity for the magicians.
Magic, even if widespread, was illegal and therefore prohibited. The
magical rituals had to be performed hidden from curious and
dangerous eyes.

146
See Savran (2005), 14–18.
147
See Savran (2005), 14.

152
57 σύστασιν: The first meaningaccording TLG is introduction,
recommendation148 and the second communication. In PGM it
refers to divine encounters and encompasses all the forms of
association between human and god.149, an authentic self
manifestation of a deity, could be a visual contact, either direct
(face to face) or through lecanomancy, lichnomancy, a dream
etc.150 It could be also a more enduring connection between a mortal
and immortal, just as in the case of paredros where the immortal
allies with the human or even a union with god.151

62 ἱερὸν λόγον: This is a term that appears frequently in the corpus

and in a variety of contexts.152 See also l. 96.

62 ἐπιθυων: The two verbs that alternatively(?) describe the

sacrificial act are ἐπιθύειν and θύειν. Although we would expect the
most frequently used to be θύω,153 the dominant verb in papyri is
ἐπιθύειν. The verb ἐπιθύειν, according to LJS, has two meanings,
one of these means "to sacrifice on top", but it also has the sense of
"to sacrifice more or later or supplementarily". The second meaning
of the verb is "to burn incense". It is evident that here the verb has

148
It is a kind of auto-introduction to the dinivinty.
149
For a different interpretation of systasis see Preisendanz (1913), 2-5.
150
All these kind of manifestations in the magical papyri are labeled as direct
encounters. See Johnston (2010), 409-410.
151
This union was the ultimate goal of theourgy, a term coined by the
philosophical writer Julianus, a Hellenized Chaldean: divine ascent and mystical
union with god. On theourgy see Wallis- Bregman (1992); Tanaseanu-Döbler
(2013); Copenhaver (2015) 77-78; Addey (2016).
152
On the use of this adjective in the corpus see Suarez-Blanco-Chronopoulou
(2016), 224.
153
On the evolution of the term used in the sacrificial act see Casabona 1966.

153
the first meaning of “sacrifice on an altar”, but there are cases in
which the use of “supplementary sacrifice”154 should not be ruled
out because the ingredients required for a sacrifice are many and the
“supplementary” meaning of the verb encompasses this. Zografou
notes that the distinction between the two verbs lies in the
consumption or tasting of the offering by the practitioner.
According to her, the verb ἐπιθύειν is never used where the recipe
explicitly requests consumption of the victim.155 In these cases, the
verb used is either θύειν or another type of periphrasis. At the time
the papyri were written, the verb ἐπιθύειν was closely linked to
vegetable offerings, and especially to the burning of incense.
Theophrastus, quoted by Porphirius,156 associates the verb ἐπιθύειν
with the verb θυµιᾶν, an association that for him is caused by the
root θυ-, which is linked to fire and smoke. As Zografou argues, we
can explain the use of the verb ἐπιθύειν instead of θὺειν by
extension, since incense was widely used for all offerings to the
gods, even those of animals.157 The argument is convincing,
although, as we have already seen (and she herself notes),158 the
meaning of "sacrificing more or later or supplementarily" can not be
ignored.

64 ἡλιοτροπίου β[οτάνης: Heliotrope is a flower with clear

connection with the sun. The rotational motion of the sunflower
follows the course of the sun and therefore it is not strange to find

154
See PGM II 177
155
Zografou (2013) 52.
156
Porph. Abst. II, 59.
157
Zografou (2013) 30-35.
158
Zografou (2013) 30-31.

154
its presence in a magical recipe where solar gods are invoked to
cooperate.

68-69 δὲ διατρυ[π]ήσας καὶ διείρας σπάρτῳ περὶ τ[ὸν

τρά]χηλόν σου εἴρησον: Regarding amulets,159 in the corpus there
are two categories: a) independent recipes that give instructions on
how to make an amulets and b) spells that incorporate instructions
for protective amulets used only during the performance of this
particular spell, just as in this case.

70-71 πρὸς αὐγὴν τῆς θεοῦ ἄντικρυς: Isis was identified with the
bright star Sirius- (the Dog Star) actually the brightest star in the
Earth’s night sky. As D.G. Greenbaum stresses “the heliacal rising
of Sirius (The Dog-Star) marks the beginning of the Egyptian year,
and Isis is famously associated with Spdt (The Egyptian name of
Sirius). This astronomical links connect Isis intimately with time,
and particularly with the solar circle.”160

72 µυρσίνης: Myrtle is considered to be sacred to the goddess

Aphrodite but also possesses a sepulchral aspect as sacred to
chthonian deities161 and is connected with the initiation in the
Eleusis mysteries.162 Myrtle appears also in Sefer Ha-Razim where
practitioner intends to question a ghost. He should hold in his hand

159
They are numerous studies about the amulets in ancient word. I cite as
fundamentals the followings: Bonner (1950-1951); Delatte-Derchain (1964);
Kotansky (1991-1994);
160
Greenbaum (2015). See also Griffiths (1970), 371-73; Ascough (2005), 77;
228; Merkelbach (2001), 111.
161
Cook (1914-1940), 1165; Staples (1998), 99-104.
162
Mikalson (2010), 83.

155
a myrtle twig and a flask of honey and oil.163 In PGM collection
appears two times more, in PGM IV 2233 an in IV 2679.

74 ἄστρον κατελθὼν στήσεται εἰς µέσον: Divine apparitions are

usually foretold by or associated with celestial phenomena, such as
remarkable stellar events or a spectacular skylight. This is quite
understandable as popular thinking considers the celestial sphere as
the dwelling of the god and interprets every unusual astronomical
phenomenon as a divine sign. This was such a deeply rooted belief
that many emperors and kings tried to take advantage of fortuitous
astronomical phenomena for their political propaganda. The famous
comet of 44 BCE that appeared shortly after the assassination of
Julius Cesar on the Ides of March was propagandized as the
apotheosis of Julius on the one hand and, on the other, as the signal
of the novel era of Octavian ruling, who tried to present himself as a
god on earth.

In “Mithras Liturgy” (PGM IV 475–829), the god’s manifestation is

very impressive.
Look in the air and you will see lightning bolts going
down, and lights flashing, and the earth shaking, and a god
descending, a god immensely great, having a bright
appearance, youthful, golden-haired, with a white tunic and
a golden crown and trousers, and holding in his right hand a
golden shoulder of a young bull… Then you will see

163
Harari (2017).

156
lightning bolts leaping from his eyes and stars from his body
(696–704).164

In the Corpus Hermeticum the gods “were visible in forms of stars

with all their signs; while Nature had her members made articulate
together with the Gods in her“ (Corp. Herm. 3. 2). In the Testament
of Solomon, which is dated to the third or fourth century and which
contains elements of Jewish magic we read the following
conversation between Solomon and the demon “Accordingly I said
to him: ‘Under what star dost thou lie?’ And he answered: ‘In the
very tip of the moon’s horn, when it is found in the south. There is
my star’.”

In this light, it was not surprising that Jesus was thought by many as
a divine king on earth and the Star of Bethlehem episode, which
pointed to the birth of Jesus, in St. Matthew’s Gospel is of great
interest. Even if purely legendary, this famous Christmas story
reflects the popular belief that a celestial sign accompanies the
divine presence.

The first description of the star is its initial rising, then the Magi
“see” the star again, where it is said this time to go before them and
actually stop right above the Christ-child, pinpointing an individual
house. Even more striking is that in the biblical narrative the first
people who came to the begotten Son were the so-called “magi”.
Given the rivalry between magic and religion, the fact that Matthew

164
Betz (1986), 51-52.

157
choose to present few magi as the first worshippers of the true god,
at least raises our attention. Herodotus uses the term “magi” to
generically refer to a “sacerdotal caste” of Pre-Achaemenid
Persia.165 The class of magi has been linked with the Zoroastrian
religion as ritual specialists in sacrifices, incantations, divination
and other sacerdotal rites. But long before the writing of the gospel
“magi” had come to be related negatively with “magicians and
charlatans”, at least in Greek territory.

However, here the term “magi” does not seem to have a negative
connotation and Matthew referred to them with the respectful
interpretation of magus. And this is not without purpose. The
tradition of the Zoroastrian magi talks about a prophetic star, but
another significant text found in the Vahman Yast also appears
embedded in the Pahlavi tradition.166 The document mentions a
prophecy, a star’s falling in connection with a divine birth.
Widengren summarizes its cryptic wording as follows:
It is said… of the Saviour Husetar that his father was
a prince, kai. Husetar in his turn is the begetter of the kai of
religion. During the night when this kai is born there will be
a sign to the world: a star falls from heaven and when this
kai is born the star shows a sign. The falling of the star thus
indicates the birth of Saviour.167

165
Hist. 1. 107, 1. 108, 1. 120, 1. 128, 1. 132, 1. 140, 7. 19, 7. 43, 7. 113, 7.191.
On magoi in ophics and in the derveni papyrus see Edmonds (2008); Bernabé
(2006).
166
Middle Persian apocalyptical text preserved in a Middle Persian version in
Pahlavi script. See West (1897).
167
Widengren (1959).

158
Therefore, Matthew’s Gospel seems to recall the Pahlavi tradition in
order to convince the Zoroastrian adherents that Jesus was the
Savior their prophecies talked about.

Whatever Matthew’s intention was, the star plays an important role,

indicating the joyous event of a divine birth. Therefore, the magical
papyrus seems to be influenced by this long tradition. We should
not forget that this tradition already begins with ancient Greece
where the immortalization of many humans involved their
transformation into stellar bodies.

76 ἐκάλεσας ἄγγελον: In PGM this is used ten times for various

types of non-human helpers. A paredros is acquired by ritual and
vocative manipulation and compulsion. The case of paredros in
PGM I raises an interpretative problem and demands meticulous
examination because of the presence of terms “god” and “angel”.
The texts at l. 75-77 says “you will look at the angel whom you
summoned and who has been sent to you and you will quickly learn
the gods’ wishes” and the reader assumes that what is manifested in
front of the magician is an angel. Bu in the very next lines the text
give the following instructions: “approach the god and, taking his
right hand, kiss it and say these words to the angel’’ and ten lines
later (86-87) says “set these before the god with an uncorrupted
boy serving and keeping silence, until the angel departs”.
Consequently, we are faced with two possible interpretations The
first one is that god and angel are used for the same entity and the

159
other one is that two different entities are expected to be manifested.
Ciraolo supports the idea that the terms angelos is used
interchangeably with theos essentially as synonyms, and the word
does not appear to have any special connotations.168 O’Neil agrees
with Ciraolo.169 Pachoumi; however, after examining other cases of
paredros in the magical papyri, he admits that the case of PGM I is
particular and we can not be so certain that these two words are
interchangeable.170

79 ἐξόρκιζε τῷδε [τῷ ὅρκ]ῳ: The efficacy of magic lay very much
on the dynamism of the orders to the divine powers, thus the
instructions expressed by the most forceful verbs, such as orkizo,
epitasso, exorkizo. A. Zografou supports that the meaning to adjure
someone in order to oblige him to fulfill a task appears in the 1st
century a.C. but only between humans.171 The idea that a human has
the power to command a god emerges when the people start to
believe that gods possess humans. Thereafter, this term was used in
the specific context of exorcisms. However, in magic of this period
these verbs are used with intention to oblige the god to act, as the
human desires.

ἑτοι[µάσας] παντοῖα φαγήµατα : If we look closer at the

ingredients, we will see that the magic recipes demanded that the
offerings should be of expensive and rare products but also of the

168
Ciraolo (1995), 283.
169
Τhis angel or messenger (ἄγγελος) is also referred to as ‘the god’ throughout
the spell.
170
Pachoumi (2011), 155–165.
171
Zografou (2015), 268.

160
best quality. For example, in the LXX papyrus we read that the bran
has to be of the best quality; in others, incenses and perfumes of
different varieties are required. In XII 310-312, the instructions
indicate that the libation should consist of all types of perfumes,
except for incense. The same happens in XIII 352, in which the
sacrifice consists in burning seven approved incenses. In PGM I,
specifically, the banquet prepared for the god has to contain all
types of food; and in V 240, the engraved stone has to be expensive
and the wire to hang it has to be gold. These kinds of comments,
along with the long list of ingredients needed, demonstrate an
extraordinary abundance of expensive products and a nonchalance
attitude to the cost of the magic recipe.172

85 οἶνόν τε Μενδήσιον: 173 In the corpus, a particular wine called

Μενδήσιον is mentioned three times. Betz (1985: 5, n. 18) points
out that this wine comes from the Egyptian city of Mendes, located
in the Nile Delta and warns that it should not be confused with that
of Mende, a Greek city famous for its wine. Betz supports his
argument with the opinion of W. Darby, P. Ghalioungui and L.
Grivetti (1977: 600) who state that "Lutz (1922: 4) speaks of a
Mendesian wine, quoting Athenaus (I 30) and Pliny XIV 9), but
there appears to be some confusion between the Mendaean wine of
Athenaus, a Greek type,and another Egyptian wine cited by Pliny.”
However, in the quote from Pliny (HN XIV 9) there is no mention
of the wine of Mendes, but of the wine called Sebennyticum which

172
Chronopoulou (2017).
173
Chronopoulou (2017).

161
was well known and made from three different varieties of grapes
originating from Tasio. Returning to the work of Lutz, after talking
about the wine Sebbennyticum, it is specifically stated that "Pliny
also knew the wine of Egyptian Mendes" and the passages from
Pliny and the Deipnosophists are quoted again, with the addition of
a statement that this wine is mentioned by Clement of Alexandria in
Paed. II c. 2, according to which this wine had a very sweet taste.
Thus, Lutz mentions three ancient sources: Ateneo, which speaks
clearly of Greek wine; Clement of Alexandria, who mentions a
wine of Egyptian Mendes; and Pliny, who only speaks about the
famous wine Sebennyticum. Redford believes that the wine
Sebennyticum is similar to Mendesian because of the proximity of
the regions. This seems to be the only explanation, since in the
modern bibliography this fragment is quoted in reference to the
term "mendesian", when the term, as such, does not appear.
Therefore, Darby, Ghalioungui and Grivetti are right to consider
that there is a confusion in Lutz. But, before moving further, we
must emphasize that the adjective Μενδήσιος, as the adjective
Μένδαιος, can come from the word Μένδη, which is the name of a
Greek city. Consequently, as a term Μενδήσιος can be attributed to
both cities due to the similarity of the names.

The term appears five times more in the Corpus Hippocraticum.

LMV Totelin (2009: 183), in his book on Hippocratic recipes,
regards it as a Greek wine, and he uses both the aforementioned
terms. J. Jouanna (2012: 180) also rejects Bailly's dictionary
reference, which says that this wine in Hippocrates is an Egyptian

162
wine and claims that these references are to Greek wine. The wine
of the Greek city of Mende was so renowned for its excellence that
the coins of Mende carried it as a symbol; However, the term
mendaios oinos was used to denote all the wine that passed through
the port of Mende after having been produced in the region. An
interesting detail is that this wine, according to the sources, was
light and sweet, as Clement describes it.

It should be mentioned that there was one more product bearing the
same name: the Mendesion, a white Egyptian perfume that was
prepared using lilies and spices. The first reference to this perfume
occurs in papyrus P.Cairo Zen 59089 (257 BC).

Returning to our sources; the case of "mendesian wine" and "attic

honey" seem to indicate that the origin of a substance could also be
indicative of its excellent quality. In reference, again, to the magical
papyri, LiDonnici (2001: 364) proposes that the recipe is likely to
stipulate an Egyptian wine to make the link with the Egyptian land
closer. However, if this hypothesis were correct, all kind of
Egyptian wines could be used to carry out the recipe. In addition,
apart from these few references, it is not possible to find any other
mention of vineyards in Mendes. Therefore, I believe that the wine
we have in the magical texts is the famous Greek wine of Mende. I
also consider that Clement was confused between the cities because
the characteristics of the wine as he describes them, correspond to
the qualities of the Greek wine.

163
86 ὑπηρετοῦντος παιδὸς ἀφθόρου: O Neil believes that the pure
boy serves as a medium.174 It is true that boys are used as mediums
in contact with the divine but the structure of this ritual does not
imply the use of a medium.

94 χώρει, κύριε, θεὲ µάκαρ, ὅπου διηνεκῶς σὺ εἶς, ὡς βούλει’,

καὶ ἀφανής ἐστιν ὁ θεός- : The apolysis-dismissal- of the god is
very typical in cases of magical ritual apparitions. Once the
magician has achieved his purpose and he has made use of the
supernatural power of the god, he quickly thanks, and then
dismisses the god because the reaction of such powerful sources of
energy can be unpredictable, especially when they act under the
coercion of spells. The common forms of dismissal include noble
attributes, as in our case µακαρ. Sometimes, in the dismissal, the
magician asks the deity to leave calmly and peacefully, or repeats
his petition for everlasting assistance. See l. 346-347

96-133 Then he explains that god is an aerial spirit and in following

lines focuses on the power of the god, enumerating what it is able to
do and offer to the practitioner. There is impressive variety in his
deeds: He is the master of the air and all the other gods accept his
sovereignty. The god dominates nature and subjects its powers such
as winds, rivers to his will. He has power over the animals and the
beasts, and he is able to transform himself into an animal. He can
also act as servant of the magician occupied with more humble
issues such as provider of material wealth, foods and wine, prepare

174
See also Hopfner (1926).

164
the table, open doors etc.175 Finishing with the enumeration of the
deeds, he repeats how important it is to adhere to that practice,
which he names as mega mysterion.

97 πνεῦµά ἐστιν ἀέριον, ὃ εἶδες: There is an inconsistency in this

line. The πνεῦµά-spirit- is something aerial but the instructions of
the spell contain the holding and the kissing of his hand, its dinner
with all kind of foods etc. Through the instructions it is implied a
corporeality of the gods. I suppose we have to perceive this
corporeality (or the supposed corporeality) in different terms to that
of the humans.

103 χωρὶς ἰχθύων µ[ό]νων- κρέας δὲ χοίρειον—[τ]οῦτο ὅλως µὴ

λέξῃς ποτὲ ἐνεγκεῖν.: It is noteworthy that the only tasks the
invoked deity can perform is the fetching of cooked fish for food
and pork meat. However this is not the only magical text which
reveals a certain particularity regarding fish and pork.
To begin with the fish, the following curse tablet, found at Roma(c.
IV? CE) and directed against a certain Nikomedes, is quite
eloquent:

(…) παράλαβε Νεικοµήδην δειώκ[ων] / καθηµερινὰς δὲ

†ἀρὰ γεγας† / τώνδε τὼν ἄνωµων καὶ ἀσε[βῆν], / ὥτι οὗτώς ἐστιν ὡ

175
This is a kind of aretalogy, the quasi-ritual enumeration of the qualities, power
and miracles of the deity. It is common in the corpus to appear aretologies
incorporated in hymns or separated as in our case. These usually long catalogs of
qualities and powers turn to be also a advertisement for the practice that invoke
the mighty god. It has the double role is not only to convince the good but also to
convince the client that we invoke the right good, the most powerful god.

165
κ[α]ύσας τὼν / παπυρῶνα τοῦ Ὠσείρεως κ[αὶ] / φαγὼν τὰ κρέα τῶν
ἰχθύων τῶ[ν̣ ἱερῶν ?] / [παρ]άλαβε τὸν Νεικωµήδην, ἣν ἔτεκα (…).
This curse is adressed to one of the untimely dead – an ἄωρος (l.1)-
176
and Osiris (and Typhon?)177 in order to punish Nicomedes, who
is accused of being “impious and sacrilegious” -ἄνοµος178 and
ἀσεβής- by the defigens. His crimes have been burning “the
papyron of Osiris” and eating a (sacred?) fish. (DT Aud. 188, ll.6-
13)

About the last accusation, the prohibition of eating fish, we have to

stress that this is not the only passage in Greek magical texts in
which appears the fish taboo.179 However, it is risky to generalize
about the ban of eating fish in Ancient Egypt, as well as in Greece;
a sacred fish in some cults was not holy in others communities with
different theological or mythological basis.180 Moreover, the

176
See above n. 43 for this special kind of deceased’s spirits in magic and related
bibliography.
177
In the text is written τοῦ Τύσων[ος] (l.3), that Audollent corrected as Typhon
(cf. DT Aud 188 ad loc.), but not all of the editors agrees with. E.g López Jimeno
understand Τύσων[ος] as the name of the invoked deceased, cf. López Jimeno
(2001), 193.
178
τώνδε τὼν ἄνωµων = τόνδε τὸν ἄνοµον, cf. DT Aud ad loc. The confusion of o
and ω is very frequent in this text.
179
The fish taboo appears also in PGM I, 120, where the magician invokes a spirit
that brings all kinds of food, with the single exception of fish; and in PGM I, 290,
where the magician equates eating fish to sexual intercourse in the prescription of
a series of abstinences for purification before the rite.
180
According to Herodotus, Egyptian priests were not allowed to eat fish
(Herodotus II, 37. 4) and some fish were sacred (II, 72.) - for example, we know
that in Esna perch was not eaten and was mummified Pilsbury(2006), 244;
Beatens (2013), 17-23.) - But, on the other hand, Herodotus also says that in
Egypt there were people who live on fish alone (II, 77. 15). The species of fish,
here described only as “holy”, was probably important, although the reference
here may perhaps be understood as an Egyptianising topos; see Plutarch, De Iside
7, 18, 32 and specially the comments of Griffiths, (1970) 277-278, 342-344, 548-
549.

166
abstinence from some types of fish was also observed as a purity
requirement in some Greek cults.181 In any case, these ritual
prohibitions were linked with particular cults or beliefs and the
taboo arises for two main causes: because some kinds of fish were
considered (a) sacred or (b) unclean in the context of specific
rites182 but we can assume that there is nothing intrinsically impure
about eating fish.183 Flowers claims that the prohibition against
pork is justified by the association of these two foods with the god
Set, and that warnings are often given in the old papyri about the
danger of using certain Setian symbols.184
Moreover it is important to stress that the prohibition against pork is
one of the most commonly known and thus stereotypical
prohibitions in many cultures. In PGM IV 3007-3086, an anti-
demon possession charm, said to be of Hebraic origin, suggests
abstinence from pork.

127 µύστα τῆς ἱερᾶς µαγείας- τὸ µέγα τοῦτο µυστήριον: The

magical ritual is perceived as a mystery and the practitioner, guided
by an expert, as an initiate. Magic is evaluated as «holy» and the
initiate as «blessed». These particular terms such as mysterion (with
the significance of a secret ritual), mystes, mysticos, mystagogos

181
Aelian, referring to the Eleusinian rules, says that dogfish were considered
unclean, because they give birth through their mouth. According to the Cratinos,
to participate in the cult of Trophonius, the worshipper could not eat the red-
skinned aixoniantriglê, the trygôn and the melanouros; cf. Parker (1983), 357-365
passim.; Mylona (2008).
182
For this reason, the restoration of Audollent - τῶν ἰχθύων τῶ[ν̣ ἱερῶν]-,
although possible, is not certain.
183
For this reason Parker considers this a “minor sacrilege”, cf. Parker (1983),
145 and 357.
184
Flowers (1995), 90.

167
appear almost exclusively in PGM IV.185 Consequently, it is unsafe
to speak about these terms as related with the mystery cults in the
PGM collections, although there is no objection to the idea that
mystery cults have influenced the magical rituals.186 Especially, in
the Egyptian religious milieu where magic was part of the official
religion where interactions and influences were inevitable.

132 ἑ[πτάκις ἑπ]τὰ πρὸς ἥλιον ἐξορκισµὸς: This number is

omnipresent in almost every religion and its significance has been
studied extensively.187 Seven is also one of the most potent numbers
in magic. In the coprus we find repeatedly the seven vowels, the
seven stars, seven-leafed spring of laurel, seven written characters,
sevenfold recitation, seven units of ingredients such as pinecones,
seven bricks, etc.

132-171: In these lines the scribe repeats the instructions focusing

on the words that the practitioner should say during the performance
of the rituals aforementioned. The magical recipe is divided in logos
and praxis. The first part of the description was dedicated to the
actions and the rituals that the magician should perform. Now he
recapitalizes the rite explaining what should be said and the
majority of them are voces magicae. Between them, there is a part,
where the power of the god invoked is exalted and his deeds again
enumerated.

185
See Suarez (2016), 210.
186
See Betz (1991).
187
For the importance of seven in ancient Egypt see Harris (2016), 85

168
143-144 Ἡλίωρος ἀνδρ[ιὰς] λεοντοπρόσωπος τῇ µὲν ἀριστερᾷ
χειρὶ κρατῶν πόλον καὶ µάστιγα, κύκλῳ δὲ αὐτοῦ
δράκοντα οὐροβόρον: This is the description of a manufactured
form of the gem188 used as an amulet. It describes a lion-faced
Helioros (the Horos of the sun) holding in its left hand a whip and
celestial globe, surrounded by an ouroboros (a serpent biting its
tail) , with onomata on the bottom of the stone. The practitioner
should wear it around his neck. Helioros, this special type of
daimon, is documented in several gems.189 However as Bonner and
more recently Nemeth,190 have both stressed, the papyrus presents
in this point present a peculiarity. The scribe never writes the word
Sun as Ηλιος. Instead of it, he writes a common magic symbol: O>
but only in this case, the circle is omitted. The papyrus writes
>oôros.191
Ouroboros means “devouring its own tail” and actually, it depicts a
serpent forming a circle by eating its tail. It is a symbol whose

188
For gems generally see Boardman (1970); Zwierlein-Diehl (2007);
Furtwängler (1900); Zazoff, P. (1983); Zazoff, H. (1983); Plantzos (1999); Spier
(2007); Smith (1979), 133 fn.1.
189
Bonner knew five magic gems that almost completely corresponded with the
description of the papyrus recipe. Specially a reddish Magnetide, about 3rd/4th
Cent. A.D. See Michel (2001). There were also some important difference as the
absence of ouroboros, the objects were hold in the right hand, not the same voces
magicae, the name of another god and the different kind of gem, They were not
bored through).
190
Bonner (1950), 19;
191
Nemeth says that it is possible that the scribe accounted for this deficiency by
placing a little ring on the left part of the omega, yet he may well have forgotten
it. Campbell Bonner considers the solution of the abbreviation as Hêliôros
uncertain. “Heliorus is Preisendanz’s reading; the papyrus shows only ωρος
preceded by a sign which Preisendanz interprets as a corrupt symbol of the sun.
Even if this point be called in question, Horus must stand as against the
conjectures of other editors because of the solar relations of this deity, and
perhaps also because the first of the prescribed words is found elsewhere in
connection with Horus”

169
origins go back to Pharaonic Egypt and representing the totality, the
circularity of time, the continuity, and the cosmos.192 It is very
common in Greco- Egyptian magical objects and especially in
gems. Sometimes within the circle, there is written en to pan, -one
is the whole-.

162 ἔσ]τιν δὲ γραµµάτων ιεʹ· σουεσολυρ φθη µωθ. : The

possesion of the secret name of the god enables the magician to
control and command him. That is why knowing the name is so
important, and in line 160, ask which is your divine name. Usually
when the numerical values of the Greek letter are added up, the sum
is 9999. This is a reference to Apollo’s «greatest name, whose
number is 9999». A gnostic stone from Athens has an inscription on
one side consisting of six seemingly meaningless words. Each letter
of these words is found to have a numerical value, the total being
9999. 9999 is the largest number capable of being counted on the
fingers of a person’s hands.

164-166 ἀπέραντον, ἀµίαντον, ἀδιήγητον, Αἰῶνα

κατεστηριγ[µ]ένον· ἀκίνητός µου γίνου ἀπὸ τῆς σήµερον ἡµέρας
ἐπὶ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον τῆς ζωῆς µου: It is noteworthy that the
repetition of α in this phrase, which in the Greek language could
mean deprivation and inability, such as in the words ἀπέραντον, the
one who has not a beginning, and ἀδιήγητον, the one whose name
cannot been said. However, the letter α also symbolizes the
beginning of the world.

192
Charlesworth (2010).

170
172- 196: In these lines, the scribe explains what the magician
should expect from the god. The god will be his friend, and will go
wherever the magician goes. He will give him money whenever he
needs it; he will foretell the future; he will execute all his desires
immediately. When he dies, he will be treated by the god as an
equal to the gods. He will lift his soul into the air and he will not
permit to his spirit to go to Ades because it will be united with the
paredros.

196- 222
Here we have a protective prayer addressed to the first-begotten and
first-born god, which in this case is Helios. The prayer invokes the
mighty god, enumerating his deeds and his power over the other
gods and nature in general, to summon them to come and be always
by his side, helping him because he is in great need. The prayer also
contains voces magicae.

197 The word ῥ υ σ τ ι κ ή occurs twice in this papyrus. The first,

here, refers to a protective formula and the second, in l. 266, refers
to the seven characters that should be written on the seven leaves of
laurel. Both the formula and the leaves had the function of an
amulet. Apparently, any proximity to a deity whose attendance has
been conjured up against their will is quite dangerous and the
magician is aware of it. Therefore the ritualist tries to secure himself
against possible retaliation by the god. There are many instances in
the papyri where the danger of the proceedings involving proximity

171
with the deity provokes the concern and the fear of the magician
and sometimes this fear is explicitly stated, as in this papyrus a few
lines later in Ἀ π ο λ λ ω ν ι α κ ὴ ἐ π ί κ λ η σ ι ς .193 See also IV,
2505.194

199 Δόξαι: The word doxai is attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls in
Peter 2:10 and Jude 8 and refers to angels, possibly even fallen
angels. There is a debate about whether they were angelic or
malevolent beings. Jude castigates his antinomian opponents for
blaspheming the doxai, and the context makes it clear that he must
be thinking of the angelic guardians of the moral laws195 of St.
Clement of Alexandria, according to the Latin version of his
commentary on the General epistles; thus the word doxai (plural)
can be understood as 'angels'.196

αἰωναῖε, αἰωνακ<τ>ινοκράτωρ, αἰωνοπολοκράτωρ: The

accumulation of adjectives is very frequent in the hymns in the
ancient Greek religious texts. Here the prefix αἰων is used to denote
the eternal nature of the god.

201 ἑπταµερ[ί]ου: The seven planets. The earth is the central point
of the universe, and is the midmost of the seven planets

193
βλέπε δέ, µὴ ἀπολέσῃς φύλλον [καὶ] σεαυτὸν βλάψῃς· τοῦτο γὰρ µέγιστον
σώµατος φυλακτικόν, ἐν ᾧ πάντες ὑποτάσσονται καὶ θάλασσα καὶ πέτραι
φρίσσουσικαὶ δαίµονες φυλ<άσσονται χαρ>ακτήρων τὴν θείαν ἐνέργειαν, ἥνπερ
µέλλεις ἔχειν. ἔστιν γὰρ φυλακτήριον µέγιστον τῆς πράξεως, ἵνα µηδὲν πτοηθῇς.
194
About the concept of the dangerousness in the magical papyri see
Chronopoulou (2015)
195
Caird (1995).
196
Bauckham (1983), 57.

172
207 δεκανοὺς κ[ρα]ταιοὺς: The ancient Egyptians had a calendar
known as the calendar of the Decans. They divided the great circle
of heavens into thirty-six equidistant asterims or single stars. The
decans subdivided the calendar into 10-days periods, which is why
they are called decans, from the Greek word δεκα. The first decan
was Sirius. It is hard to associate them with specific asterisms and
stars because they appear in the texts under very peculiar names.197
The decans also comprised a clock for measuring time during the
night.198 The decans were considered as having healing powers199
and were also associated with the circle of the zodiac.

222-231: The next fifteen lines describe the ritual for a spell of
invisibility titled Ἀ µ α ύ ρ ω σ ι ς ἀ ν α γ κ α ί α . The magician should
take the fat or an eye of a night-owl and a ball of dung from a beetle
and an unripe olive. He should grind all them together and then
while he is covering his body with the mixture, he should
pronounce a logos, containing voces magicae to Helios asking the
god to make him invisible until the sunset.

232-247
Some divination recipes include sections called µνηµονική. An
alternative heading is πρὸς τὸ µνηµονεύειν see PGM II. However is
not usually specified with sufficient clarity as to what they allow to

197
Many attempts have been made to identify them. Lull, Belomonte (2009), 162
they believe that they offer highly probable identifications.
198
Magli (2009), 88-90; Neugebauer (1975), 561-562; Depuydt (1997), 141-143.
199
Bohak, Harari, Shaked (2011), 255; Greenbaum (2015); Kákosy (1982).

173
be remembered. In II, 18 one reads πρὸς δὲ τὸ µνηµονεύειν τὰ
λεγόµε [να], true, but does this refer to the formulas that must be
pronounced for the execution of the practice, or the revealing words
of the god during the night? Both of them seem possible. All
magical formulas, voces magicae and names are sufficiently
complicated for an to require an aid for the memory in order to
ensure their precise utterance in a spell. However, as the magician
asks for an oracle, there is a justified preoccupation with the
possibility of forgetting the revelations of a divinity, especially if
the revelation occurs during a dream. For example, in VII, 90 we
find a petition for a dream to god called Besas where the following
advice is offered to anyone who wants to put the recipe into
practice: ἔχε ἔγγιστα σου πινακίδα ἵνα ὅσα λέγει γράψῃς, ἵνα µὴ
κοιµηθεὶς λεθαργήσῃς (VII, 90). The same advice occurs in the two
versions of the VIII Book of Moses (PGM XIII, 91 s and 646 s .:
ἔχε δὲ πινακίδα, εἰς ἣν µέλεις γράφειν, ὅσα σοι λέγει). In the same
spirit is the testimony of Tésalo, who, before going to his meeting
with Apollo, prepared for by an Egyptian priest, asked for writing
material to take notes.200 It is a usual characteristic of reminders to
be composed only of rites, without oral formulas.201 See also PGM
II lines 17-20.

200
Gracia Molinos (2017), 342 refers also to Song II of the Iliad, when Daydream
introduces himself to Agamemnon and concludes his revelation by saying "Keep
this in your minds and forget that you do not conquer it when the dream, sweet
for the minds, lets you loose" (II, 33 s.). and un oracle of Claros where the god
commands to be written his words δελτοῖς δὲ χαράσσετε χρησµὸν ἐµεῖο.
(Porfirio, 314F 25 Smith = Euseb., Praep. Ev., IV, 9, 2.)
201
Although exceptions can be found, mnemonike are not included in divination
recipes, such as that mentioned in III, 467-478.

174
The fragment is divided in four parts: a) the function of the spell
b)detailed instructions over the performance c)a long list of voces
magicae that have to be written on the piece of the papyrus d)a
recipe to prepare the special myrrh ink of Hermes.

2 4 7 - 2 6 2 : 202 The second spell of invisibility in the papyrus is

titled ἀµαυρωσις δοκίµη. The instructions are the following: if the
magician wants to be invisible he should rub oil of lily together with
a plant of peony and the eye of an ape or a corpse that has died a
violent death while reciting sacred names in typical ego-
proclamation.. Then he has to smear his body with it from the right
to the left. In this way he will be invisible to all. The spell continues
explaining what he has to do in case he wants to reverse the spell
and become visible again. He has just to move (walking? turning?)
from west to east saying again a magic formula. As Mirecki
explains,203 this spell is structured in an a-b-c pattern. (A) Want to
be invisible (B) Do this (C) You will invisible. (A) You want to be
visible (B) Do this (C) You will be visible.

Δ ο κ ί µ η : 204 Carefully studying the magical papyri, we can see

that beyond the instructions of the magical logos and praxis, they
also contain scattered additional information, not related with the
fulfillment of the magical recipe. Some of these information are

202
LiDonnici (1999). For a more metaphysical interpretation of invisibility spells,
see Phillips (2002); Phillips (2009).
203
See Paul Allan Mirecki “Manichaean Allusions to Ritual and Magic: Spells for
Invisibility in the Coptic Kephalaia” in Paul Allan Mirecki, Jason David BeDuhn
The Light and the Darkness: Studies in Manichaeism and Its World , Brill, 2001
175-176.
204
See Chronopoulou (2018), forthcoming.

175
associated with the efficacy of the spells. Comments of the quality
of the spell are repeated many times in the corpus, stressing the
magician’s anxiety to persuade but also revealing what all suspect:
that magic usually failed and occasionally and only accidentally
worked.

Apart from the “tested” spell, there are more adjectives that praise
some recipes or magical objects e.g. phylacteries. We found
adjectives such as marvelous, no greater, no equal, great, excellent.
All these adjectives do not state a concrete past success but imply
the tested effectiveness of the charm. Some comments are emphatic
as regards the conviction of the reader. They apply the sentimental
language205 modern adverts apply to influence the audience.

263-326 In theses lines we find an invocation to Apollo to come

and give an oracular answer to what is asked by the practitioner.
The spell is structured in two parts. The first one is the praxis of this
oracular spell and it prescribes a sacrificial ritual while utilizing a
phylactery made from a seven-leaved spray of laurel, a lamp and the
head of a wolf (263-296). Then the magician recites the logos (296-
327) followed by a shorter praxis and logos (327-47). Although it is
not clearly stated, the spell is a licnomancy because a lamp is used
during the ritual.

263-326: The instructions of the practice begin with the preparation

of a branch of laurel with seven leaves, which the magician should

205
On the sentiments and the hope in the corpus see Sarischouli (forthcoming)

176
hold during the performance of the ritual in his right hand (ll.274
and 286): on each leaf he has to have drawn one of the seven signs
drawn on the papyrus. In this case, the leaves of laurel functions as
an amulet to protect the magician. Then, the magician must gather
the necessary materials for the practice which are: a lamp strictly
'not painted red' with linen wick and oil of roses or spikenard, a
wolf's head, on which he will put the lamp and next to these, a clay
altar for the sacrifices. These consist of a libation of wine, honey,
milk and rainwater, seven cakes and a perfume of plants and other
exquisite perfumes. The ritualist must be dressed in "prophetic
garments," and be in a state of purity that will "bring the god into a
state of uncontrollable desire" towards him. In addition, he holds in
the right hand the branch of laurel, mentioned above, and in the left
an ebony wand. Once all this is arranged, it can be deduced that the
magician lights the lamp and offers the incense burner while
pronouncing the logos, and then the divine spirit enters (l.284). The
ritualist will ask about the art of divination and about the magical
experience.

296-326
The presence of one or several branches of laurel on the leaves of
which must be written magical signs is a common element of
Apollonian communication practices. However, in this ritual its
function is not associated with the divination. It seems to function
as an amulet.
The beginning of logos is denoted by a blank space. As D. Martinez
correctly stresses, it is an invocation that shifts rhetorically to

177
 adjuration with the verb “horkizo” repeated seven times with seven
aspects and names of the deity. The logos contains four shorter
hymns.206
a. Iambic invocation to Apollo l.296-297
b. Hexametric invocation to Apollo l.297-299
c. Hexametric adjuration to various deities most of them belonging to
the Judaic tradition such as Micheal, Gabriel etc. l.300-314 (The
lines 312-313, although they are part of the hymn, are contra
metrum.
d. Exametric invocation l.315-325

297 Παιήονι: Paean literally means the physician and the healer. In
Homer, Paeon was the Greek physician of the gods. In Iliad V he
heals the wounded Ares and Hades, when Heracles shot him with an
arrow.207 Paean was also the name given to the choral song,
addressed to Apollo or Artemis, in thanksgiving for deliverance
from evil.208 It was also a song of triumph. In this case the
practitioner invokes Apollo to “come with”. Obviously it is not an

206
The logos present a number of difficulties. See Hopfner (1990), 364-365. The
dominant structure is that of two hexametric hymns (296-314 in which the meter
breaks down at several points. However, recently M. Bortolani and M. Blanco
Cesteros, in their PhD dissertations, have worked again on the hymnal material.
Blanco Cesteros has included an exhaustive metrical and structural analysis
presenting all the opinions so far and I have chosen the one that seems to me best.
207
Paiawon, in a older form of the same was an independant divinity in
Mycenaean Bronze Age. After Homer, Paean is always used as an epithet of
Apollo and the scholars have debated whether Homer regarded Paean as still an
independant divinty or as an aspect of Apollo. See Graf (2009); Suárez (2013b)
208
The term was also connected with the son of Apollo Asclepius bearing the
significance of the “healer” eg. In Epigrammata Graeca 1027. Apart from
Asclepius and Apollo, other deities were attributed or identified with this epithet
see Bernand (1996), 583.

178
epithet but a substantive with the meaning of the healing skill or
remedies.

297 Κύριε: This is an epithet common in the Greek literature

without specific religious connotations. Jews and Christians used,
and still use, this term to describe the supreme authority of the one
and unique god. And indeed, although it is a quite frequent epithet
in the corpus of the magical papyri applied to many deities, some
combinations in these are taken from the Septuagint such as kyrios
o theos.209

298 Παρνάσιον ὄρος: The reference to Parnassus is used as a

metonymy of Delfos. The mention of the Parnassus appears in
numerous hymns to Apollo, but, from Pindar, it seems that it
becomes an almost obligatory mention of the postpindaric pean,
where, being the most representative place of Apollo, it is
configured like a topos of the Apollonian invocation .210 Parnassus
and Delfos creates an allusion for the oracular purpose of the spell.

298 Δελφίδα Πυθὼ: is used by Nonnus (D. 9.250) in the same

position in the verse (after bucolic dieresis) but it seems these two
sources are two centuries apart, so it is risky to try to establish a
connection between them.

209
Bortolani (2016), 64.
210
Bremer-Furley 2001, vol. II, pp. 87 y 99; Suárez 2013a, p. 179.

179
299 ἡµετέρων ἱερῶν στοµάτων ἄφθεγκτα λαλούντων: The
oxymoron ἄφθεγκτα λαλούντων- our lips says things that can not
been said- reveals this specifically special power magic is famous
for. Magician masters use some extremely powerful words that
nobody knows or dares to say. So the power of these words is going
to compell Apollo to come and serve the practitioner.211

300 Ἰάω: The vowel combination IAO, which actually is a pseudo-

divine name, plays an important role in Graeco-Roman magic. It
contains the first, the middle and the last vowel of the Greek vowels
and represents a Greek transliteration of a shortened form of the
Hebrew name for god YHWH.212 Aune notes that IAO, SABAOTH
and ADONAI, when mentioned in pagan magical spells, were
regarded as separate deities.213 IAO sometimes was equated with214
and the palindrome iaoai was very popular.

301 Μιχαήλ, καὶ σὲ καλῶ, Γαβριὴλ: Michael and Gabriel were-

and still are- two of the most prominent archangels in the Jewish
and Christian religion. There many attestations of their names in
amulets, sometimes used as the secret names of the invoked gods.215
This is not the only instance of invocation in the PGM where the
two archangeloi were called upon together, or associated with solar

211
See also Calvo 2005, pp. 270; Blanco-Cesteros 59-62.
212
Aune (1996) 1-12.
213
Aune (1996), 1-12; Bohak (2003), 71; Mastrocinque (2003), 102.
214
Lewy (1978), 409.
215
Bortolani (2016) 68.

180
deities.216 It is argued by J. Arnold that there is an association
between the Highest God and the angels in the Jewish religion
which influenced the pagan communities of Asia Minor. He
mentions five inscriptions from Stratonicaea in Caria using the
epithet Most High, which is often used by Jews in order to
designate the greatest of the pagan gods in company with a divine
angel. His interpretation is that the Jewish presence induced a vague
syncretic local trend towards monotheism that centered on Zeus
accompanied by an angelic retinue.217 Michael and Apollo are also
similar figures in their iconography. Michael crushing the dragon
corresponds to Apollo killing the snake dragon Python. Moreover,
their sanctuaries share similar geologic setting. Delphi and Monte
Sant-Angelo appear to have been positioned above seismic faults.218
The Γαβριὴλ πρωτάγγελε is an erroneous attribute because
protangelos is usually Michael.

302 Ἀβρασάξ: The mystic word that has drawn the attention more
than any other magical word and so much ink has been spilt about
throughout centuries is of unknown origin. Some scholars have
supported the Hebrew derivation of the name, but there is no
general consensus.219 What should be stressed is the similarity with
the vox magica abracadabra. Its seven letters may represent each of
the seven planets and the sum of the numbers denoted by the Greek
letters according to the rules of isopsephy is 365 (Α = 1, Β = 2, Ρ =

216
Anubis and Thoth. See PGM VII 1010, III 140, XIII 257 See also Kákosy
(1989) 266; Bortolani (216) 68.
217
Arnold (2013) 22-23.
218
Piccardi-Masse (2007) 103.
219
Others believe that it has gnostic origin.

181
100, Α = 1, Σ = 200, Α = 1, Ξ = 60) which symbolize eternity. It is
found in different religious context and with different functions and
attributes each time. In PGM I it is found in a Jewish religious
context along with other Jewish deities such as Michael, Gabriel,
Iao and pagan elements such as Olympos.

ἵλαος ἔλθοις: Variation of the Homeric ἵλαος ἔστω. Ἔλθε is also

very common in the Greek hymnography and very frequent in
invocations of the PGM.220

303 Ἀ]δωναί: It is often used as a substitute for Jehovan, usually

translated as «Lord».

304 πᾶσα φύσις τροµ[έ]ει σε: In the Greek literature there are
some literary attestations where some important divine events were
accompanied by natural phenomena e.g Athens’ birth made
Olympus tremble, the earth cried with fear and the sea became
stormy.221 However, we have to note that in Greek literature nature
displays no fear of the gods. When a god reveals himself on earth,
the latter reacts with joy.222 It seems that this phrase reflects
monotheistic perceptions of an omnipotent god that all the cosmos,
human and natural, have to fear. Thus we can consider this phrase
of Jewish or Christian influence. There are two verses in Jewish
psalms that hold considerable resemblance to that in this papyrus.

220
See Bortolani(2016), 69.
221
HH 28.9-13;Pind. Ol.7.38
222
e.g HH 2.13-14; Theogn.Eleg. 9;Callim. Hym.2.1-5

182
The first one says “and may all the ends of the earth fear him”223
and the other «the earth feared and was still, when god arose to
judgment».224

305 ὁρκίζω κεφαλήν τε θεοῦ, ὅπερ ἐστὶν Ὄλυµπος: A passage

that appears several times in PGM (PGM XII 242-243, XIII 770-
772 and XXI 6-7), in which the divine body is identified with
different natural elements, supports this identification of Olympus
with the sky and in turn with the head of the god. Calvo points out
that it is not about Mount Olympus, but that the mentions contained
in this text may be metaphors of heaven.225

304 Πακερβηθ: It is a fusion of words from a formulaic invocation

of the Egyptian god Seth226 and is often associated with powers of
destruction and malicious magic. Sometimes it appears in a context
in connection with solar gods. According Szepes the alliteration of
πα (πᾶσα, πάτερ) is the reason that it appears in this context
Pakerbeth.227

307 χέρα δεξιτερήν, ἣν κόσµῳ ἐπέσχες: The right hand is

preferred over the left. The idea of sitting at the right hand. The
widespread ritual and social significance of right and left was
systematically explored by French anthropologist Robert Hertz in
his article published as “The Pre-eminence of the Right Hand: A
223
LXX, Ps. 77.16-18, 96.9.
224
cf. The god uttered his voice and the earth melted away.
225
Calvo 2005, p. 270
226
Hopfner (1974), II.i 229-232; Smith 1996, p. 238. Bonner (1950), 163-164;
Daniel (1983), 151-2; Bortolani (2016), 74, .
227
Szepes (1976), 210.

183
Study in Religious Polarity”.228 Zeus was often depicted with a
thunderbolt in his right hand, a scepter in his left hand, and an eagle
at his feet. Christianity is full of symbolic associations with right
and left. The most famous is the image of the Last Judgment (Book
of Revelations/ Apocalypse) when the people of the earth will be
divided:
“and he shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divide
the sheep from the goats: and he shall set the sheep on his right
hand, but the goats on the left.”
In the Judaic tradition there is also a clear division of right and left
perhaps originating in the fact that the early Israelites worshipped
the sun, facing east and hence having the south to the right, a
situation reflected in the Hebrew term of east. The hand of God as a
symbol of God Himself is especially remarkable in Jewish and early
Christian art, since the Old Testament forbade the representation of
God. Thus, the idea of divine intervention in the world is expressed
iconographically through the image of a hand emerging from the
sky.

306 ὁρκίζω σφραγῖδα θεοῦ, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ὅρασις: The “seal of god”
is an element associated with the Jewish tradition. It is mentioned in
legend in the Testament of Solomon which narrates that archangel
Michael is said to have given Solomon a ring bearing a seal, this
seal of God made him able to subdue all the malevolent daemons.229
The text does not specify the nature of the inscription in the ring,

228
1909
229
TSol 1:6

184
but this tradition instigated the creation of various Solomonic
magical amulets.230 Actually it is the inscription itself that makes
the ring powerful as it is the real name of the god. In the magical
papyri the seal of Solomon appears in P IV 3039 and N 5.7.
Particularly interesting is the case of PGM VII where the name of
god is identified with his seal (ἔστιν γὰρ δυνάµεως ὄνοµα τοῦ
µεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σφραγίς). 231

309 αἰώνιον Αἰῶνά: Αἰῶν is a term, associated with the abstract

concept of time, denoting the totality of time, eternity.232 During the
Hellenistic period, the term started to lose this meaning and appears
as an individual divinity, a procedure that was completed about the
end of the II century A.D as hermetic and gnostic texts show. In
PGM, it appears as a deity.233

στρῶσον δὲ θρόνον: Although the throne is an element strongly

associated with Zeus, in tragedy θρόνος has also the meaning of the
oracular set of Apollo.234 However, it is to be stressed that the motif

230
According Bonner there were amulets made of hematite, representing King
Solomon as mounted on a horse. They have the inscription Σολοµών round the
rider and σφραγὶς θεοῦ on the reverse. Bonner (1950), 208-209.
231
For a full analysis see Yebenes (2000), 17-36.
232
For the evolution of the concept see H. M. Keizer (1999) and Calvo 2003, p.
237
They are different perceptions of this concept among the scholars. Festugière
7
believes that it is a god between God and Cosmos . See Festugière, 1981 : vol.
IV, 175 . Renau believes that it is an active principle. See Renau Nebot 1999, p.
179, n.127
233 7
On te term in the PGM see the fundamental study of Festugière 1981 , vol.IV,
p.197; Nock (1934), 84.; Blanco (2017) 434-437
234
See TLG E.IT1254, 1282; A.Eu.616

185
of thronos is basic in the Judeo-Christian tradition.235

326-346 The last of the papyrus is dedicated to the enquiry of the

divinity when it enters and his dismissal. The magician can ask the
god about different kind of divination and the magic experience.
Then he has to prepare a throne for the god and to perform one
more offering. When the enquiry ends it is time to dismiss the god.
The procedure is to move the ebony staff from the left hand to the
right and the branch of laurel from the right hand to the left, and to
blow out the lamp and to pronounce the apolysis formula.

328 περὶ ἐποποιίας: The term refers to the divination in epic verse.
The Homeromanteion is a certain divinatory text that uses a
selection of Homeric verses for offering automatic oracular answers
According to the instructions for use, the Homeromanteion was
performed in the following way: “firstly, the practitioner has to
consult the table of days and hours in which the oracle can be
performed. When the day and hour are favourable for divination,
the consultant has to utter a prayer addressed to Apollo (preserved
in P.Oxy. 3831 and fragmentarily in PGM VII) composed indeed by
five Homeric verses the last one modified). While reciting the
prayer, the consultant is supposed to think about the question he/she
wants answered. Then a dice has to be thrown three times. This
process gets as a result a number of three digits that must be located
throughout the ordered series of numbers followed by a Homeric
verse. The numbers are arranged in a series of six numbers of three
digits each, separated by lectional signs. The arrangement of the

235
See Gallusz (2014).

186
numbers is clearly established, starting with ααα (111) and ending
(only preserved in PGM VII) with ςςς (666), in the following order:
ααα, ααβ, ααγ ...αβα , αββ, αβγ ... βαα , βαβ ...ςςς, a system that
covers all the possibilities of throwing a dice three times. The
number obtained by the consultant leads him/her to the Homeric
verse that would be the oracular answer.”236 Schweder maintain that
Homeromanteia were utilized by Egyptian priests in Late
Antiquity.237

336-337 ἐ[β]εννίνην ῥάβδον . . . τῇ δεξιᾷ χειρί: It is interesting

that the image described in these lines-the magician with an ebony
staff and a branch of laurel in his hands- is reproduced in a
drawning of the PGM II. The difference is that in PGM II it is not
the magician who holds these, but the god.

Overview of the papyrus

The papyrus is divided in 7 sections. The first is a ritual for obtaining

a daimon assistant. The drowning of the falcon overshadows this
passage. The ritual described, the apotheosis of the bird, its
mummification, the enshrinement and offerings show many
similarities with the cult of divine animals in Egypt of Late Antiquity,
but here it is adapted to a domestic ritual -with the restrictions that this
may imply- aiming to cast a spell of paredros. The practitioner
performing these rituals acts like a priest. J. Moyer has maintained

236
Martín-Hernández (2013).
237
Schweder (2002) 107-111.

187
that this rite is a rite of initiation of the magician.238 The magician acts
like a priest and performs rituals very similar to those of initiated
priests, such as seeking direct access to the divine, or the priest’s
privilege of approaching the divine an assuming their powers. The
influence of the official Egyptian religion in this section is more than
evident, and we can assume that the original scribe of this spell either
had a profound knowledge of the official rituals performed in temples
and their symbolism, or he had access to sacred books; both
possibilities indicate that the original scribe was a priest.

The second long section is the spell in epistolary form for acquiring a
daimon paredros. The ritualist has to perform a ritual during the night
at the top of the room. The ritual performance included also the
recitation of magical speech. Then the god will appear to him in a
form of a star, but soon the star will disappear and the god will be
revealed. Then the magician has to go down again into the room
together with the god and offer a sacrifice, which will be followed by
the sacrificial meal. Afterwards, the magician can ask the god for
whatever he desires and the ritual finishes with the dismissal of the
god. As we have seen, this spell contains some standard motives of
divine revelations, such as the isolation, the purification, the
sacrificial meal, the star and the danger arising from the proximity of
the divine. This has led to me to consider that this spell is influenced
by the Jewish tradition and the appearance of the divine in the Jewish
texts.

238
Moyer (2003).

188
The third section is a protective spell consisting only of an oral
invocation. The fourth section is a spell of invisibility; the fifth a spell
to achieve a good memory and the sixth, another spell of invisibility.

The seventh and final part of the papyrus is an invocation to Apollo.

The practice includes the use of a lamp, both for the invocation and
the dismissal. Therefore, we can deduce it is a spell of licnomancy.
This invocation has as its purpose the learning by the magician of the
art of divination. The invocation contains a hymn with a metre and
structure that has provoked many problems for scholars. Its religious
content has many layers. Its first part is an invocation to Apollo
(syncretized with Helios) that owes a lot to the Greek religious and
hymnal tradition. However, the second and third parts abandon the
Greek tradition and are full of divine names associated with the
Jewish-Christian tradition; especially the third part, which is an
invocation in the form of an adjuration. The papyrus ends with the
instructions for the dismissal of the god invoked.

It is risky to make any assumption about the connection between the

recipes. All three of them seek to establish communication with a god.
The first one, through many symbolic references, seeks a systasis with
the divinity and great part of the ritual is of Egyptian tradition or at
least imitates rituals of the temple. The second recipe, far more
demanding, aims to achieve a real encounter with the god in the form
of a direct vision. The goals of this encounter is a daimon paredros
who will assist the magician to achieve all his wishes, either spiritual

189
or material. The third, the Apollonian epiclesis, invokes the god to
appear and reveal the art of divination.

To conclude, I want to put stress on the different religious layers

found in this papyrus. As we have seen, the text abounds of religious
elements of diverse origins. However, the fact that we can easily
discern them, undermine the theories of religious syncretism in these
texts. The elements are jumbled together, but maintain their
independence and their own identity.

190
4. VI+II= P. Lond.I 47+P. Berl. 5026
PGM VI

Editors of the papyrus

Wessely, C. 1888, “Griechische Zauberpapyrus von Paris und

London“, AAWW 36, p.125. Kenyon, F.G. 1893, Greek Papyri in
the British Museum, Londres. Vol.I, pp.81-83 Eitrem, S. 1923, The
Greek magical papyri in the British museum. Videnskapsselskapets
forhandlinger

3. Preisendanz, K. 19732, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Vol. I,

Stuttgart, Teubner, p.198ss.

Editors of Hymnal Material

Wessely, C. 1888, “Griechische Zauberpapyrus von Paris und

London“, AAWW36, pp.33-34.

Preisendanz, K. 19742, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Vol. II. Stuttgart,

Teubner, p. 248 Otros:

Monaca, M. 2011, “Una «Sibilla» nei Papiri Magici? Per una

rilettura di PGM VI”, MHNH 11, pp.360-370

Blanco Cesteros, M. 2016, Edición y comentario de los himnos

Apolo, Helio y el Dios Supremo de los papiros mágicos griegos,
PhD diss., University of Valladolid.

Bortolani, L. B. 2016, Magical Hymns from Roman Egypt: A Study

of Greek and Egyptian Traditions of divinity, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press.

Herrero Valdes, F. 2016, Edición, Traducción y comentario de los

Himnos Mágicos Griegos. PhD diss., University of Málaga.

191
192
PGM VI
1 ]υ̣ϲταϲιϲαυτουπροϲ βηδεκληϲιϲϲαυτη
]πληθουϲηϲαµεινονδεεντηανατολη
]ϲυϲτασινποιηϲηϲτηδτηϲθεουπροϲθε
]δουλεγεουνπροϲ ανατελλοντα
5 ]νε̣υχην
]ϊερονφυτοναπολλω̣νοϲ
]οιβοϲϲτεφθ̣ειϲτεκλάδοιϲι
]κεφαληνκοµοωϲανεθειραιϲ
]ονεαιϲπαλαµαιϲιτιναϲϲων
10 ]η̣ϲιπολυπτυχουυψηλο[ ̣]ο
]ἑοῖϲθέϲπιζεβροτοῖσι[ ̣] ̣
]λοστονοϲαυτοϲαπόλλων
] ̣ορηπαρθεν ̣δ[ ̣ ̣]νη
]µενωιεροιϲιπ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]λοιϲ
15 ]λονεµαιϲµετα̣[ ̣ ̣]ρϲινεχοντι
]µψονµαντευµ[ ̣ ̣]εϲεµνον
]ι̣ϲαφηνιϲιφοιβη[ ̣ ̣] ̣α
] ̣τεκαιωϲτετελε[ ̣ ̣]νονεϲται
]ινεχω[ ̣]περι̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣αζω
20 ] ̣µάσα[ ̣]δραµ[.......]ανδρα
] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣φ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣[
] ̣ανυπέρτατεµοιεπ ̣[
] ωϲ̣π̣ρε ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ µαϊεωεπιπαιαν[
]ϊοευηϊη[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ηπολυώνυµεϊοαυ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]αναρβαφοιβε
25 ]αντοϲυναιϲι ̣[ ̣ ̣]ιρροθεφοιβεαπολλ[
]η̣τοιδηεκαεργε ̣[ ̣ ̣]οπροπεδευραγεδε ̣[

193
1 σ]ύστασις αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ἥλιον β ἡ δὲ κλῆσις αὐτὴ
]πληθούσης ἄµεινον δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀνατολῇ
]σύστασις ποιήσεις τῇ δ’ τῆς θεοῦ προσθέ[σεως
]δου λέγε οὖν πρός Ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα
5 ]εὐχην
[Δάφνη, µαντοσύνης] ἱερὸν φυτὸν Ἀπόλλωνος
]Φ̣οῖβος στεφθείς τε κλάδοισι
]κεφαλὴν κοµόωσαν ἐθείραις
]ον ἑαῖς παλάµαισι τινάσσων
10 ]ησι πολυπτύχου ὑψηλοῖο
]εοις θέσπιζε βροτοῖσι̣ν̣
µεγαλο]λόστονος αὐτὸς Ἀπόλ̣[λ]ων
] . ρ̣η παρθέν[ε] δ[ . . ]νη
]µένῳ ἱεροῖσι π[ . . . ]λοις
15 ]λὸν ἐµαῖς µετὰ̣ [χε]ρσὶν ἔχοντι
πέ]µψον µάντευµ[ά τ]ε σεµνόν ]
]ι̣σαφηνίσι φοιβή[σα]σ̣α
].τε καὶ ὣς τετελε[σµέ]νον ἔσται.
]ἵν’ ἔχω[ν] π̣ε̣ρ̣ὶ̣ [ . . . ἐ]τ̣άζω,
20 δ]α̣µάσα[ν]δρα µ̣[ . . . . ]ανδρα.
].......φ̣ .. [ ]vacuum
]πανυπέρτατ’ εωϊ επ[
ωϲ̣π̣ρε ]̣ ....... µαϊεωἐπὶπαιάν
. . ]ϊοευη̣ . η[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]η̣ πολυώνυµε ϊοαυ[ ἀκρακ]αναρβα Φοῖβε
25 µ]αντοσύναισι̣[ν ἐπ]ί̣ρροθε, Φοῖβε Ἄπολλ[ον ]
Λ]ητοΐδη, ἑκάεργε, [θε]οπρόπε, δεῦρ’ ἄγε, δεῦ̣[ρο]

194
 δευραγε, θεσπί ̣ω[ ̣]µαντευεονυκτοϲε[ν] ̣ρη
ειταλεγεµελετων[ ̣ ̣]τοεηϊεηϊϊω[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ϊαωιηϊυη
ϊαϊαωϊαωη[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ουωειταπροϲκατα[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ινηλιουεξαιτουπαλι
30 κλυθιµευαργυρο[ ̣ ̣ ̣]εοϲχρυϲηναµφιβε[ ̣ ̣] ̣αϲ
κιλλαντεζαθεην[ ̣ ̣]νεδοιοτει·φιαναϲϲειϲ
χρυσοφαηλαϊλ[ ̣]ψκαιπυθολεταµεϲεγκριφι
λατωεϲιαωθ’ϲ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]αωθµελιουχετυραννε
πευχρηνυκτε[ ̣ ̣ ̣]οιτεϲεϲεγγενβαρφα̣ραγηϲ
35 καιαρβεθ’ωπολ[ ̣ ̣]οορφεφιλαιµαγεαρβαθιαω
ϲµινθευειποτ ̣[ ̣]οιχαριεντ’επιβωµονερεψα
ηειδηποτετοικ[ ̣ ̣]απιοναµηρι’εκηα
ταυρωνηδ’αι[ ̣]ωντοδεµοικρηηνον̣εελδωρ

οµοιωϲκαιπροϲ εϲτιναυτουϲυϲτα[ ̣]ιϲηδε

40 δαφνηµαντο[ ̣]υνηϲϊερονφυτοναπολλωνοϲ
δαφνηπαρθε ̣[]κηδαφνηφοιβοιοεταιρηϲαβ·αωθϊαωαωο
ϊαγχωθιπυλαµ̣ουϲιαρχαοψονυπον
δευροµοιερχε[ ̣ ̣]αϲϲονεπειγοµαιαειϲαϲθαι
θεϲµουϲθεϲπ[ ̣ ̣]ουϲνυκτιδ’ενιδνο̣φερη
45 ρηϲαβααν· ααν[...]ανααλνανααναναλααα· ααα· ααα·εϲτι
δέγ̣α̣[ ̣]ε̣κ
τωδηλιωτων̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ωτωτηϲλητουϲκαιδιοϲχρηϲµωδεινπ
ϲτικαδιανυκτο[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]θηδιηγουµενω[ ̣]αντικηϲονειρατων

195
δεῦρ’ ἄγε, θεσπίζω[ν], µαντεύεο νυκτὸς ἐ[ν] ὥρῃ.
εἶτα λέγε µελετῶν [ ̣ ̣ ̣]το·εη·ϊε· ϊε·ηϊ ϊω[..] ̣ϊαωιη· ϊυη·
ϊαϊαωϊαωη[...]ουω·εἶτα πρὸς κατάδ[̣υσ]ιν ἡλίου ἐξαιτοῦ
πάλιν
κλῦθί µευ, ἀργυρό[τοξ]ε, ὃς Χρύσην ἀµφιβέ[βη]κας
Κίλλαν τε ζαθέην[ Τε]νέδοιό τε ἶφι ἀνάσσεις,
χρυσοφαῆ, λαῖλ[α]ψ καὶ Πυθολέτα µεσεγκριφι,
Λατωες, Ἰαὼθ’ Σ[αβα]ώθ, µελιοῦχε, τύραννε,
πευχρη νυκτε[ρόφ]οιτε σεσεγγενβαρφα̣ραγης
καὶ ἀρβὴθ’ ω πολ[ ̣ ̣]ρορφε, φιλαίµαγε, Ἀρβαθιαω,
Σµινθεῦ, εἴ ποτέ [τ]οι χαρίεντ’ ἐπὶ βωµὸν ἔρεψα
ἢ εἰ δή ποτέ τοι κ[ατ]ὰ πίονα µηρί’ ἔκηα
ταύρων ἠδ’ α[ἰγ]ῶν, τόδε µοι κρήηνον ἐέλδωρ.
ὁµοίως καὶ πρὸς σελήνην ἐστὶν αὐτοῦ σύστασις ἥδε·
Δάφνη, µαντο[σ]ύνης ἱερὸν φυτὸν Ἀπόλλωνος,
Δάφνη παρθεν[ι]κή, Δάφνη, Φοίβοιο ἑταίρη.
Σαβαώθ,ϊαωαωοϊ,
ἀγχόθιπύλης,µο̣υσιάρχα,οψονυπον
δεῦρό µοι, ἔρχε[ο θ]ᾷσσον. ἔπειγέ µοι ἀείσασθαι
θεσµοὺς θεσπ[εσί]ους, νυκτὶ δ’ ἐνὶ δνοφερῇ.
Ρηcαβααν·ααν[ανα]ναναανανααναναλααα · ααα · ααα · ἔστι
δὲ γ̣ὰ̣[ρ]ε̣κœ
τῷ Δηλίῳ, τῷ Ν[οµί]ῳ, τῷ τῆς Λητοῦς κ[αὶ] Διός,
χρησµῳδεῖν π[ρο]γνω στικὰ διὰ νυκτὸ[ς ἀλη]θῆ διηγουµένῳ
<διὰ> [µ]αντικῆς ὀνειράτων

196
PGM II

Editors of the papyrus

Parthey, G. 1865, Zwei griechische Zauberpapyri des Berliner

Museums. Berlín, Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,

Crönert, W. 1902, Denkschrift, betreffend eine deutsche

Papyrusgrabung in Ägypten, Bonn.

Eitrem, S. 1923, Zu den Berliner Zauberpapyri, Kristiania, Jacob

Dybwad.

Preisendanz, K. 19732, Papyri Graecae Magicae. Vol. I, Stuttgart,

Teubner.

Monte, A. 2015, “Un manuale di magia greco a Berlino: il

Papyrus Berolinensis Inv.5026” in De Haro, M. (ed.) Écrire la
magie dans l’antiquité, Liège,Presses Universitaires de Liège.

Editors of hymnal material

Blanco Cesteros, M. 2016, Edición y comentario de los himnos

Apolo, Helio y el Dios Supremo de los papiros mágicos griegos,
PhD diss., University of Valladolid.

Bortolani, L. B. 2016, Magical Hymns from Roman Egypt: A Study

of Greek and Egyptian Traditions of divinity, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press.

Herrero Valdes, F. 2016, Edición, Traducción y comentario de los

Himnos Mágicos Griegos. PhD diss., University of Málaga.

197
198
Col. I
1 ακρακαναρβακα[̣ ̣]αρβα·αναρβα·ναρβα·αρβα·ρβα·βα· ̣·λεγεο
λονουτως
τοονοµαπτερ ̣ ̣οειδωϲφοιβεµαντοϲυναισινεπιρροθοϲερχεοχαι
ρων
λητοϊδηεκαεργ[ ̣] ̣εο̣προπεδευρ·α[̣ ̣]ε·δευρο·δευραγεθεϲπιζων
µαντευεο
νυκτοϲενωρηϲαλλαλαλα·αλλαλαλ ̣·σανταλαλα·ταλαλα· ̣εγετ
ουτοτοονοµακαι
5 αυτοενυφαιρ ̣νπτερυγοειδωϲειποτεδιφιλονεϲχενεϲχωνκλαδ
ονεν
θαδεδαφνηϲ ̣[
̣]cϊερηϲκορυφηϲεφθεγγεοπολλακιϲεϲ̣θλὰ·καινυνµοιϲπευ
σειαϲεχωνθ ̣[ ̣]πισµατ’αληθηλαητωνιονκαιταβαραωθ’·αεω·ε
ω·αναξα
πολλονπαιαν·[ ̣]η̣ννυκταταυτην ̣ατεχωνκαιταυτηϲδεσποτευω
νοτηνω
ραντηϲευχηϲκ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]υτηϲκρατωναγετεκρατεοιδαιµονεϲϲυνεργη
ϲατεµοιϲ̣η
10 <µερονεπ ̣[ ̣]̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣cφθεγγοµεν[ ̣]ιϲυντωτηϲλητουϲκα̣ιδιοϲυιω·επι
φερεδεκαι τουτοοπερε[̣ ̣]φυλλοιϲδαφνηϲ
̣ρ ̣φεταικαιµετατουπ[ ̣] ̣τακιουοπουοακε̣̣φ̣αλ ̣ ̣·
γραφεταικαιτ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]τ̣αιπροϲκεφαλ̣ ̣
̣ ̣υνελιχθενλεγεταιδεκαιειϲτο̣νλυχνονµ̣ε̣τ̣α̣
τοειϲελθειναποτηϲευχηϲπρινκοιµηθηναιλιβανουχονδρονεπιτ
ιθεντοϲ

199
1 ακρακαναρβα· κα[ν]αρβα· αναρβα· ναρβα· αρβα· ρβα· βα· α.
λέγε ὅλον οὕτως
τὸ ὄνοµα πτερυγοειδῶς. ‘Φοῖβε, µαντοσύναισιν ἐπίρροθος
ἔρχεο χαίρων,
Λητοΐδη, ἑκάεργ[ε], ἀπότροπε, δεῦρ’ ἄ[γ]ε, δεῦρο· δεῦρ’
ἄγε, θεσπίζων, µαντεύεο
νυκτὸς ἐν ὥρῃ. ϲαλλαλαλα· αλλαλαλα· σανταλαλα· ταλαλα.’
λέγε τοῦτο τὸ ὄνοµα καὶ
5 αὐτὸ ἓν ὑφαιρῶν πτερυγοειδῶς. ‘εἴ ποτε δὴ φιλόνικον ἔχων
κλάδον ἐν-
θάδε δάφνης τ[ῆ]ς ἱερῆς κορυφῆς ἐφθέγγεο πολλάκις ἐσθλά·
καὶ νῦν µοι σπεύ-
σειας ἔχων θε[σ]πίσµατ’ ἀληθῆ· λαητωνιον καὶ ταβαραωθ’·
αεω· εω, ἄναξ Ἄ-
πολλον Παιάν, [ὁ τ]ὴν νύκτα ταύτην κατέχων καὶ ταύτης
δεσποτεύων, ὁ τὴν ὥ-
ραν τῆς εὐχῆς κ[αὶ α]ὐτῆς κρατῶν. ἄγετε, κραταιοὶ
δαίµονες, συνεργήσατέ µοι σή-
10 µερον ἐπ ̣[ ̣]̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ς φθενγόµεν[ο]ι σὺν τῷ τῆς Λητοῦς καὶ Διὸς
υἱῷ.’ ἐπίφερε δὲ καὶ
τοῦτο, ὅπερ ἐ[ν] φύλλοις δάφνης γράφεται, καὶ µετὰ τοῦ
π[ι]ττακίου, ὅπου ὁ ἀκέφαλος
γράφεται, καὶ τ[ίθε]ται πρὸς κεφαλῆς συνειλιχθέν. λέγεται
δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸν λύχνον µετὰ
τὸ εἰσελθεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς εὐχῆς πρὶν κοιµηθῆναι, λιβάνου
χόνδρον ἐπιτιθέντος

200
 ̣η̣θρυαλλιδι ̣[ ̣ ̣]λυχνουβοαϲοχ·ωεαη·ϊαωιη·ωιαη·ωιαη·νιχαρο
πληξ
15 ϲθοµ·ωεω[ ̣]υ·ιε·ιω·ηϊ·ϊαηλ·ρµουχ·ω̣ ̣ ̣ρ̣·ωευα̣·ϊυω·εα ̣ ̣·ϲαβαω
θ·θη̣ο̣
̣ηπ̣α̣ο̣µιαχ ̣ι·εουϊαω·ϊε·ϊεω[ ̣ ̣]·ϊου·ϊεου·ϊω·ϊηϊηω·ϊηαϊ·ϊεωα·
αηϊουω
προϲδετοµνηµονευεινταλεγοµ[ ̣ ̣] ̣χρωϲυνθεµατιτουτωλαβων
βοτ̣αν ̣[ ̣]α̣ρτ̣ε
µεϲιανηλιοπαλιονλιθονπνεο ̣[ ̣] ̣κοκκουφατοϲκαρδιαντουκαι
γυπαλεκ[ ̣ ̣] ̣οϲ
̣ριψα̣ϲπανταπροϲβαλεµελι[ ̣ ̣ ̣]τοαρκουνκαιχρειεϲουταχειληπ
ρολιβανωτιϲαϲ
20 τοστοµαχονδ[ ̣]ωλιβανουποιηϲ[ ̣ ̣]αυτηεσπεραϲµελλωνκοιµ
ασθαιονειωγ̣αλα
κτικαθαρανϲο[ ̣]τηνϲτρωµνηνκ[ ̣]αδουϲδεδαφνηϲεχωνενχερϲ
ινωνκαιποιη
ϲι ̣υποκειταιλε̣γετηνυποκειµε ̣ηνεπικληϲινεστωδεηϲτρωµνηχ
αµαιηεπικα
θαρωνθροιωνηεπιψιαιθουκοι[ ̣]ωδεπιτουδ̣εξιουπλευρο̣υχαµα
ιτεκαιενυπαι
̣ρωποιειδε ̣ ̣ν̣επικληϲινµηδ ̣νιδουϲαποκριεπι ̣υεδεεπικαλ
̣υµενο̣ ̣λι̣ βανον
25 ατµητονκαι[ ̣] ̣ροβιλουϲδεξιουϲδω̣δεκακαιαλεκ̣τοραϲα[ ̣]πιλ
ουϲβτω ενακαιτη
εναε̣ν ̣ηπ̣ ̣ω̣τηηµεραεπιχ[ ̣ ̣]κ̣ουγηϊνουηθυµια[
̣]ηριουενδεξιατο̣[ ̣] ̣αρακτη

201
 τῇ θρυαλλίδι τ[οῦ] λύχνου· ‘βοασοχ· ωεαη· ϊαωϊη· ωϊαη·
ωϊαη· νιχαρο· πληξ·
15 σθοµ· ωεω ̣υ· ιε· ιω· ηϊ· Ἰαήλ, ̣ρµουχ· ω ̣ ̣ρ· ωευα̣· ϊυω· εα ̣·
Σαβαώθ· θηο-
̣η· παο̣·µιαχ̣ ̣ϊεου· ϊαω· ϊε· ϊεω[ ̣] ̣· ϊου ϊεου ϊω ϊηϊ ηω· ϊηαϊ
ϊεωα· ̣αηϊουω.
Πρὸς δὲ τὸ µνηµνονεύειν τὰ λεγόµε[να] χρῶ συνθέµατι
τούτῳ· λαβὼν βοτάνην ἀρτε-
µισίαν, ἡλιοπάλιον, λίθον πνέον[τ]α, κοκκούφατος καρδίαν
τοῦ καὶ γυπαλέκ[το]ρος,
τρίψας ὁµοῦ πάντα πρόσβαλε µέλι[τος] τὸ ἀρκοῦν καὶ χρῖέ
σου τὰ χείλη, προλιβανωτίσας
20 τὸ στόµα χόν[δ]ρῳ λιβάνου. Ποίησ[ις] αὕτη· ἑσπέρας
µέλλων κοιµᾶσθαι ὀνείῳ γάλα-
κτι καθᾶρόν σο[υ] τὴν στρωµνήν, κ[λ]άδους δὲ δάφνης ἔχων
ἐν χερσίν, ὧν καὶ ποίη-
σι[ς] ὑπόκειται, λέγε τὴν ὑποκειµένην ἐπίκλησιν. ἔστω δὲ ἡ
στρωµνὴ χαµαὶ ἢ ἐπὶ κα-
θαρῶν θρύων ἢ ἐπὶ ψιάθου, κοι[µ]ῶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ
πλευροῦ χαµαί τε καὶ ἐν ὑπαί-
θρῳ. ποίει δὲ τ[ὴ]ν ἐπίκλησιν µηδενὶ δοὺς ἀπόκρισιν, ἐπίθυε
δὲ ἐπικαλούµενος λίβανον
25 ἄτµητον καὶ σ[τ]ροβίλους δεξιοὺς δώδεκα καὶ ἀλέκτορας
ἀ[σ]πίλους βʹ, τῷ Ἡλίῳ ἕνα καὶ τῇ Σελήνῃ
ἕνα, ἐν τῆ πρώτῃ ἡµέρᾳ, ἐπὶ χ[αλ]κοῦ ἢ γηίνου θυµιατηρίου.
ἐν δεξιᾷ τὸ[ν] χαρακτῆ-

202
 ρ̣α̣τουτονκ[ ̣
̣]ϲ̣θ̣ π̣ροϲτ̣ηορθηαυτου[ ̣ ̣ ̣]ϲ̣τραµµηκοιµω.ε̣υχο
µενοϲδεϲτεφα[ ̣] ̣νεχε
δαφνινον ̣οι̣ουτονλαβωνκλ ̣ναϲδαφνϛιβκαιποιη̣ϲαcαποµεντω
ν̣ζ̣κλαδων
ϲτεφανοντο ̣ϲδελοιπουϲαλλουϲπ̣εντεσυνδηϲαϲεχ ̣εντηχ ̣ιριτη
δεξιαευχοµεν
30 καιµεταυτ̣η[ ̣]κοιµωεντω̣α̣υτωϲχηµατιγραφεδεcµυρνοµελανι
τωϲοιδηλουµε ̣ω
ε̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ιννηλιο[ ̣]ϲκαικατεχεευχοµε̣νοϲµετατ̣ηcδαφνηcονοµαταω
ναρχηεϲτινηδε·
βολcοχκαιτα ̣ξηϲταδεκατακλαδονειϲεκαϲτονφυλλονγραφοµε
ναυεϲϲεµµιγα
δωνορθω·βαυβω·νοηρε·ϲοιρε·ϲοιρηcανκανθαρα·ερεϲχιϲαλ·ϲ
ανκιϲτη·δωδεκα
κιϲτη·ακρουρο̣βορε̣·κοδηρε·γ ο̣ ν[
̣]µαταιβεϲτινδετοµελα̣ντοδε·ϲµυρνανκαιπεντε
35 δακτυλονβο ̣ανηνκαιαρτεµιϲιανκαυϲαϲαινωϲλεοτριβιϲονκαι
χρωλαβωνκλαδονδ ̣
φνηϲκαικ ̣µινοναιθιοπικονκαιϲτρυχνονβοτανηνοµουτριψονκ
αιυδωρκαινουφρεα
τοϲορυγεν ̣ο̣ϲπροµηνωνεηεντοϲετωνεηωϲανκαταλαβηϲαποπ
ρωτηϲηµεραϲ
τηϲορυξεω̣ϲεναγγειωοϲτρακ ̣νωανενεγκωνκαιεµβαλωνειϲτο
υδωρτ̣ατετριµ
µεναεαϲονεπινυκταcµοναϲγκαιεπικαλουµενοϲειϲτοουϲϲουτο
δεξιον

203
 ρα τοῦτον γράφε κ[αὶ] πρὸς τῇ ὀρθῇ αὐτοῦ [ὑπο]γραµµῇ
κοιµῶ. εὐχόµενος δὲ στέφα[ν]ον ἔχε
δάφνινον τοιοῦτον· λαβὼν κλῶνας δάφνης ιβʹ καὶ ποιήσας
ἀπὸ µὲν τῶν ζ̣ʹ κλάδων
στέφανον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἄλλους πέντε συνδήσας ἔχε ἐν τῇ
χειρὶ τῇ δεξιᾷ εὐχόµενος
30 καὶ µετ’ αὐτῆ[ς] κοιµῶ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ σχήµατι, γράφε δὲ
σµυρνοµέλανι τῷ σοι δηλουµένῳ
ἐ ̣ ̣ ̣ίννῃ λι[ ̣]ς καὶ κάτεχε εὐχόµενος µετὰ τῆς δάφνης
ὀνόµατα, ὧν ἀρχή ἐστιν ἥδε·
βολσοχ καὶ τὰ [ἑ]ξῆς. τὰ δὲ κατὰ κλάδον εἰς ἕκαστον
φύλλον γραφόµενα ὀνόµατα· ‘υεσσεµµιγα-
δωνορθω· Βαυβώ· νοηρε· σοιρε· σοιρη σανκανθαρα·
Ἐρεσχιγάλ. σανκιστη· δωδεκακιστη· ἀκρουροβόρε·
κοδηρε.’ γράφε ὀνόµατα ιβʹ. ἔστιν δὲ τὸ µέλαν τόδε·
σµύρναν καὶ πεντε-
35 δάκτυλον βοτάνην καὶ ἀρτεµισίαν καύσας ἁινῶς
λειοτρίβησον καὶ χρῶ. λαβὼν κλάδον δά-
φνης καὶ κύµινον Αἰθιοπικὸν καὶ στρύχνον βοτάνην ὁµοῦ
τρῖψον, καὶ ὕδωρ καινοῦ φρέα-
τος ὀρυγέντος πρὸ µηνῶν εʹ ἢ ἐντὸς ἐτῶν εʹ ἢ ὃ ἐὰν
καταλάβῃς ἀπὸ πρώτης ἡµέρας
τῇς ὀρύξεως, ἐν ἀγγείῳ ὀστρακίνῳ ἀνενεγκὼν καὶ ἐµβαλὼν
εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ τὰ τετριµ-
µένα, ἔασον ἐπὶ νύκτας µόνας γʹ καὶ ἐπικαλούµενος εἰς τὸ
οὖς σου τὸ δεξιὸν

204
40 βαλεολιγονπροϲδετοµνηµονευεινϲεειϲφυλονπεντεδακτυλου
βοτανηϲ
γραψονγραψοντονυποκειµενονχαρακτηρακαιεχεεντωϲτοµατ
ικοιµωµενοϲ
γραψϲµυρνοµελανι·εϲτινδε αρχουδετηϲπροκειµενηϲεπικλη
ϲεωϲ
αποΖτηϲϲεληνηcµεχριϲοτανυπακουϲηκαιϲυϲταθηϲαυτω·ειϲι
νδεκαιοιεπα
ναγκοι·προϲφερονταιδεπαντεϲτηϲεληνηµε ̣ατηναηµερανηδε
υτεραν
45 εανουνµηφανηεπιθυεκρι ̣υµελανοϲεγκεφαλοντητριτητονονυ
χατονµι
κροντουεµπροϲθιδιουδεξιουποδοϲτονεπιτουϲφυρουτητεταρτ
ηεγκεφαλον
ιβεωϲτηπεµπτητουπογ[ ]̣ γραµµενονζωδιονειϲχαρτηνγραψαϲ
τωϲµυρ
Col. II
νοµελανιπεριειληϲαϲρακειαποβιοθανατουβαλεειϲυποκαϲτρα
ν
βαλανιου·ενιοιδεουκειϲυποκαστρανϲφοδρονγαρεϲτιν·αλλυπ
ερκρεµω
50 ϲιντουλυχνουηυποκατωαυτοτιθεαϲιν·εναλλωδεουτωϲευρονε
ανµηου
τωϲυπακουϲηενειληϲαϲτωαυτωρακειτοζωδιονβαλεειϲυποκα
ϲ ̣ρανβα
λανιουηπεµτηηµεραµετατηνεπικληϲινλεγων·αβρι·καιαβρω·ε
ξαντι

205
40 βάλε ὀλίγον. πρὸς δὲ τὸ µνηµονεύειν σε εἰς φύλλον
πεντεδακτύλου βοτάνης
γράψον τὸν ὑποκείµενον χαρακτῆρα καὶ ἔχε ἐν τῷ στόµατι
κοιµώµενος,
γράψας σµυρνοµέλανι· ἔστιν δὲ . ἄρχου δὲ τῆς
προκειµένης ἐπικλήσεως
ἀπὸ ζʹ τῆς σελήνης, µέχρις ὅταν ὑπακούσῃ καὶ συσταθῇς
αὐτῷ. εἰσὶν δὲ καὶ οι ἐπά-
ναγκοι· προσφέρονται δὲ πάντες τῇ σελήνῃ µετὰ τὴν αʹ
ἡµέραν ἢ δευτέραν.
45 ἐὰν οὖν µὴ φανῇ, ἐπίθυε κριοῦ µέλανος ἐγκέφαλον, τῇ τρίτῃ
τὸν ὄνυχα τὸν µι-
κρὸν τοῦ ἐµπροσθιδίου δεξιοῦ ποδός, τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ σφυροῦ,
τῇ τετάρτῃ ἐγκέφαλον
ἴβεως, τῇ πέµπτῃ τὸ ὑπογ[ε]γραµµένον ζῴδιον εἰς χάρτην
γράψας τῷ σµυρ-
νοµέλανι, περιειλήσας ῥάκει ἀπὸ βιοθανάτου βάλε εἰς
ὑποκαύστραν
βαλανείου. ἔνιοι δὲ ο ὐ κ εἰς ὑποκαύστραν· σφοδρὸν γάρ
ἐστιν, ἀλλ’ ὑπερκρεµνῶ-
50 σιν τοῦ λύχνου ἢ ὑποκάτω αὐτὸ τιθέασιν. ἐν ἄλλῳ δὲ οὕτως
εὗρον· ἐὰν µὴ οὕ-
τως ὑπακούσῃ, ἐνειλήσας τῷ αὐτῷ ῥάκει τὸ ζῴδιον βάλε εἰς
ὑποκαύστραν βα-
λανείου τῇ πέµπτῃ ἡµέρᾳ, µετὰ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν λέγων· ‘αβρι·
καὶ αβρω· εξαντι-

206
 αβιλ·θ̣εεθεωνβαϲιλευβαϲιλεωνκαινυνµοιελθειναναγκαϲονφι
λον
δαιµοναχρηϲµωδονϊναµηειϲχειροναϲβαϲανουϲελθωταϲκατα
των
55 πιττακιων·επιδετουτοιϲεανµηυπακουϲηελαιονκαλονκαθαρ
ονρα
φινονεπιχεεπαιδιαφθορωγυµναζοµενωκαιαναλαβωνϲκευαζε
λυχνο̣ναµιλτ̣ωτο̣νκαικειϲθωεπιλυχνιαϲπεπλαϲµενηϲεκπαρθε
νουγηϲ
τινεϲδ̣εκαιτωθυµιατηριωεπιχεουϲιτουελαιουεανδεεϲθηπληγη
ϲµα
ϲη ̣ ̣ ̣λ̣ι̣ ̣ουκυµ̣ινουµε̣[ ̣]αακρατουκαταπιε·τοδεπροκειµενονζω
διονωϲ
60 πρ ̣ ̣ ̣γ̣ρ̣α̣π̣τ̣α̣ι̣ ̣ ̣ ̣α̣τωνχαρακτηρωνκαιτ̣ουυπ ̣κειµενουλο̣γ̣ο̣υ
γρ ..δι
πλουνειϲχαρτηνϊερατικον·καιτουτωλεγοµ̣ε̣ν̣ονεχωνεπικαληκ
οι
µωµ̣ ̣νοϲ ̣ ̣τ̣ ̣δεξιαχειρικατεχωνκ̣α̣[ ̣]υποθειϲτηκεφαλητοδεετε ̣
ρον ̣ηϲχρειαϲτουεπαναγκουκαλουϲηϲτω̣ ̣ρο ̣ι̣ρ̣ ̣ ̣ε̣ν̣ ̣ρακειανειλ
η
αλλωϲ αϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ει ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣κ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣α̣ι̣αλλωϲποιηϲιϲλ ̣ ̣ω ̣κλαδουονϲδαφνηϲγραφ
ποι εται̣β
65 ηϲιϲ ο̣ν̣[ ̣] ̣α̣τ̣ ̣κα̣τ̣ ̣φ̣υλλ ̣ ̣ενκρακαναρβα·καναρβα·ρακαναρβα·ακαν
αρβα

207
 αβιλ· θεὲ θεῶν, βασιλεῦ βασιλέων, καὶ νῦν µοι ἐλθεῖν
ἀνάγκασον φίλον
δαίµονα χρησµῳδόν, ἵνα µὴ εἰς χείρονας βασάνους ἔλθω τὰς
κατὰ τῶν
55 πιττακίων.’ ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἐὰν µὴ ὑπακούσῃ ἔλαιον καλὸν
καθαρὸν ῥα-
φάνινον ἐπίχεε παιδὶ ἀφθόρῳ γυµναζοµένῳ καὶ ἀναλαβὼν
σκεύαζε
λύχνον ἀµίλτωτον, καὶ κείσθω ἐπὶ λυχνίας πεπλασµένης ἐκ
παρθένου γῆς,
τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῷ θυµιατηρίῳ ἐπιχέουσι τοῦ ἐλαίου· ἐὰν δὲ
αἴσθῃ πληγῆς, µά
σηµ̣α̣ ὁ̣λ̣ί̣γ̣ο̣υ̣ κυµίνου µε[τ]ὰ ἀκράτου κατάπιε. τὸ δὲ
προκείµενον ζῴδιον, ὡς
60 προγέγραπται, µετὰ τῶν χαρακτήρων καὶ τοῦ ὑποκειµένου
λόγου γράφε ζµύρνῃ δι-
πλοῦν εἰς χάρτην ἱερατικόν. καὶ τούτo τὸ λεγόµενον
ἐπικαλεῖ, κοι-
µώµενος ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ χειρὶ κατέχων κα[ὶ] ὑποθεὶς τῇ κεφαλῇ,
τὸ δὲ ἕτε-
ρον τῆς χρείας τοῦ ἐπανάγκου καλούσης τῷ προειρηµένῳ
ῥάκει ἐνειλή-
σας χρήσει, ὡς ὑπόκειται. Ἄλλως ποίησις· λαβὼν κλάδον
δάφνης γράφε τὰ βʹ
65 ὀν[ό]µατα κατὰ φύλλων, ἕν· ακρακαναρβα· κρακαναρβα·
ρακαναρβα· ακαναρβα·

208
 ακαναρβααναρβανα̣ρ̣β ̣αρβαρβα·ακ ̣ιτ̣ο ̣τερονϲαν̣ ̣ ̣λ̣αλ̣λ̣ ̣ϲ̣α
νταλαλαλ ̣
ντ ̣λαλα·ταλαλα·αλαλα̣[·]λ̣αλααλα·λα·α·λαβεδ
̣αλλονκλ δ̣ ονδωδεκαφυλ
λονεφωεπ̣[ ̣]γραφετοκαρ̣δικονονοµατουποκειµενοναρξαµενο
ϲτου̣τοα
ποι ̣ρογ̣λ ̣ ̣ϲ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ινδετουτο·καιτονµενκλωνατονεγγεγ̣ραµµενοντ
οιϲ
70 δυοονοµαϲιποιειϲεαυτωϲτεφανονπεριπλεξαϲαυτωϲτεφοϲοεϲ
τινλευ
κονεριονεκδιαϲτηµατων·δεδεµενονφοινικωεριωκατερχωϲθω
δεεπι
ταϲκατακλειδαϲπαρειµεναϲεπαρτηϲειϲδεκαιτωδωδεκαφυλω
κλαδωο
µο ̣ωϲϲτεφοϲϲυνιϲταδεςεαυτ̣οντ̣ωθ̣εω̣ουτω̣ϲεχωνολολολευκο
ναλεκτο
κα[ ̣ ̣]τροβιλονκαιοινον̣ϲπενδωναυτ ̣αλυφονκαιπεριµενεευχο
µ ̣νοϲ
75 εωϲηθυcιααποcχηcυνχρειεδεcεολ[ ̣] ̣τωcυνθεµατιτουτωδαφνι
δοϲκυµι
νοναιθιοπικονϲτρυχνονκαιερµουδ ̣κ̣τυλονερειϲδεκαιπροϲπρο
ϲτονλυχνον
τα ̣ταπερφαην̣ω̣ ̣ ̣ ̣διαµανθωτ’·δι̣αµενχθωθ’περπερχρ̣η·ωανου
̣
φρουµεν·θορψου·τ[ ̣]δεκυριονακτικαρααβαϊωθ·κυριεθεεθεο
υυπηρετα

209
 καναρβα· αναρβα· ναρβα· αρβα ρβα βα α·’ καὶ τὸ ἕτερον·
‘σανταλαλα·
νταλαλα· ταλαλα·αλαλα· αλαλα̣· λαλα· αλα· λα· α.’ λαβὲ δὲ
ἄλλον κλάδον δωδεκαφύλ-
λον, ἐφ’ ᾧ ἐπ[ί]γραφε τὸ καρδιακὸν ὄνοµα τὸ ὑποκείµενον,
ἀρξάµενος τοῦτο ἀ-
πὸ ἱερογλώσσου. ἔστιν δὲ τοῦτο· καὶ τὸν µὲν κλῶνα τὸν
ἐγγεγραµµένον τοῖς
70 δύο ὀνόµασι ποίει σεαυτῷ στέφανον, περιπλέξας αὐτῷ
στέφος, ὅ ἐστιν λευ-
κὸν ἔριον, ἐκ διαστηµάτων δεδεµένον φοινικῷ ἐρίῳ,
κατερχέσθω δὲ ἐπὶ
τὰς κατακλεῖδας παρειµένον. ἐπαρτήσεις δὲ καὶ τῷ
δωδεκαφύλ[λ]ῳ κλάδῳ ὁ-
µοίως στέφος, συνίστα δὲ σεαυτὸν τῷ θεῷ οὕτως· ἔχων
ὁλόλευκον ἀλέκτορα
κα[ὶ στ]ρόβιλον, καὶ οἶνον σπένδων αὐτ[ῷ] ἄλειψον καὶ
περίµενε εὐχόµενος,
75 ἕως ἡ θυσία ἀποσβῇ, σύνχριε δέ σε ὅλ[ο]ν τῷ συνθέµατι
τούτῳ· δαφνίδος, κύµι-
νον Αἰθιοπικόν, στρύχνον καὶ Ἑρµοῦ δ[ά]κτυλον. ἐρεῖς δὲ
καὶ πρὸς τὸν λύχνον
τα[ῦ]τα· ‘περφαηνω...διαµανθω.λ· διαµενχθωθ· περπερχρη
ωανου ̣
φρουµεν· θορψου.’ τ[ὸ] δὲ κύριον· ‘ακτι καρα̣ αβαιωθ· κύριε
θεέ, θεοῦ ὑπηρέτα,

210
 επεχωντηννυκτατα ̣τηνπαραϲταµοιαπολλονπαιαν.κoιµωτ ̣ ̣κε
φαλη ̣

80 εχωνπροϲνοτονχρωδεεντοιϲανατολικοιϲ ϲεληνϛουϲηϲενδιδ
Δ  υµ̣οιc∞
Κληδαφνηµαντοσυνη̣̣ϲϊερονφυτοναπολλωνοϲηϲποτεγευϲα̣µενο
ϲιϲ ϲπεταλαιϲ
ανεφηνεναοιδαϲ ̣ ̣τ̣οϲ̣αναξϲκηπ ̣ ̣υχ ̣ϲιηιεκυδιµεπαιαν·ενκολο
φω
̣ιναιωνιερηϲυπ̣ακουϲοναοιδηϲ·ελθεταχοϲδεπιγαιαναπουρανο
θενϲµιγ̣γ̣ο
ωνυδωρ·αµβροcιωνϲτοµατωνδεϲταθειϲεµπνευϲοναοιδ̣
̣ϲαυτοϲα
85 ναξµολπηϲµολεκυδιµεµολπηϲανακτωρ·κλυθιµακαρβαρυµην
ικρατα ̣ο̣
φρωνκλυετιταν·ηµετερηϲφωνηϲνυναφθιτεµηπαρακουϲηϲ· ̣τη
θιµαν
τοσυνηναπαµβροϲιουϲτοµατοιο·εννεπεcτ̣ωϊκε ̣ηπανακηρατε
θαττον ̣πολλο:
του χαιρχαιρεπυροϲταµιατηλεϲκοπεκοιρα[ ̣]εκοϲµου·ηελιεκλυ
ηλι τοπωλε
ου διοϲγαιηοχονοµµα·παµφαεϲυψικε̣λευθαδιι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲ ̣υρανοφοιτα·
ανατελ αιγληειϲακι
λον χηταπαλαιγενεϲαϲτυφελικτε·χρυσοµιτρηφαλερουχεπ̣υρισθεν
τοϲ εϲαιολοθωρηξ
λεγε πωτηειϲα̣κ̣α̣µνεχρυσηνιεχρυσοκελευθαπανταϲδ’ειϲοροωνκ
αιαµφιθεων

211
 ἐπέχων τὴν νύκτα ταύτην, παράστα µοι, Ἄπολλον Παιάν.’
κοιµῶ τὴν κεφαλὴν
80 ἔχων πρὸς νότον. χρῶ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀνατολικοῖς, σελήνης
οὔσης ἐν διδύµοις
(τετάρτη κλῆσις·) ‘Δάφνη, µαντοσύνης ἱερὸν φυτὸν
Ἀπόλλωνος, ἧς ποτε γευσάµενος πετάλων
ἀνέφηνεν ἀοιδὰς αὐτὸς ἄναξ σκηπτοῦχος, Ἰήιε, κύδιµε
Παιάν, ἐν Κολοφῶ-
νι ναίων, ἱερῆς ἐπάκουσον ἀοιδῆς. ἐλθὲ τάχος δ’ ἐπὶ γαῖαν
ἀπ’ οὐρανόθεν σµιγ-
ῶν, ἀµβροσίων στοµάτων τε σταθεὶς ἔµπνευσον ἀοιδάς,
αὐτός, ἄ-
85 ναξ µολπῆς, µόλε, κύδιµε µολπῆς ἀνάκτωρ. κλῦθι, µάκαρ,
βαρύµηνι, κραταιό-
φρων, κλύε, Τιτάν, ἡµετέρης φωνῆς νῦν, ἄφθιτε, µὴ
παρακούσῃς. στῆθι, µαν-
τοσύνην ἀπ’ ἀµβροσίου στοµάτοιο ἔννεπε τῷ ἱκέτῃ,
πανακήρατε, θᾶττον, Ἄπολλον.’
(τοῦ ἡλίου ἀνατέλλοντος λέγε·)
χαιρετισµός· ‘χαῖρε, πυρὸς ταµία, τηλεσκόπε κοίρα[ν]ε
κόσµου, Ἠέλιε κλυτόπωλε,
Διὸς γαιήοχον ὄµµα, παµφαές, ὑψικέλευθα, διιπετές,
οὐρανοφοῖτα, αἰγλήεις, ἀκί-
90 χητε, παλαιγενές, ἀστυφέλικτε, χρυσοµίτρη, φαλεροῦχε,
πυρισθενές, αἰολοθώρηξ,
πωτήεις, ἄκαµνε, χρυσήνιε, χρυσοκέλευθα, πάντας δ’
εἰσορόων καὶ ἀµφιθέων

212
 καιακουων·ϲοιφλογεϲωδινουϲιφεραυγεεϲηµατοϲορθρου·ϲοι
δεµεϲηµ̣βριο
εντιπολονδιαµετρηϲαντι·αντολιηϲµετοπισθερο̣δο̣ϲφυροϲειϲε
ονοικον·
αχνυµενηϲτιχειπροδεϲοιδυϲαϲαντεβοληϲεν·ωκεανωκαταγου
ϲαπυριτρεφε
95 ωνζυγαπωλων·νυ̣ξφυγαϲουρανοθενκαταπαλλεται·ευτανακου
ϲη·πωλικον
αµφιτενονταδεδουποταροιζονιµαϲθληϲ·ααααααα·εεεεεεεε·η
ηηηηηη·ιιιιιιι·οοοοοοο·υυυυυυυ·ωωωωωωω·
·µουϲαωνϲ ̣η̣τουχεφερεϲβιεδευροµοιηδη·δευροταχοϲδ’επιγαι
ανιηιε
κιccεοχαιτα·µολπ̣ηνεννεπεφοιβεδιαµβροcιουcτοµατοιο·καιc
επυροcµεδε
100 ωναραραχχαραηφθηcικηρε·καιµοιραιτριϲcαι
κλωθωτ’ατροποcτελαχιcτε
cεκαλωτονµ̣εγ ̣νεν̣ ̣ ̣ρανωαεροειδηαυτοξουcιονωυπεταγηπαc
αφυcιcωϲ
κατοικειϲτηνο[ ̣]ηνοικουµενηνδορυφορουcινοιδ ̣καεξγιγαντε
cεπιλω
Col. III τωκαθηµενοcκαιλαµπυριζωντηνοληνοικουµενην·
οκαταδε̣ι̣ξαϲεπι ̣ ̣ϲγηϲζωα·ουτοιερονορνεονεχειϲ
105 εντηϲτο̣ληεντ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ρ̣οϲαπηλιωτηνµερεϲιτηϲερυθραϲ
θαλαϲϲηϲ·ωcπ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣]χειcεντοιϲπροϲβορραµερεϲιµ̣ορφη
νηπιουπαιδοϲεπιλωτωκα ̣ηµενοϲαντολευπολυ
ωνυµεϲενϲενγενβαρφαραγγηϲ·ενδετοιϲπροϲνο

213
 καὶ ἀκούων· σοὶ φλόγες ὠδίνουσι φεραυγέες ἤµατος
Ὄρθρον, σοὶ δὲ µεσηµβριό-
ωντα πόλον διαµετρήσαντι Ἀντολίη µετόπισθε ῥοδόσφυρος
εἰς ἑὸν οἶκον
ἀχνυµένη στείχει, πρὸ δέ σου Δύσις ἀντεβόλησεν Ὠκεανῷ
κατάγουσα πυριτρεφέ-
95 ων ζυγὰ πώλων, Νὺξ φυγὰς οὐρανόθεν καταπάλλεται, εὖτ’
ἂν ἀκούσῃ πωλικὸν
ἀµφὶ τένοντα δεδουπότα ῥοῖζον ἱµάσθλης, ααααααα·
εεεεεεε· ηηη-
ηηηη· ιιιιιιι· οοοοοοο· υυυυυυυ· ωωωωωωω·
Μουσάων σκηπτοῦχε, φερέσβιε, δεῦρό µοι ἤδη, δεῦρο τάχος
δ’ ἐπὶ γαῖαν, Ἰήιε
κισσεοχαίτα. µολπὴν ἔννεπε, Φοῖβε, δι’ ἀµβροσίου
στοµάτοιο· χαῖρε, πυρὸς µεδέ-
100 ων, αραραχχαρα ηφθισικηρε, καὶ Μοῖραι τρισσαὶ Κλωθώ τ’
Ἄτροπός τε Λάχις τε.
σὲ καλῶ, τὸν µέγαν ἐν οὐρανῷ, ἀεροειδῆ, αὐτεξούσιον, ᾧ
ὑπετάγη πᾶσα φύσις, ὃς
κατοικεῖς τὴν ὅ[λ]ην οἰκουµένην, <ὃν> δορυφοροῦσιν οἱ
δ[ε]καὲξ γίγαντες, ἐπὶ λω-
τῷ καθήµενος καὶ λαµπυρίζων τὴν ὅλην οἰκουµένην·
ὁ καταδείξας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ζῶα· σὺ τὸ ἱερὸν ὄρνεον ἔχεις
105 ἐν τῇ στολῇ ἐν τ[οῖς π]ρὸς ἀπηλιώτην µέρεσιν τῆς ἐρυθρᾶς
θαλάσσης, ὥσπ̣[ερ ἔ]χεις ἐν τοῖς πρὸς βορρᾶ µέρεσι µορφὴν
νηπίου παιδὸς ἐπὶ λωτῷ καθηµένου, ἀντολεῦ, πολυ-
ώνυµε, σενσενγεν· βαρφαραγγης· ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρὸς νό-

214
 τονµερεϲιµορφηνεχειϲτουαγιουιερακοϲδιηϲπεµ
110 πειϲτηνειϲαεραπυρωϲιντηνγινοµενηνλερθεξαναξ·
ενδετοιϲπροϲλιβαµερεϲιµορφηνεχωνκορκοδιλουου
ρανοφεωcενθεναφιωνυετουϲκαιχιοναϲ·ενδετοιϲ
προϲαπηλιωτηνµερεϲιδρακονταεχειϲπτεροφυηβαϲι
λιονεχωναεροειδηωκατ[ ̣]κρατειϲτουυπουρανουκαιεπι
115 γηϲ·ειϲµουσεωϲγαρεφανηϲτηαληθεια·ιω·ιωερβηθ·
ζαϲϲαβαωθ·σµαρθ ̣ ̣ων ̣ϊ ϲ̣ουµαρταϊαλου·βαβλα·υαµ
µοληενθιω·πετοτουβιηθ·ιαρµιωθλαιλ ̣µ̣ψ ̣ωουχ·
αρϲενοφρη·ηυφθαιωλι·κλυθιµοιµεγιϲτεθεεκοµµηϲτην
ηµερανφωτιζων·ναθµαµεωθ·ονηπιοϲανατελλων
120 µαιραχαχθα·οτονπολονδι[ ̣ ̣] ̣υονθαρχαχαχαν·οεαυτω
ϲυνγινοµενοϲκαιδυ̣[ ̣]α ̣ουµενοϲπροϲαυξητακ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣υ̣φω
τιϲτ ̣ γ̣η̣ϲε̣ ̣ϲενγενβαρφαρα̣ ̣γηϲυδατωνφεριϲτεθεεκοµµη
κοµµη·ϊαϲ̣φ̣η̣ϊαϲφηβιβιουβιβιουνουϲινο ̣ ̣ιϲιϲιεθων
ϲιεθων·αρ ̣ ̣ µωϲιαρϲαµοϲινουχανουχα·η·ηι·οµβρι
125 θαµ·βριθιαωθ·αβεραµενθωουθλερθεξαναξ·εθρολυο
ωθ·νεµαρεβα·οµεγιϲτοϲκαιιϲχυροϲθεοϲ·εγωειµιo ϲ
τιϲϲοιαπηντηϲακαιδωρονµοιεδωρηϲωτηντουµεγιϲτου
ϲουονοµατοϲγνωϲινουηψηφοϲθϡϟθ ·ιη·ιε·ιαιαη·
ιαεηα·ιευ·ιηα·ιωα·ιευ·ιηι··ηια·εα·εη·ηε·ωηηω·ε
130 ηε·εεη·ηεε·ααω·ω̣εα·εαω·ωι·ωε·ηω·εη·εαο·
ιιι·οοο·υυυ·ωωω·ιυ·ευ·ου·ηεα·ιηεα·εαεεια·ιαιε·

215
 τον µέρεσι µορφὴν ἔχεις τοῦ ἁγίου ἱέρακος, δι’ ἧς πέµ-
110 πεις τὴν εἰς ἀέρα πύρωσιν, τὴν γινοµένην λερθεξ αναξ·
ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρὸς λίβα µέρεσι µορφὴν ἔχεις κορκοδείλου, οὐ-
ρὰν ὄφεως, ἔνθεν ἀφίων ὑετοὺς καὶ χιόνας· ἐν δὲ τοῖς
πρὸς ἀπηλιώτην µέρεσι δράκοντα ἔχεις πτεροφυῆ, βασί-
λειον ἔχων ἀεροειδῆ, ᾧ κατ[α]κρατεῖς τοὺς ὑπ’ οὐρανοῦ καὶ
ἐπὶ
115 γῆς εἰϲ µουσέως· θεὸς γὰρ ἐφάνης τῇ ἀληθείᾳ, ιω· ιω Ἐρβηθ
Ζάς, Σαβαώθ· σµαρθ Ἀδωναΐ· σουµαρτα ϊαλου· βαβλα· υαµ-
µοληενθιω· πετοτουβιηθ· ιαρµιωθ· λαιλαµψ· ̣ωουχ·
Ἁρσενοφρη· ηυ Φθᾶ ηωλι· κλῦθί µοι, µέγιστε θεὲ Κόµµης,
τὴν
ἡµέραν φωτίζων, ναθµαµεωθ· ὁ νήπιος ἀνατέλλων
120 µαϊραχαχθα· ὁ τὸν πόλον δι[οδ]εύων θαρχαχαχαν· ὁ ἑαυτῷ
συνγινόµενος καὶ δυ[ν]αµούµενος, προσαυξητὰ καὶ πολύφω
τίστα γη σεσενγενβαρφαραγγης ὑδάτων, φέριστε θεὲ
Κόµµη,
Κόµµη ϊασφη· ϊασφη· βιβιου· βιβιου· νουσι· νουσι· σιεθων·
σιεθων· Ἁρσ[α]µωσι Ἁρσαµωσι· νουχα· νουχα· η· ηι· οµβρι-
125 θαµ· βριθιαωθ· αβεραµεν θωουθ λερθεξ αναξ· εθρελυο
ωθ· νεµαρεβα, ὁ µέγιστος καὶ ἰσχυρὸς θεός· ἐγώ εἰµι ὁ
δεῖνα, ὅσ-
τις σοι ἀπήντησα, καὶ δῶρόν µοι ἐδωρήσω τὴν τοῦ µεγίστου
σου ὀνόµατος γνῶσιν, οὗ ἡ ψῆφος θϡϟθʹ· ιη· ιε· ια· ιαη·
ιηα·ιευ· ιηα· ιωα· ιευ· ιηι· ηια· εα· εη· ηε· ωη· ηω· ε-
130 ηε· εεη· ηεε· ααω· ωεα· εαω· ωι· ωε· ηω· εη· εαο·
ιιι· οοο· υυυ· ωωω· ιυ· ευ· ου· ηεα· ιηεα· εαε· εια· ιαιε·

216
 ιηα·ιουιο·ε·ιου·ϊη·ϊηϊη·ιηιεπαιανκολοφωνιεφοι
βεπαρνηϲϲιεφοιβε·κασταλιεφοιβε·ιηεα·ιη·ιω·ιυ
ιε·ιωα·ιηα·ευα·ωεα·ευηα·ωευαευωα·ευιε·ευιαε·
135 ευε·ευη̣· ̣υ̣ι̣ε·ευωϊευαε·ευηαε·υµνησωµεντορι
φοιβω ̣ ̣ ̣αρεωθ·ιαεωθ·ϊωε·ιωηα·αε· ̣ωε·
αηωωη[ ̣]ω̣ηωα·αηε·ια·ιω·ιωιω ιεα ιαηιεαυ·
εουω̣·αα αηω·εε·εηυ·ηη·εηα·χα̣βραχφν̣εϲ
κηρφικροφινυρωφωχωβωχ·ϲεκαλωκλαριεαπολλον
140 εηυκαϲταλιεαηαπυθιε·ωαε·µουϲωναπολλων
ιεωωεϊ·ποιηϲιϲτϛπραξε ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣πρωτ̣ ̣ ̣µε
ραονυχαϲπροβατουτηδευτερα ̣ιγοϲονυχαϲτητρι
τηλυκουτριχαϲηαϲτραγαλοντουτοιϲτο̣ι̣ϲεπιθυµαϲ̣ι
χρωειϲταϲαλλαϲγηµεραϲ·τηεβδοµ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ µηελθει
145 ρακοϲαποβιαιουενλυχνιονποιηϲ ̣ϲκαιαψονλυχνον
αποελαιουκαθαρουκαιδιωκετουϲπροκειµε̣νουϲλ̣ογουϲ
ϊκε ̣ευωνκαιπαρακαλωντονθεο̣νειϲε ̣µεν̣[ ̣]ιανη
κεινεϲτωδεσουοτοποϲα ̣νοϲαποπαντ̣ ̣ ̣µυcερου
καιαγνευcαcκαυαριωcπροκαταρχουτ̣η̣cτουθεουικεcιαϲ
150 εcτινγαρµεγιcτηκαιανυπερβλητοcπραξιc·λαβωνπηλον
καθαροντ̣αcφλια[ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣]ιτωνοcενωαγνευειcκαιουτωπη
λωϲαϲεπιγεγραφε ̣ ̣ ̣ ε̣ταυταχαλκογραφιωειcτην
δεξιανφλιανεϲτιδ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣φοµενα
αρϲαµωϲινουχα ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣υχα ηιηι ιαιαιεηυαβρα
155 ϲαξλερθαµινωθε ̣ι̣ϲδε ̣ ̣ναριϲτερανο ̣οιωϲφλιαν

217
 ιηα· ιου· ιωε· ιου· ϊη· ϊη· ϊη· ϊηϊε· Παιάν, Κολοφώνιε Φοῖ-
βε, Παρνήσσιε Φοῖβε, Καστάλιε Φοῖβε· ιηεα· ιη· ιω· ιυ·
ιε·ιωα·ιηα·ευα·ωεα·ευηα·ωευαευωα·ευιε·ευιαε·
135 ευε· ευη· ευιε· ευω· ϊευαε· ευηαε· ὑµνήσω Μέντορι
Φοίβῳ ..αρεωθ· ιαεωθ· ιωα· ιωηα· αε· οωε·
αηω· ωηα· ηωα· αηε· ιε· ιω· ιωιω· ιεα· ιαη· ιεου·
εουω̣· αα[·] αηω· εε· εηυ· ηη· εηα· χαβραχ φλιες
κηρφι κροφι νυρω φωχω βωχ· σὲ καλῶ, Κλάριε Ἄπολλον
140 εηυ· Καστάλιε· αηα· Πύθιε· ωαε· Μουσῶν Ἄπολλον
ιεω[·] ωεϊ.’ Ποίησις τῆς πράξεως· τῇ πρώτῃ ἡµέ-
ρᾳ ὄνυχας προβάτου, τῇ δευτέρᾳ αἰγὸς ὄνυχας, τῇ τρί-
τῃ λύκου τρίχας ἢ ἀστράγαλον. τούτοις τοῖς ἐπιθύµασι
χρῶ εἰς τὰς ἄλλας γʹ ἡµέρας· τῇ ἑβδόµῃ, ὅταν µὴ ἔλθῃ,
145 ῥάκος ἀπὸ βιαίου ἐνλύχνιον ποιήσας ἅψον λύχνον
ἀπὸ ἐλαίου καθαροῦ καὶ δίωκε τοὺς προκειµένους λόγους
ἱκετεύων καὶ παρακαλῶν τὸν θεὸν εἰς εὐµένειαν ἥ-
κειν· ἔστω δέ σου ὁ τόπος ἁγνὸς ἀπὸ παντὸς µυσεροῦ,
καὶ ἁγνεύσας καθαρίως προκατάρχου τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ ἱκεσίας·
150 ἔστιν γὰρ µεγίστη καὶ ἀνυπέρβλητος. πρᾶξις· λαβὼν πηλὸν
καθᾶρον τὰς φλιὰ[ς τ]ο̣ῦ̣ [κο]ιτῶνος, ἐν ᾧ ἁγνεύεις, καὶ
οὕτω πη-
λώσας ἐπ[ί]γραφε τὰ γραφόµενα ταῦτα χαλκῷ γραφείῳ εἰς
τὴν

δεξιὰν φλιάν· ἔστι δὲ τὰ γραφόµενα

Ἁρσαµωσι· νουχα· ....υχα· ηι ηι ια ια ιε ηυ Ἀβρα-
155 σαξ λερθεµινωθ· εἰς δὲ τὴν ἀριστερὰν ὁµοίως φλιάν·

218
 ιωε·ηωα·ηιεα·ιαιαιε
ιαιηεα·αρποννουφιολειϲταεπανωτηϲθυραϲ

αα εε µιχαηλ·ηια·ευω·υαε·ευω·ϊαε
ειϲδετηνυποκατωυποκατωτονκανθαρον ωϲπεριε

160 χειχρειϲαϲαιµαγοϲ εκτοϲτου

κοιτωνοϲ
Col. IV
εϲτωδεοθρονοϲεκτοϲτουκ ̣\τ̣ωνοϲ ̣ ̣ ̣α̣ρ̣οϲκαιεε ̣ ̣ν̣ω̣
ϲινδονιονκαιψποκατωυποποδιον·επιγραφεδεειϲ
τονθρονονειϲταυποκατωιη·ιεαιωαυδαµνα
µενεϲαβραη·αβραω·αβραωα·δεϲποταµουσω
165 λαθιµοιτωϲωϊκετηκαιεϲοευµενηϲκαιευϊλατοϲ
φανη⟦θι⟧µοικαθαρωτωπροσωπω

219
 ιωε· ηωα· ηιεα· ιαια· ιε-
ιαιηεα· Ἁρπον Κνουφι (ὁ λόγος) εἰς τὰ ἐπάνω τῆς θύρας
αα εε Μιχαήλ· ηια· ευω· υαε· ευω· ιαε·
εἰς δὲ τὴν ὑποκάτω τὸν κάνθαρον, ὡς περιέ-

160 χει, χρίσας αἷµα αἰγός, ἐκτὸς τοῦ

κοιτῶνος·
ἔστω δὲ ὁ θρόνος καθαρὸς καὶ ἐπάνω
σινδόνιον καὶ ὑποκάτω ὑποπόδιον. ἐπίγραφε δὲ εἰς
µενεὺς αβραη· αβραω αβραωα· δέσποτα Μουσῶν
165 ἵλαθί µοι, τῷ σῷ ἱκέτῃ, καὶ ἔσο εὐµενὴς καὶ εὐίλατος,
φάνηθί µοι καθαρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ.’

220
221
Σαβαώθ
ιηεα
ηωαε
ααα αααα
εεεε ι εεε
ηηηηηηη
ιιιιιιι
οοοοοοο
υυυυυυυ
ωωωωωωω
υα ια
αευ ιε
υεα ιη
ωω ια
ιηα ω
α α
ιι ιη
εε ε
α
χαµψουρη
υεαωα, Δαµναµενευς
Σεµεσιλαµ·

222
 τουτοτοζωδιον
γραφεταιειϲτορακοϲ
τουβιαιουκαιβαλ
λεταιειϲλυχνονκα
θαρον
ϲενϲενγενβαρφαραγγηϲ
175 ωηεαιωαε
µ̣αθωνδεαπαντααπολυϲειϲδοξοποιηϲαϲ
αξιωϲραναϲαιµατιπεριστεραϲ·και επιθυϲαϲ
ϲµυρνανειπε·απελθεδεϲποταχορµου·χορµου·
οζοαµοροιρωχ·κιµνοιε·εποζοι·εποιµαζου·
180 ϲαρβοενδοβαιαχχα·ϊζοιµνειπροϲποι·επιορ
χωριδεϲποταειϲτουϲϲουϲτοπουϲ·ειϲταϲαβαϲι
λεια·καταλιψαϲηµιντηνισχυνκαιτηνειϲϲεειϲ
ακουcιν

223
 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ζῴδιον
170 γράφεται εἰς τὸ ῥάκος
τοῦ βιαίου καὶ βάλ-
λεται εἰς λύχνον κα-
θαρόν.
σενσενγεν βαρφαραγγης
175 ωηεα ιωαε.

Μαθὼν δὲ ἅπαντα ἀπολύσεις δοξοποιήσας

ἀξίως· ῥάνας αἵµατι περιστερᾶς καὶ ἐπιθύσας
ζµύρναν εἰπέ· ‘ἄπελθε, δέσποτα, χορµου· χορµου·
οζοαµοροιρωχ· κιµνοιε· εποζοι· εποιµαζου·
180 σαρβοενδοβαιαχχα· ϊζοµνει προσποι· επιορ
χώρει, δέσποτα, εἰς τοὺς σοὺς τόπους, εἰς τὰ σὰ βασί-
λεια καταλείψας ἡµῖν τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν εἰς σὲ εἰσ-
άκουσιν.’

224
Translation
PGM VI
1.His encounter with Helios [happens] on the second, but the
invocation itself
2. [….] [the moon] is full.
3.[….] accomplish the encounter on the 4th, when the god is
increasing floor of a
4.[….].Say, then, to the rising sun
5. [the following ]prayer:
6. “[Daphne-Laurel] holy plant of Apollo's [divination]
7. [….] [with whose] branches Phoibos wreathed
8. [….] his head, adorned with beautiful and long tresses long
9. [….] shaking in his hands
10. [….]lofty and with many valleys
11. [….] gods, presage to mortals.
12. [….] grievous Apollo himself
13. [….], dreadful virgin,
14. [….] revealed through sacred rhythms
15. [….] having a branch in my hands
16. [….] send me a sincere prophesy
17. [….]prophesying with clear
18. [….] and it will be accomplished
19. [….] that I can perform a test to everything
20. [….]mankind’s subdue
21. [….]

225
22. [….] most supreme…me
23. [….]as it deserves[….] ieo to Paian
24. [….] ioeui of the many names [….]anarba o Phoibos
25. helper through divinations Phoibos Apollo
26. Leto's son, who darts afar, prophet, here come, here,
27. here come foretelling, prophesize amid night's hour
28. Then speak, declaiming this eeieie eiio....iaoieiye
29. iaiaoiaoe...ouo Then at sunmake your request again
30. listen to me, you with the silver bow, you who walk at the both
sides of Chryses
31. and holy Cilla and aret he mighty lord of Tenedos
32. gold-shining, storm and Python killer mesegkriphi,
33. Leto’s son, siaoth, sabaoth, meliouchos, ruler,
34. peuchre, night-wanderer, seseggen, barpharagges
35. and arbbth, god of many forms, fond of blood, arbathiao
36. Sminthεus, if ever I've roofed a pleasing shrine for you,
37. or if I've ever burned for you fat thighs
38. of bulls or goats, accomplish my desire.
39. And in the same way, there is his encounter with Selene, as
follows:
40. Daphne-Laurel holy plant of Apollo's divination
41. virgin Laurel, Laurel, Phoibos' mistress, sabaoth iaoaoo
42. iagchοthipyla moysiarcha otonypon
43. come here to me come quickly,
44. haste to sing Divine precepts to me
45. resabaan aan . . .anaaananaananalaaaaaaaaa. It is for you,
46 o Delios, o Nomios, 0 son of Leto and Zeus, to give foretelling

226
47. revelations at night as you recount the truth through dream
oracles.

PGM II

1 Akrakanarba kanarba anarba narba arba rba ba a… Say

the whole
2 name thus, in a wing shaped pattern. “O Phoibos, come
joyful as helper through your divinations
3 Leto's son, who darts afar, prophet, here come, here, here
come foretelling, prophesize
4 amid night's hour sallalala allalala santalala talala”.
Pronounce this name too /
5 removing one letter at a time in the wing shaped pattern. “If
ever, holding your victory loving laurel branch,
6 here from your holy summit you often uttered favorable
oracles, so may you now haste to me/ come to me quickly
7 with truthful oracles” laetonion and tabaraoth aeο eo, lord
8 Apollo Paian, who possesses this night, who are master of
it, who
9 governs the hour of this prayer and the prayer too. Come,
powerful daimons, act with me
10 today by[ … ] speaking with the son of Leto and Zeus."
Add also
11 that which is written on the laurel leaves -and together with
the strip of papyrus on which the Headless One
12 is drawn – place it rolled up beside your head. It is to be
pronounced also to the lamp, after

227
13 coming in from prayer, before going to bed, after you have
placed a lump of frankincense
14 in the wick of the lamp boasoch oeae iaoie oiae oiae
nicharoplex /
15 sthom oeo uie io ei iael irmouch o.or oea iuo eaο Sabaoth
theo
16 te pao miach.i eou iao ie ieo.. iou ieou io iei eo ieai
iaoaeeiouo
17 In order to remember the spell: Use the following mixture."
Take the plant
18 wormwood, a sun opal, a breathing stone, the heart of a
hoopoe also known as the "vulture cock".
19 Grind all these together, add enough honey and anoint your
lips with it, having incensed previously
20 your mouth with a grain of frankincense gum. This is the
preparation: In the evening, just when you are going to sleep, with
ass's milk
21 purify your couch and, holding in your hands twigs of laurel
whose preparation is also
22 given below, say the following invocation . Let your bed be
on the ground, either upon
23 clean fig leaves or upon a rush mat, and lie on your right
side, on the ground and in the open air.
24 Carry out the invocation, without answering anyone, and
while invoking (the god) , make an offering of a lump of
frankincense / and

228
25 twelve right-turning pinecones and 2 unblemished roosters,
one to Helios and one to Selene,
26 on the first day, on a censer of bronze or of earth. On your
right (write) this character
27 and go to sleep in line with the vertical stroke of it. While
praying, wear a crown of laurel
28 made this way: Take 12 laurel twigs; with 7 of these
branches make
29 a crown, and binding the remaining five together, hold them
in your right hand while you pray
30 and go to sleep holding this, in the same position. Write with
myrrh ink, what is shown to you,
31 in a shell, and hold it, along with the laurel, while you are
praying. The beginning is this
32 "bolsoch," etc." The names to be written on the twigs, on
each leaf: uessemmiga
33 donorthobaubo noere soire soire sankanthara erischisal
sankiste dodeka
34 kiste akrourobore kodere . Write 12 names. This is the ink:
Burn myrrh and
35 cinquefoil and wormwood; grind them thoroughly, and use
them. Take a sprig of
36 laurel and Ethiopian cumin and sleeping nightshade, and
grind them
together. Take also water from a new
37 well- dug either 5 months previously or within the last 5
years or any one you come across on the first day after

229
38 it has been dug- in a clay pot,, and throw the mixture into
the water.
39 Leave it for just 3 nights, and, while you are uttering the
invocation, put a little of it into your
40 right ear. In order to remember, write on a leaf of
cinquefoil
41 the following character and keep it in your mouth while
you sleep.
42 Write it with myrrh ink, The character is: Start the
aforesaid invocation
43 at the 7th hour of the moon, until the god obeys you, and
you make contact with him.
44 And these are the coercive (substances). All of them may be
offered before the moon after the first or second day.
45 If he does not appear, sacrifice the brain of a black ram, and
on the third day the little nail
46 of its right forefoot, the one nearest to the ankle; on the
fourth, the brain of an
47 ibis; on the fifth, write the figure sketched below on papyrus
with myrrh ink,
48 wrap them in a piece of rag from one who has died violently,
and put it into the hypocaust
49 of a bathhouse. But some (practitioners) do not put in a
hypocaust, for that is too extreme, but they suspend it over
50 a lamp, or they are placed beneath one. In another (text) I
found it as following: If

230
51 he does not obey to this (practice), wrap up the figure in the
same piece of rag, and
52 put it into the hypocaust of the bathhouse on the fifth day,
saying after the invocation: “abri and abro exanti
53 abil. God of gods, king of kings, now oblige a friendly
daimon of prophecy to come to me,
54 lest I use worse tortures to you, these written
55 on the strips of papyrus. If even after this he does not obey,
pour fine, pure oil
56 of radishes over an innocent skilled boy, and taking it up
again, prepare
57 a lamp, not dyed red, and set it upon a lampstand mold from
virgin soil
58 some pure oil on the altar also -. If you feel a strike, drink
down little chewed
59 cumin with unmixed wine. Write the prescribed figure
60 as given above, alongside with the characters and the spell
given below twice with myrrh ink
61 on hieratic papyrus. And of these, one you should hold it as
you summon (the god),
62 grasping it in your right hand while sleeping, and placing it
under your head.
63 The other, if the necessity for the compulsive [procedure]
comes up, you should rolled up in the aforementioned cloth
64 and use as given below. An alternative procedure: take a
spring of laurel and write the 2

231
65 names on the leaves. The one akrakanarba krakanarba
rakanarba akanarba
66 kanarba anarba narba arba rba ba a and the other
santalala antalala
67 ntalala talala alala lala ala la a take an other spring of
twelve leaves,
68 and write on it the following heart-shaped name beginning
69 by a holy speech. This is (the name)… And from the spring -
the inscribed
70 with the two names- make a wreath, weaving about it
garlands of white
71 wool, bound at intervals of red wool, and let it reach
72 until the collarbone. You will bound to the twelve-leaved
spring
73 a similar garland and you will introduce yourself to the god
this way. Holding a total white cock
74 and a pinecone and pouring wine, smear yourself and wait
praying
75 until the sacrifice is extinguished. And rub yourself
everywhere with this mixture: laurel bayberries, Ethiopian cumin,
76 nightshade, and "Hermes' finger. And you will say to the
lamp
77 these: perphaeno . . . diamantho . . . diamenchthoth
peerperchre oanouth
78 phroumen thorpso. The most important akti kara abaioth
Lord god, servant of god

232
79 who control this night, stand by me Apollo Paian. Sleep with
your head
80 toward the south. Use (this) at the dawn, when (the moon) is
in Gemini.
81 Laurel, Apollo’s sacred plant of divination, whose leaves he
once tasted his petals
82 and then he sent forth songs himself, the scepter-bearing
lord; Ieios, renowned Paian, who reside/inhabit in Kolophon,
83 listen the sacred song. And quickly come to earth from
heaven and mixing the waters
84 and from immortal lips inspire songs; you, yourself ,
85 lord of song come, renowned ruler of song. Listen, blessed,
exceeding wrathful
86 and stern. Titan, hear our voice now, immortal one, do not
disregard. Stand here,
87 and tell to the supplicant prophesy from your immortal
mouth, quickly, all-pure Apollo."
88 "Hail, fire's dispenser, world's far-seeing commander, O
Helios, famed for your steeds,
89 the eye οf Zeus which shield the earth, all-shining one, who
pace on lofty paths, divine, walking in heaven, radiant,
unrechable,
90 Born long ago, unshaken, with a gold headband, wearing an
aureole of light, mighty with fire, with shining breastplate,
91 flying, tireless with golden reins, pacing a golden path, who
oversees, surround

233
92 and listen everything. Because of you the light-bringing
flames give birth to dawn, because of you who pass over universe’s
pole
93 at midday, behind you, the rosy-ankled dawn goes to her
home
94 grieving; as in front of you, Sunset meets Ocean leading
down
95 your yoke of fire-fed steeds; the fled night darts down from
heaven, whenever she hears the whistling of the whip
96 that sound heavy around the colts' flanks, aaaaaa eeeeeee e
e e
97 e e e e iiiiiii ooooooo uuuuuuu o o o o o o o
98 O scepter-bearing leader of the Muses, life-giver , come
now, to me, come quickly to earth, Ieios,
99 wreathed with ivy. And, Phoibos, with immortal mouth tell
the song. Hail, fire's ruler,
100 ararachchara ephthisikere And, Moirai three, Klotho and
Atropos and Lachis.
101 I call you, the great in the firmament, airlike, free, to whom
all nature submitted, who
102 reside throughout the whole inhabited world, whom the
sixteen giants guard, you, t
103 he seated upon the lotus and who shine/the shining of the
whole inhabited world;
104 you who have designated the various living beings on the
earth, you who have the sacred bird
105 upon your robe in the eastern parts (you have) the Red

234
106 Sea, as you have on the northern parts the figure
107 of an infant child seated upon a lotus, O rising one, O you
of many names,
108 sesengenbarpharanges, on the southern
109 parts you have the figure of the sacred falcon, through which
110 you send fiery heat into the air, which befalls lerthexanax
111 in the western parts you have the shape of a crocodile,
112 the tail of a snake: from there you throw rains and snows; in
the
113 eastern parts you have a winged dragon, with a kingdom
114 like the sky, with which you prevail over the strifes that is
beneath the heaven
115 and on earth, you have shown yourself truthly as god io io
erbeth
116 zas sabaoth smarth adonai soumarta ialou babla uam
117 moleetnthio petotoubieth iarmioth lailamps choouch
118 arsenophre eu phtha e oli Listen to me, oh greatest god
Kommes,
119 who lights up the day, nathmameoth who dawn as an infant
120 mairachachtha who traverses the pole tharchachachau who
unite with yourself
121 and invigorate yourself, giver of increase and illuminator of
many things,
122 sesengenbarpharanges of waters, most powerful god,
Kommes,
123 Kommes iasphe iasphe bibiou bibiou nousi nousi siethon
124 siethon arsamosi arsamosi noucha noucha e ei ombri

235
125 tham brithiaoth aberamenthoouthlerthex anaxethreluo
126 othnemareba the greatest and mighty god. I am he, NN,
127 who have meet you, and you have given me the gift of
128 the knowledge of your greatest name, of which the number
is 9,999 ie ie ia iae
129 iae ieu iea ioa ieu iei eia ea ee ee oe eo e
130 ee eee eee aao oea eao oi oe eo ee eao
131 iii ooo uuu o o o iu eu ou eea ieea eae eia iaie
132 iea iou ioe iou ie ie ie ieie Pain Phiobos of Kolophon,
133 Phiobos of Parnassos, Phoibos of Kastalia ieea ie io iu
134 ie ioa iea eua oea euea oeua euoa euie euaie
135 eue eue euie euo ieuae eueae I will humn Phoibos
136 Mentor areoth iaeoth ioa io ea ae ooe
137 ae o o ea e oa aee ie io io io iea iae ieou
138 eouo aa aeo ee eeu e e eea chabrach phonies
139 ker phikro phinuro phochoboch I call you, Apollo of Klaros
140 Kastalian One aea Pythian, oae Apollo of the Muses,
141 ieo oei Performance of the rite : On the first day,
142 (offer or sacrifice) nails of a sheep; on the second, the nails
of a goat;
143 on the third, the hair or knucklebone of a wolf. Use these
burnt offerings
144 for the next three days. On the seventh day, if he does not
yet come,
145 making a lampwick out of a piece of cloth from one who has
died violently, light a lamp
146 from pure oil, and utter the aforementioned formulas,

236
147 suppliant and exhorting the god to come with benevolence;
148 let your place be pure of all pollution,
149 and having purified it, begin in cleanliness the supplication
to the god,
150 because it is greatest and unsurpassable. Rite: Taking clay,
151 purify the doorposts of your bedchamber, in which you need
ritual purity, and
152 having thus smeared the clay, write this inscription with a
bronze stylus
153 on the right doorpost. This is what is to be written:

154 Arsamosi noucha noucha ei ei ia ia ie eu abra

155 sax lertheminoth Likewise on the left doorpost:
156 ioe e oa eiea iaia ie
157 iaieea harpon noufi The formula on the upper part of the
door:
158 aa ee Michael eia euo uae euo iae
159 Below the door, the scarab, as it is encompassed here,
160 having anointed the outside your bedchamber blood of a
goat.
161 Let the throne be purified, and upon
162 it a linen cloth, and beneath it a footstool. Inscribe also
163 on it, on the underside: ie iea ioau damna
164 memeus abrae abrao abraoa, lord of the Muses,
165 be gracious to me, your supplicant, and be benevolent and
generous;
166 appear to me with true face."

237
170 This figure is to be drawn
171 on the piece of clothing
172 from one who has died
173 violently, and is to be thrown
174 into a pure lamp.
175 sesengen barpharanges o eia ioae
176 After you have learned all, you will release him, honoring
him
177 as deservedly. Sprinkle dove's blood and make a burnt
offering
178 of myrrh, and say, “Leave, lord, chormou chormou
179 ozoamoroiroch kimnoie epozoi epoimazou
180 sarboenddobaiachcha izomnei prospoi epior
181 go off, lord, to your places, to your palace,
182 leaving me the strength and the right of
183 audience with you.”

238
4.3 Paleographic Commentary
PGM VI
1. υ̣ϲταϲιϲ: The left part of the letter is lost but is still eligible.
5. ε̣υχην: It is damaged in the centre and has lost the internal stroke
(the cross bar).
6. απολλω̣νοϲ: The vertical fold provoked a split across all the
papyrus which varies in width. There is a lunate shape belonging to
the left part of the letter.
7. ϲτεφθ̣ειϲ: The letter has lost its cross bar.
10. η̣ϲι: There is a lunate belonging to the right part of the letter.
υψηλ̣ο[ ̣]ο: There is the upper part of descending from left to right.
11. βροτοῖϲι[ ̣] ̣: Αfter the lacuna there is ink but it is very abraded.
The shadow of the ink -to my eyes- belong to a big later, and more
precisely a β.
12. µεγα]λοϲτονοϲ: Bortolani restores the word in this way. It is a
rare adjective found only in Aeschylus(Pr. 413).
13. ̣ο ρη: Below the ο there is thin stroke from the previous letter.
παρθεν ̣: At the left edge of the lacuna there is ink in lunate shape.
17. ̣α: It is visible the ligature of a with the previous letter
18. ̣τ ε: The letter is abraded. I am able to see a vertical stroke.
19. περι̣: There is a vertical stroke that goes down in the interlinear
space. Only the botom of the stroke has survived.
20. ̣µ: There is a stroke ligatured with µ.
21. ] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣φ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣[ : The line is damaged entirely from the horitzontal
folding that has cut in two the papyrus.

239
22. ̣α νυπέρτατε: It is visible the ligature of a with the previous
letter at the to of the letter.
επ ̣: Small trace of ink.
23. ωϲ̣π̣ρε: Here I can see clear an ε, formed as usual in the papyrus.
The upper part of ρ is abraded but I think it is easy to someone to
see a circle and a vertical stroke that goes down to the interlinear
space. Π is not so easy discernable but there are two vertical
parallels and the down part of the right one turns slightly rightwards
which is a characteristic of the formation of π. About ϲ I see an arc
facing upwards at the bottom of the letter, which can be the down
part of ϲ.
25: αντοϲυναιϲι ̣:There is a dot of ink at the bottom of the letter.
εκαεργε ̣: There is a dot of ink at the bottom of the letter.
26. αγεδε ̣: At the left edge of the lacuna there is ink belonging to a
descending from left to right (\).
27. θεσπί ̣ω :The letter is partly damaged. There is ink at the top of
the letter and at the midlle height letter a horitzontal stroke.
̣ρῃ: At the left edge of the lacuna there is ink in lunate shape.
28. ̣ϊ αωιη: There is trace of in kat the bottom of the letter.
29. .ουω: At the right edge of the lacuna there is traces of ink.
30. ] ̣αϲ: There is the upper part of descendint from left to right (/).
34. βαρφ ̣ραγηϲ: The letter is extremely abraded hower I think it is
visible that it is about a rounded letter.
36. ποτ :̣ The is ink at the top of the letter.
39. προϲ ̣ : There is a dot of ink at the bottom of the letter
42. µ̣ουϲια: The right part of the letter is lost in the lacuna.
44. νο̣φερη: The right part of the letter is lost in the lacuna.

240
PGM II
1.κα[̣ ̣]αρβα: Pr., Pa. καναρβα
Α split, caused by the first vertical fold /crease starts from the top of
the papyrus. It is, however, unclear because the restoration work has
confused things and is misleading since insufficient space was left
between the two fragments to allow for missing material. The split
extends until line 10 where it joins with the split resulting from the
horizontal fold, after which the vertical split is displaced a little to
the left and continues until line 16. Neither Pr. nor Pa. indicate that
ν is actually the missing letter that does not appear in the papyrus.
ακρακαναρβακα[̣ ̣] αρβα: Τhe transition directly from ακρακαναρβα
to κα[ν]αρβα highlights the scribe’s negligence. According the
instructions, “πτερυ̣γ̣οειδῶς”, the right form should be
ακρακαναρβα·<κρακαναρβα·ρακαναρβα·ακαναρβα·>καναρβα… Pr.
notes that before κα[̣ ̣]αρβα there is missing a formula, two parts of it.
In fact there are three missing parts, something noted by Pa.
βα· ̣: Pr. and Pa. βα·[α̣]
The last α from the first sequence of voces magicae is dotted but not
in brackets, because there is a minimal remnant of ink, surviving
outside the lacuna, at the bottom of the letter, just before the λ.
2.πτερ ̣ ̣οειδωϲ: Pa. πτερ[υγ]οειδωϲ/ Pr. πτερυγοειδωϲ
Between the ρ and ο there is a lacuna, and on each edge of the
papyrus there are traces of ink from the damaged letters. As the two
parts of the papyrus have been erroneously put together, the lacuna
is not easily visible and the ink of the two letters forms something
like a dot. Pa. puts the missing letters in brackets, but Pr. does not.
Yet, in the apparatus he stresses that there is an anomaly in the text.

241
3. εκαεργ[ ̣] ̣εο̣προπε: Pa. εκαεργε α[πο]τροπε/ Pr. εκαεργε
αποτροπε/ Eitr. Monte. θεοπροπε
The split cuts the word εκαεργε at γ. By chance, the next letter after
the split is an ε and was mistakenly considered by both of the
previous editors as the last ε of the previous word εκαεργε. As a
result, they have both proposed the word αποτροπε. Pa. transcribes
α[πο]τροπε and Pr., erroneously, without brackets, αποτροπε. But
actually, the last ε of εκαργε has been lost. The correct solution is
the proposal by Eitrem, θεοπροπε. As I have explained, the ε
belongs to the word after εκαεργε, so we have an ε an ο (not so
clear because the upper part of the letter is missing), and a προπε.
Consequently, the word θεοπροπε is the word we are looking for,
and its meaning fits with the attributes of Apollo. Monte also
accepts the reconstruction of Eitrem. The existence of a θ is also
supported by a small trace of a horizontal ligature with ε
corresponding to the cross bar of θ.
4. ϲαλλαλαλα: Pr. αλλαλαλα Pa. ταλλαλαλα
Neither Pr. nor Pa observe that the right part of the c has survived,
but is almost hidden between the η and the lacuna. In fact, the lower
right part of the letter appears to be part of the η and only a line
between η and α, which is the upper part of the letter, makes us
suspect its presence.
αλλαλαλ :̣ Pr. and Pr.αλλαλαλα
There is only a small dot of ink to suggest the existence of a letter
after the λ. According the magical sequence we would expect to
have an α.
̣ε γε: Pr. and Pr. λεγε

242
The first letter is almost entirely lost in the lacuna. Only the endings
of the left part of the letter have survived.
5. υφαιρ ̣ν: Pr. and Pr υφαιρων
Τhe expected ω appears as a broken o because the right curve (arc)
is missing due to the aforementioned hiatus.
ειποτεδιφιλονεσχενεχωνκλαδον: There are conflicting
suggestions about the restoration of this phrase. This part of the
papyrus is very well preserved and easily legible and it does not
permit misreading. Ηοwever, the resulting syntax is insufficiently
for certainty. Wünsch proposes the solution of ει ποτε δη
φιλον(ε)ικον εχων κλαδον and this was the restoration in the first
edition of Pr. Eitrem suggested the restoration ει ποτε τοι φίλον
εσκεν. I can not propose something more paleographical accurate.
6. ̣[ ̣]cϊερης: Pa. and Pr. [ϲη]ϲ
Although it is easily to understand what happened in this lacuna,
both Pa and Pr. are confused. This is wrong; and Eitrem alone
suggested the right restoration. The upper part of the ϲ is extended
and it is accidentally linked with the τ. The τ is apparently broken
just before its vertical stroke starts and the η has disappeared into
the lacuna.
ε ϲ̣θ λὰ: Pa. and Pr. εϲθλα
The left curve of the c has been lost in the split, and all that remains
is the right endings of the letter. Above the α there is a marked sign
similar to a grave accent. It could be considered as a grave accent
but this would make it the only case of accent in the whole text. Pa
mentions it.
7. θ ̣[ ̣]πισµατ’: Pa. and Pr. θεϲπιϲµατ’ Monte. θ ̣[ ̣]πισµατ’

243
The ε̣ is partly lost in the lacuna, only the left part has survived and
the c is completely lost. The previous editors did not mention this
lacuna; however Monte does.
λαη̣τωνιον: Pa. λαιτωνιον
Because of a split that passes across the η, its horizontal stroke is
damaged and the letter resembles to a ι and a c. Pa., without
explaining the existence of this semicircle, adopted the solution of a
ι.
8.[ ̣]η̣ννυκτα: Pa. [τη]ν Pr. [ο] την
The word above in the previous line is a safe guide to the space and
the number of the lost letters. Η is - in my eyes -easy readable, but
Pr. is wrong about τ. It is all lost in the lacuna.
̣α τεχων: Pr., Pa. κατεχων
The expected κ is very lacunose and abraded and only few remnants
of the vertical stroke are still visible.
9. From this point the reading becomes more difficult because the
ink has faded badly and many letters have been abraded.
κ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]υτηϲ: Pa. κ[αι α]υτης/ Pr.- Kroll κ[α]υτης/ Abt-Monte κ[αι
τα]υτης
Here the reconstruction is uncertain. Pa. proposed κ[αι α]υτης,
Preisendanz with Kroll κ[α]υτης and Abt κ[αι τα]υτης. Monte also
concurs with Abt. It seems that the right reconstruction hinges on
the issue of the lacuna space. Although I believe that we can
calculate the lacuna, we cannot accurately calculate the space
occupied by the missing letters. At the same point in the two
previous lines we have 2 letters missing. However, in this line the
lacuna is bigger and from the previous line we can estimate there is

244
a one letter plus gap, a total of 3 missing letters, which corresponds
with the restoration by Pa. κ[αι α]υτης. However, it would be
unwise to reject out of hand the suggestion of Abt and Monte
because the spacing of the letters varies. I incline to a cautious
adoption of Parthey’s opinion, because in the previous line, in the
world παιαν, we can find the same sequence of letters and I believe
that they fit with this lacuna.
c̣η µερον: C is very abraded. Particularly noteworthy is the ε, with
its curiously tall stroke that goes down to make it rather resemble an
English d; something unique in the papyrus.
επ ̣[ ̣] ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣c : Pa. -/ Pr. επ᾽αλ[η]θειας
This is impossible to read with certainty. It is the point where the
vertical and the horizontal folds cross and the result is a seriously
damaged fragment. Although traces of a letter remain, the presence
of a lacuna impedes the reading. Pa. prefers to leave it as a blank.
He does not even restore the επ that I think is distinguishable by
careful inspection. Pr. attempts to restore it as επ᾽αληθειας,
something Monte finds credible. I disagree with this restoration.
Although there are hook shaped traces and hints of ink that could
suggest the upper part of a λ or a δ, which apparently has led to the
conclusion that here we have a λ, there is a considerable space
between the trace of ink after π, which apparently is the first letter
of the word, and the traces looking like a λ. There is space for more
letters between them, as is easily demonstrated by the word above.
Moreover, if we observe carefully the ductus of the λ we will see
that the hook of λ is always more inclined.
11. ̣ ρ ̣φεται: Pr. and Pr. γραφεται

245
The two dotted letters in isolation are illegible. The first has lost its
horizontal stroke through abrasion and it is limited to half a vertical
stroke, which could belong to various letters. The second is in
worse condition because a split passes over it. The remnants are
only a very small trace of ink at the upper height of the letter and a
blot of ink at the middle height.
π[ ̣] ̣τακιου: Pa., Pr., and Monte π[ιτ]τακίου.
However, there is a horizontal trace of ink in the upper part, after
the lacuna and before the second τ, corresponding to the right part
of the horizontal stroke of the first τ. That is why I have chosen to
dot the letter instead of putting it in square brackets.
ακε̣̣φ̣αλ ̣ ̣: Pa. and Pr. ακεφαλοϲ
Although the previous editors have chosen to deem the word safely
legible, the two last letters should be dotted because they cannot be
read accurately in isolation. Moreover, the shadow of the fibers is
mixed with the hint of colour left by the ink. There are three major
spots of ink and a few more faint traces at the middle letter height,
and a few faint flecks at the lower level of the letter. The ε is also
similar to θ. The next letter is very lacunose because a split passes
over it, and all that remains is a left hand lunate shape, and a
vertical oblong blot of ink in the interlinear space where the
normally large vertical stroke of the letter should be.
12. τ[ ̣ ̣ ̣]τ̣α ι: Pa. τ[ίθει π] /Pr. τ[ίθε]ται
The correct restoration is that of Pr. τ[ίθε]ται.
κεφαλη̣ϲ̣ ̣υ νελιχθεν: Pa. κεφαλ[ην ϲ]υνελιχθεν/ Pr. κεφαληϲ
ϲυνελιχθεν

246
Parthey has highlighted the difficulty of the text at this point,
putting the three letters in square brackets. Neither Pr. nor Monte
have dotted the three letters, but in this part of the papyrus the ink
has faded so much that scant traces from each letter have survived
and their certain identification is impossible. No significant
difference exists between genitive and accusative in the syntax here.
I choose the genitive because I believe that the traces left on the
papyrus correspond more to a ϲ. The numerous flecks of ink at the
bottom are perhaps the lower part of the ϲ, which needs a
continuous stroke.
̣υ νελιχθεν: Eitrem proposed the interpretation σου] ἕλιξον, but the
adverbial use of a participle here (temporal-instrumental) is correct
and there is no need of emendation.
µ̣ε̣τ̣α̣: Pr., Pa. µετα
The abrasion of the papyrus in this word is very bad and the
presence of a split that passes across adds further difficulty. I think
it is more accurate to dot the letters because they are not clearly
readable.
13. τοεισελθειν: Pr.τοῦ εἰσελθεῖν Pa. τὸ εἰσελθεῖν
In usual syntaxes with µετὰ, the accusative, which is used to express
the “afterwards” is far more likely in this case than the genitive.
14. ̣η̣: Pa., Pr. τη
The first letter is abraded and only two spots of ink are visible at the
upper and at the lower height of letter. From the η, only the upper
part of the letter survives.
̣[ ̣ ̣]: Pa.[του] Pr. τ[ου]

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Pa. put the first three letters in brackets, but the correct transcription
is that of Pr. who puts only the two letters in brackets. There is a
part of horizontal stroke at the left hand upper height of the letter
but it is not sufficient.
15-16. Some letters from the voces magicae are very abraded and as
they do not have meaning I am not able to restore them.
17. λεγοµ[ ̣ ̣] ̣: Pa. λεγοµ[ενα] Pr. λεγοµε[να]
Pa. inserts the brackets, and also the α, but after the lacuna there is a
bottom half descending diagonal ligatured with the χ that implies
the letter a, which is also expected. Pr. wrongly puts the two final
letters in brackets.
βοτ̣αν ̣[ ̣]: Pr., Pa βοταν[ην]
The expected τ has lost its horizontal stroke and seems like a ι.
There is ink a dot of ink at the lower part of the letter
18. πνεο ̣[ ̣] ̣ : Pr. Πνεον[τα] Pa. πνε....
The first dotted letter is almost entirely lost in the lacuna except the
lower part of its vertical stroke which is still visible. The same
applies to the second dotted letter. There is a dot of ink at the
middle height of the letter.
γυπαλεκ[ ̣ ̣] ̣οϲ: Pr., Pa. γυπαλεκ[τορ]οϲ
There is a dot of ink at the middle height of the letter.
19. ̣ριψα̣ϲ: Pr., Pa. τριψαϲ
The letters are very abraded. The first one is a damaged vertical
stroke and the second seems to be a rounded letter.
.µου: Pr., Pa οµου
Extremely abraded letter
19. µελι[τοϲ]: Pr. µελιτ[ο]ϲ Pa. µελι[τοϲ]

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22. ποιηϲι ̣: Pr. , Pa. ποιηϲιϲ
The letter is seriously damaged by the abrasion. The tiny dispersed
traces of ink are insufficient for me to distinguish it.
λ ̣γε: Pr., Pa. λεγε
The letter is lost in the lacuna. There is ink in the middle of the
letter.
υποκειµεν̣ην: Pr. υποκειµενην Pa υποκειµε[νη]ν
There is ink at the left edge of the lacuna belonging to a vertical
stroke.
εν…: Extremely abraded surface with tiny dispersed traces of ink.
ϲτραµµη: I can see a lunate letter.
24. ̣ρ ω: Pr., Pa θρω
Ιt is a rounded letter but there is no evidence of cross bar.
δε ̣ ̣ν̣: Pr. τ[η]ν Pa. [την]
There is ink between ε and the lacuna. From the second dotted letter
there is traces ink belonging at the lower part of the letter. Ν has
lost its first vertical stroke.
µηδ ̣νι: Pr., Pa.µηδ[ε]νι
It is still visible the cross bar of the ε and a small part of the arc at
the top.
επι ̣υεδεε̣πικαλ ̣υµενο̣ ̣λ̣ιβανον: Pr. επιθυε δε επικαλουµενοϲ
λιβανου Pa. επι[θυ]ε δε επικαλουµενοϲ λιβανου
From the first dotted, there is at the left edge of the lacuna. The
other dotted letter are extremely abraded and the λ seems more than
a τ.
25. [ ̣] ̣ροβιλουϲ: Pr. ϲ[τ]ροβιλουϲ Pa.[ϲτ]ροβιλουϲ
There is ink before ρ.

249
δω̣δ εκα: Pr., Pa. δ[ω]δεκα
The right part of the letter is still visible.
αλεκ̣τοραϲ: Pr., Pa. αλεκτοραϲ
I can discern dots of ink belonging to a vertical stroke but nothing
more.
εναε̣ν ̣ηπ̣ ̣ω̣τη: : Pr., Pa. ενα εν τη πρωτη
Extremely abraded surface with dispersed tiny traces of ink.
27. κ[ ̣ ̣] ϲ̣θ̣π̣ροϲ τ̣η: The reading of the letters which are
overwritten is difficulty and can be interpreted in many ways such
as ϲο, εο, αι, ϲθ. Pr. reads κ[αι] προϲ τη but admits that we can have
other combination of letters as well. Pa. reads [κεο]
ϲ̣τ ραµµη: Pr. γραµµη Pa. cτραµµη
I can see a lunate letter.
ϲ τεφα[ ̣] ̣ν: Pa.ϲτεφ[αν]ον Pr. ϲτεφα[ν]ον
There is a dot of ink before the last ν but I can not be sure if this is
an ο.
28. ̣οι̣ο υτον: Pa., Pr. [τ]οιουτον
Both the previous editors put the first letter in square brackets.
However, if we look carefully, we can discern two small traces of
ink which are the far left and the far right part of a horizontal stroke.
So, I believe it is more accurate to dot the letter.
κλ ̣ναϲ: Pa., Pr. κλ[ω]ναϲ
As in the previous case, both the earlier editors put the first letter in
square brackets but before ν, at the lower letter height there is fleck
of ink, apparently belonging to the letter missing in the lacuna.

250
δαφνϛ: Pr. indicated correctly that here we have a very unusual
example of script. One letter is missing and the final ϲ is written as
an exponent.
των̣ζ̣: Pa., Pr. τωνζ
The right part of the ν is lost in the lacuna and can be easily
confused as a λ. There are also remnants of what appears to be a
large letter that only fits with ξ or ζ. The most reasonable choice is
that of a ζ.
29.το ̣ϲ: Pa., Pr. τουϲ
There is a lacuna here, and the only remnant of the letter is a circle
of ink at the left upper height of the letter.
π̣εντε: Pa., Pr. πεντε
The left part of the π has been lost in the lacuna; its left hand
vertical stroke, considered in isolation could be also be taken as a τ.
εχ ̣: Pa., Pr. εχε
A crease that passes over the letter has seriously damaged it and the
only remnant is a stain of ink at the middle letter height and a small
trace of ink at the upper letter height.
χ̣ ̣ιρι: Pa. and Pr. χειρι
The upper half of the χ is abraded, and from the next letter, only
flecks of ink remain. Above the ιρι there is a faint horizontal stroke.
30. τω̣α̣υτω: Pa., Pr. τω αυτω
Both the under dotted letters are abraded. From the first, only the
left semicircle survives, and from the second we can only
distinguish dispersed traces of . However there are hints of the ink
on the papyrus to help us identify them.
δηλουµε ̣ω: Pa., Pr. δηλουµενω

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The ν is particularly fragmentary. From the three strokes that should
form it, we have only the lower half part of the first stroke, and only
a stain of ink from the central diagonal stroke and the upper half of
the third stroke.
31. ε̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ιννηλιο[ ̣]ϲ: This is a very difficult reading and the
abundance of dotted letters betrays how tentative the reconstruction
is. The sequence of the clearly visible-ιννηλιο[̣ ̣]ϲ letters prevent any
meaning. Pr. attempted to restore it suggesting εν πιννη. Pa. read
ϲιννηλιο[ ̣]ϲ, also difficult to reject. I tend to believe the scribe was
distracted, made a mistake, and then tried to correct it by writing
over the mistake. The second letter I have left as blank seems, at
least to my eyes, “overwritten”. I am not in position to propose
something, but neither of the earlier solutions satisfy me, so I have
preferred to leave it without restoration.
ευχοµε̣νοϲ: Pa. and Pr. ευχοµενοϲ
After µ, a lacuna occurs partly consuming the ε. Only a lunate
representing the cross bar of the e is still visible. The first stroke of
the νis also lost.
32. ̣ξηϲ: Pa. and Pr. [ε]ξηϲ
The dotted letter is lost in the lacuna and the previous editors have
chosen to put it in square brackets, but I have preferred to dot it
because it is still visible its ligature with ξ.
34. γ ̣ ο ν [ ̣]µατα: Pa. οµουονοµατα Pr. and Abt γρ(αφε)ονοµατα
The problem here is the letter γ and the abbreviation stroke.
Actually, in the papyrus the γ seems more like a ϲ and the
abbreviation stroke more like an ι because it is vertical and does not
touch the previous letter. This impression is also reinforced by the

252
fact that in the line below, where the same combination of letters
occurs in the word αρτεµιϲιαν, the ductus is similar. However the
existence of a ϲι in this context makes no sense. Moreover, in the
middle of the vertical stroke there is a spot as if the vertical stroke
was written over a letter that is indistinguishable because of the
abrasion. This assumption, possible but somewhat unlikely, is the
only one that could account for the existence of this spot in the
middle of the stroke, which, combined with the existence of aγ, is
far more plausible than that of a ϲ. I have to add that the scribe often
abbreviates the words γράψον or γραφε, but not in this way. Pa.
omits mention of this fragment, and restores it as οµουwhich does
not correspond paleographically to the papyrus. Taken together,
these reasons lead me to choose Abt’s solution, γρ(αφε).
µελα̣ν : Pa., Pr. µελαν
The underdotted letter has lost its descending stroke and in isolation
could also be considered as an ο.
35. βο ̣α νην: Pa. and Pr. βοτανην
There is a break and a lacuna that pass over the letter and have
destroyed it. The remnant is a small fragment of an horizontal
stroke at the upper letter height, also suggesting a τ which is
expected.
αινωϲ: Pa. [αινωϲ λεο]τριβιϲον Pr. α[ι]νωϲ
It is really hard to say with certainty if we have an ι or a γ. Either
there was no horizontal stroke, or it has been erased. Pr. noted that
the papyrus has αινωϲ, but nevertheless restored it as ἁγνῶς. But I
think we can restore it as αινωϲ with the meaning of ‘exceedingly’,
which seems to me reasonable in this context.

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δ ̣: Pa., Pr. δα
There is a lacuna and the fibers are disturbed. A lunate mark is
discernible. The previous editors restored the α without indicating
the existence of a problem.
36. κ ̣µ ινον: Pa. and Pr. κυµινον
There is a lacuna and half of the letter has disappeared into it. There
is a very strongly marked vertical stroke, and trace of ink at the very
bottom of the letter.
37. ορυγεν ̣ ̣ϲ : Pa. ορυγεντοϲ Pr. ορυγεντ[ο]ϲ
The lacuna has destroyed a major part of the letters. Pa. curiously,
makes no mention of the damage but Pr. put the second dotted
letter, (the o), in square brackets. This is a mistaken restoration
because the only remnant of the first letter is half a horizontal stroke
at the top of the letter and while a lot of ink remains from the ο, it is
not easily readable.
38. ορυξεω̣ϲ : Pa and Pr. ορυξεωϲ
The break causing the damage in the preceding words, βο ̣ανην, κ
̣µινον and ορυγεν ̣ϲ extends until this line and has also damaged this
letter. Only the left part of the λetter has survived.
οϲτρακ ̣ν ω: Pa and Pr. οϲτρακινω
The letter is almost lost in the lacuna. The remnants are a small and
thin vertical stroke at the upper letter height, obviously part of a
longer vertical stroke, and a dot of ink at the bottom of the letter.
44. µε ̣α: Pa, Pr. µετα
Τhe τ is missing. A break passes across the letter and only minimal
traces of ink have survived at the endings of the horizontal stroke.
45. κρι ̣υ: Pa. κρι[ο]υ Pr. κριου.

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The ο is missing but there is the tiniest trace of ink at the right upper
height of the letter that obliges me to dot it.
51. υποκαϲ ̣ραν: Pa, Pr. υποκαϲτραν
There is a small lacuna on this letter. There are traces of ink at the
bottom of the letter belonging to the ending of a vertical stroke.
53. αβιλ: Pa. αβελ Pr. αβιλ
Pa wrote αβελ, but in the papyrus it is clearly an ι, not an ε.
57. αµιλτ̣ωτο̣ν: Pa., Pr. αµιλτωτον
The first underdotted letter is extremely abraded and only minimal
traces of ink remain to help us to read it. From the second, only the
upper part of the letter has survived.
58. δ̣εκαι: Pa. and Pr. δε
There is a break next to the δ, and a very small lacuna on it, which
has disturbed the fibres making the reading of the letter difficult.
59.ϲη ̣ ̣ ̣λ̣ ̣ ̣ουκυµ̣ινου: Pa. ϲη ̣ ̣ον του κυµι]νου Pr. ϲηϲιν[τ]οῦκυµίνου
Ho. Μαϲωµενοϲκυµινον Ei. Μαϲηϲ δ̣ε̣ τ̣ο̣υ̣ κ̣υ̣µινου
The letters are very abraded and there is also a lacuna after the
fourth letter rendering the reading very hard and ambiguous. After
the η the letter is severely abraded with only a vestige of ink of a
small lunate shape and ink of the same shape before the lacuna.
After the lacuna there is small space apparently corresponding to a
totally erased letter and there is either a λ or a ν. Pa restored it as
ση ̣ ̣οντουκυµινου. However, I strongly believe that the space
between the η and the letter ν is wider, so I think that we have more
than two letters. Moreover, the τ does not really exist; only a dot
remains at the top of the letter, perhaps the joint point of its vertical
and horizontal line. Pr., in his first edition, restores it as µαστιγος,

255
clearly incorrect. In the second edition, he changed it to
σησιν[τ]οῦκυµίνου, only allowing for two missing letters. Ho.
proposed the solution µαϲωµενοϲ κυµινον and Ei. Μαϲηϲδ̣ε̣ τ̣ο̣υ̣
κυµινου . I have proposed the solution ὀλίγ̣ουκυµίνου because it
seems to me more accurate paleographically and because the word
µά-σηµα seems a more likely object of the verb κατάπιε than
µάσησιν.
60. πρ ̣ ̣ε̣γραπτα̣ι̣µ̣ ̣ ̣α: Pa., Pr. προγεγραπταιµετα
Between the second and the third dotted letter, there is a break and
the surface of the papyrus on both sides is abraded. From the first
dotted letter there is only a spot of ink at the upper part of the letter.
From the second letter there are only two traces of an apparently
oblong stroke, one at the middle height of the letter and one at the
lower part of it. From the third letter there is a semicircular remnant.
The α is hardly recognizable because there is a very marked vertical
line and next to it, a blot of ink. The ι is abraded and little ink has
remained on the papyrus. After the ι they are two symmetrical
vertical strokes of ink, and in the middle of them there is shadow of
ink, all of which are consistent with a µ. Then, they are dispersed
small traces of ink. Here, the shadow of the ink is easily confused
with the fibers.
τ̣ου: Pa., Pr. του
There is a break that passes across the letter damaging it. Its vertical
line is scarcely distinguishable.
υπ ̣κειµενου: Pa. and Pr. υποκειµενου
The expected ο is completely abraded and only a very faint shadow
of the perished ink is left suggesting the existence of a letter.

256
λο̣γ̣ο̣υ: There is a break that passes between the λ and ο damaging
the letters, mostly the ο.
61.τουτωλεγ οµ̣ε̣ν̣ονεχων: Although, some letters are abraded and
their reading is difficult, I think that there is little space for doubt.
But the syntax here is problematic. Therefore, we have rather
different proposals from the previous scholars Wü. and Abt
proposed τοῦ (µεν) τὸλεγόµενον. Pr. chooses the solution τούτων τὸ
µὲν ἓν ἔχων and Eitr. Proposed τοῦτο τὸ λεγόµενον.
62.µωµ ̣νοϲ: Pa., Pr. µωµενοϲ
A break passes across the first dotted letter and damaged the
surrounding ink. Only a vertical line before the break has survived
and some minimal traces of ink after the break.
̣ ̣τ̣η̣: Pa., Pr. εν τη
The fragment is extremely abraded. All that remains from the first
letter is a semicircular shape of ink; from the second there is ink in
the shape of a small leftward leaning τ at the lower part of the letter.
The third letter is possibly a τ, but its vertical line is abraded. The
last letter must be an η, but I believe it is better dotted because it has
also suffer abrasion.
κα̣[ ̣]: Pa., Pr. και
There is a rip that pass across these letters. What has survived is
only the left half part of the α, a lunate.
ετε ̣: At the end of the line after the ε, something is written which
cannot be identified as a letter. It is a straight vertical line turning
diagonally leftwards at its end. The point of the turn marks the start
of a rightward horizontal straight line that also ends by turings
vertically. It seems to have been written hastily. Pa., in an attempt to

257
explain, it chose the solution of εγειρον. It is hard to distinguish
between the γ and τ because its horizontal line is ligatured with the
previous ε, something that has somehow altered its usual form. It
seems to be more diagonal than horizontal. But even if we consider
we have a γ, the last letter, the expected ι, as I explain before does
not match with a ι.
63. ̣η ϲ: Pa., Pr. τηϲ
The split has affected the letter and only a trace of ink is easily
visible before it.
τω̣ ̣ρο ̣ι̣ρ̣ ̣ ̣ε̣ν̣ ̣: τωπροειρηµενω
Although the previous editors did not note it, this is a very difficult
reading because the letters are seriously abraded except for a fiber
that has preserved almost all its ink. Thus, the impression to the eye
is a continuous horizontal line. From the letters we can distinguish,
we expect the word προειρηµενω. However, before the first ρ, at the
upper part of the letter there are remnants that form the shape υ,
which hardly can be described as ligature of the previous letter with
ρ. Moreover, where we expect to find the second vertical line of the
π, there is a small circle like an ο.
64. ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ει ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣κ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa., Pr. χρηϲει ωϲ υποκειται
The beginning of the line has suffered a break and serious abrasion.
Only three letters are visible. All the rest are minimal traces of ink
across the line, impeding a reading of the text. Oddly, Pa. did not
indicate this damage and seems to have read it without difficulty,
which is not consistent with the current state of the fragment.
λ ̣ ̣ω :̣ Pa., Pr. λαβων

258
There is a split that passes across the second dotted letter, which has
also caused the abrasion of the ink of the previous letter. Actually,
the letters have not survived and they could be put in square
brackets instead of dotting them. However, I have preferred to dot
them because a careful look at the papyrus can reveal infinitesimal
traces of ink.
κλαδουονϲ: Above the υ, in the interlinear space, there is
written “ον”. The scribe decided to correct it and give the
instruction that the practitioner only needs one branch.
ι̣β: Pa., Pr. ιβ
What remains from the ι are three stains of ink, one at the top, one
at the middle and one at the very bottom of the letter.
65. ο̣ν̣[ ̣] ̣α̣τ̣ ̣: Pa. ονοµατα Pr. ον[ο]µατα
There is a lacuna caused by a break, that has also disturbed the
fibers and abraded the ink. I believe it is hard to distinguish the
letters in isolation. Some traces of ink and the shadows of the lost
ink remain from the first two letters that match with the letters ον.
The dotted letter after the lacuna is almost lost in it as well, and
only a blot of ink has survived. The α is also a blot of ink running in
a diagonal direction. Τ is the least damaged letter. Only the right
part of its horizontal line is missing.
κα̣τ̣ ̣φ̣υλλ ̣ :̣ Pa. Κατα φυλλα Pr. κατα φυλλον
The α has a lacuna in its interior but the ink that forms the circle has
survived. The τ has lost its vertical line. The next letter has suffered
abrasion and only some traces of ink have survived at the left part
of the upper part of the letter. From the circle that forms the φ, only
half the down stroke together with a small part of the vertical line

259
remain at the bottom of the letter. After the two dotted letters, a
lacuna starts that runs across three lines and has removed much of
the ink of the previous letters. We have a blot of ink after the
second λ, a gap of abraded ink and then a rather vertical line that
seems to turn right as it goes up.
66.ν̣α̣ρ̣β ̣: Pa. κ[α]ρβα Pr. [ν]αρβα
There is a lacuna at the right part of the α, and the vertical lines of
the α and ρ are lost in it. The last letter is totally abraded.
κ ̣ιτ̣ο ̣τερον: Pa., Pr. και το ετερον
The first dotted letter is almost totally abraded with only a very faint
shadow of ink remaining. What is left after the κ is only a shadow
with minimal traces of ink. The τ has lost its horizontal line from
abrasion and the letter after o is disturbed and abraded.
ϲ αν̣ ̣ ̣λ̣αλ̣λ̣ :̣ Pa. Pr. ϲανταλαλα
There is a lacuna after the first λ, which has badly damaged the
letter except for a small dot at the bottom of the letter, and also
affected the fibers of the λ. The three last letters are abraded.
λ :̣ There is a break caused by the folding of the papyrus that has
affected the last letter. We expect an α, but it is not recognizable in
isolation
67.τ ̣λαλα: Pa., Pr. ταλαλα
There is a tear that has disturbed the letter. All that is visible is a
diagonal line.
αλαλα̣[ ̣]: Pa. αλαλα, Pr αλαλα̣
There is a lacuna that has damaged the letter. From the dotted letter,
only half of the circular part of the letter has survived.
δε̣: Pa., Pr.δε

260
The abrasion has damaged the letter and only some ink at the upper
part of the letter has survived.
κλ ̣δον: Pa., Pr. κλαδον
There is a lacuna, and most of the letter is missing, except for some
traces of ink.
68. επ̣[ ̣]γραφε: Pa. ειϲγραφε Pr. επιγραφε
Only the first vertical stroke of the π remains. The next letter is
missing.
καρ̣δικον: The vertical line of the ρ is abraded.
69.ι ̣ρογλ ̣ ϲ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ιν: Pa. ιερογλωϲϲου εϲτιν Pr. ιε̣ρογλωϲ̣ϲ̣ο̣υ̣ [ε]ϲτιν
A rip has damaged the second letter. The other letters are abraded
with only a few traces of ink remaining.
εγγ̣εγ̣ραµµενον: The upper part of the γ is missing
73. µο ̣ωϲ: Pa., Pr. οµοιωϲ
The letter is lost in the lacuna of a rip but there is a trace of ink at
the top of the letter.
ϲεαυτ̣οντ̣ωθ̣εω: Pa., Pr. ϲεαυτον τω θεω
After the α, all the letters have suffered abrasion. Some of them
have retained enough ink to be distinguishable. Half the vertical and
the horizontal line of the first τ have been abraded. At the second τ,
its vertical line is totally abraded.
ουτω̣ϲ: Pa., Pr.ουτωϲ
Only traces of the upper part of the letter have survived.
74. οινον̣: Pa., Pr. οινον
The letter is abraded. Only the shadow of the ink and some traces
from the diagonal stroke remain.
αυτ ̣: Pa., Pr.αυτ[ω]

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There is a lacuna and the letter is lost, only a few traces have
survived.
αλυφον: Abt restored the verb as ἄλυµφον, Eitrem proposed
ἀλείφου (ἀλυφου) and Hop. ἄλειψον which I believe it is the most
likely to be correct.
ευχοµ ̣ν οϲ: Pa., Pr. ευχοµενοϲ
There is a crack at the point of the letter that goes down, a very
small lacuna and the fibers have been disturbed.
75.ολ [ ̣] ̣: Pa.ολ[ον] Pr. ολ[ο]ν
The second vertical line of the ν has survived.
76. δ ̣κ̣τ υλον: Pa. δ[ακ]τυλον., Pr. δ[α]κτυλον
There is a lacuna that has affected the two letters. Only a small
portion of the left part has survived, while the κ has only lost its
vertical line.
77. τα ̣τα: Pa. ταυτα Pr.τα[υ]τα
The letter is completely lost in the lacuna apart from a minimal
trace of ink at the very bottom of the letter.
περφαην̣ω̣ ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa., Pr.περφηναω ̣ ̣ ̣
The first two dotted letters are abraded. The others are almost all
lost in the lacuna and only traces have survived at the top of the
letters.
διαµανθωτ’: Pa. is silent about the existence of the last sign, and
Pr. restored it as λ. I have preferred the apostroph because it is a
leftwards semicircle and is written above the height of the other
letters, in the interlinear space.
ωανου ̣: Pa.ωανου.. Pr.ωανουθ

262
It is difficult to say whether the letter is an ω or an α. There is, of
course, a circle but instead of a horizontal line or a rightwards
diagonal we have a leftwards diagonal that seems to penetrate the
circle.
79.τα ̣την: Pa.ταυτην Pr. τα[υ]την
There is a lacuna, and the letter has been lost in it, only a trace of
ink has survived at the bottom of the letter.
τ ̣ :̣ Pa., Pr.την
There is a tear and a small lacuna. We can distinguish a vertical line
but nothing more.
κεφαλη ̣: Pa., Pr.κεφαλην
There is a lacuna that goes down at the point of the letter. There is a
vertical line and hint of ink indicating a stroke at the middle height
of this line.
80. ̣ ̣ϲ ηϲ: Pa., Pr. ουcηϲ
There is a small lacuna. We have only traces of ink around the
lacuna.
διδυµ̣οιc: Αbraded letter.
81. πεταλοιϲ: Pa. read πεταλων, which is wrong. In the papyrus it
is clear that we have πεταλοιϲ. Pr. restored πεταλων, but in the
apparatus indicated what is written in the papyrus.
82.[ ̣] ̣τ̣οϲ̣: Pa., Pr. αυτοϲ
The ink of the first two letters has faded and what remains can also
be confused with the shadow of the fibers. What we can distinguish
at the first letter is a blot of ink at its upper height. From the second
letter, there is a stain of ink at the right upper part of the letter, an
oblong hint of ink in the middle height of it and a trace of ink at the

263
lower part of the letter. The horizontal stroke of the τ is also
indistinguishable. The final ϲ is also hardly recognizable. Oddly,
none of the previous editors indicated the difficulty of this reading.
ϲκηπ ̣ ̣υχ ̣ϲ: Pa., Pr.σκηπτουχοϲ
There is a crack after the π, which has also influenced the ink of the
next letters. From the first letter after the π, there is a vertical stroke
and a small horizontal stroke at the left upper part, giving the
impression of an inverted γ. From the second letter, there only
remains a blot of ink in the middle of the letter looking like a
diagonal stroke. Apparently, the tear has disturbed the fibers. The
penultimate letter is completely abraded and only a very faint
shadow of the ink has remained on the papyrus which seems to be
circular, implying an ο. As above, the previous editors made no
mention of these problems.
83. ̣ι : Pa. [ν]ι Pr. νι
There is a lacuna and the letter is lost in it. All that has survived is a
trace of ink at the left part of the lacuna, at the middle height of the
letter and a vertical stroke at the right part of the lacuna. Pa.
indicates the damage, but Pr does not.
οµι̣γ̣γ̣ο̣:This is an uncertain reading. Pa. And Pr. reads ϲµιγων.
However, I am quite sure there is a double letter there, γγ or ττ.
Hein. Restored it as <µοι> οµιλων, but this restoration ignores the
word υδωρ.
84. αοιδ ̣ϲ: Pa., Pr. αοιδαϲ
Τhe expected α is only a blot of ink.
85. κρατα ̣ο̣: Pa., Pr. κραταιο

264
At the end of this line the ink is messy. There is a stain on the ink or
deletion by the scribe that makes reading difficult.
86. ̣τ ηθι: Pa., Pr. ϲτηθι
Here, we expect a ϲ, but the letter is abraded and what has survived
seems more like a π.
87. ικε ̣η: Pa., Pr. ικετη
The expected τ is damaged and is indistinguishable. What remains
is limited to a blot of ink in the middle height of the letter.
̣π ολλo ̣: Pa., Pr. απολλον
The first letter is abraded. Two subsequent traces of ink have
survived at the middle height of the letter.
89. κε̣λευθα: Pa., Pr.κελευθα
There is a lacuna here, caused by a crack that does down three lines.
There is a lunate shape of ink at the left part of the letter that
suggests the expected ε.
διιπ ̣ ̣ ̣ϲ: Pa., Pr.διιπετεϲ
Τhe three letters after π are seriously abraded and all that survives is
only a few minimal traces of ink, mostly at the upper height part of
the letters. The previous editors did not indicate this damage.
ο̣υρανοφοιτα: Abraded letter
ακιχητα:Abt and Kirch proposed the restoration ἀκάκητα, but this
a word attributed most to Hermes, and in our text an adjective
would fit better than an adverb.
90. π̣υρισθενεϲ: The horizontal stroke of the letter is missing.
91. α̣κ̣α̣µνε: Pa., Pr. ακαµνε
The down part of the letters is abraded.
92. µεϲηµ̣βριο: Pa., Pr. µεcηµβριο

265
There is a crack that passes across the letter and affected it. The left
part of the letter is abraded and only the mark of the damaged ink
remains.
93.ρο̣δο̣ϲφυροϲ: Abraded letters.
95.νυ̣ξ̣: Abraded letters.
99. µολπ̣ην: The letter is not easily recognizable because the
supposed first vertical line is a lunate stroke. Perhaps the scribe was
confused.
101.τονµ̣εγ ̣ν: Pa., Pr. τον µεγαν
The letters τονµ are not clearly visible because there is a blot of ink,
mostly at the letter µ. There is also a lacuna that has affected the
dotted letter. Traces of ink at the top of the letter.
εν̣ ̣ ̣ρανω: εν ουρανω
I believe the first dotted letter is a ν. A vertical stroke has survived,
and next to it the half upper part of another vertical stroke. The next
two letters have suffered abrasion. Only few traces of ink have
survived from each one, insufficient to give a key to their
identification.
102. δ κ
̣ α: Pa. δεκα Pr. δ[ε]κα
The letter is almost lost in a lacuna. Only some traces of ink have
survived at the edge of the lacuna with the ligature of letter with the
κ.
104. επι ̣ ̣ϲγηϲ: Pa. [επι τηϲ γηϲ] Pr. επι τηϲ γηϲ
The written surface layer of the papyrus has been removed and
only the very top of the letters has survived. The damage goes down
three lines.
106. µ̣ορφη : Pa. and Pr. µορφη

266
There is a rip that passes across the letter destroying its left part.
107. κα ̣ηµενοϲ: Pa. and Pr. καθηµενοϲ
There is a break that has damaged the letter and left only a curved
line belonging to the left part of the letter. The syntaxis is wrong
here. As Eitr. noted the correct is καθηµενου.
115:On the papyrus is written ειϲµουϲεωϲ. Abt restored it as ειϲ
µουϲεωϲ, Eitr. <φωτ>ιϲµουϲ Pa. ειϲ µουϲεωϲ ϲυ αρ’ and Hein.
ε<ρ>ιϲµουϲ.
116. ̣δων[ ̣] ϊ: Pa. ηωναι Pr. αδωναι
The abrasion has affected the letters. There are only two traces of
ink from the first dotted letter, οne at the top and one at the bottom
of the letter. The δ is also faint but digital elaboration makes it more
visible.
117. λαιλ̣α̣µ̣ψ: Pa. λαιλαοψ Pr. λαιλαµψ
The letters are seriously abraded and their reading is difficult. Pa.
read λαιλαοψ, and Pr., with whom I agree, read λαιλαµψ.
̣ω̣ουχ: Pa. and Pr. χωουχ
It is really hard to recognize the χ at the abraded letter. There is and
oblong stroke at the bottom of the letter which is difficult to relate
to part of a normal χ, that is why I have chosen to dot the letter. The
ω is more distinguishable in a digitally elaborated image.
119. ναθµαµε̣ω̣θ: Pa. ναθµαµαωθ Pr. ναθµαµεωθ Abt. µαρµαµαωθ
The fibers at the down part of the letters have been damaged. The
ductus at the top of the letter, which has survived, indicates an ω.
Moreover, Pa. instead of ε before ω read α, but I think this was
incorrect because there is a horizontal stroke at the middle of a
curved stroke. An alternative could be a θ, but not an α.

267
120. δι[ ̣ ̣] ̣υων: Pa., Pr. δι[οδ]ευων
This is one more point where fibers from the papyrus have been
lost. Of the last dotted letter there is only a minimal trace of ink to
denote its existence.
121. δυ̣[ ̣]α ̣ουµενοϲ: Pa. δυναµουµενοϲ Pr. δυ[ν]αµουµενοϲ
The fibers have been lost and the surviving ink is insufficient to be
sure
κ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣υ̣φω: Pa. and Pr. gave the reading και πολυφω. In isolation the
reading is very problematic and doubtful. Pr. proposed the
restoration πολυφω⟨τεκ⟩τιστα but the adj. πολυφωτιστής exists and
also fits with the previous adj. προσαυξητής.
122. ϲ̣ε̣ϲενγεν: The letters are abraded and their reading is
problematic because only minimal and dispersed traces of ink have
survived. However, I think that if we follow the ductus of the traces
we can form the letters ϲε.
φαρ̣α̣ ̣γηϲ: Pa., Pr. φαραγγηϲ
The fibers have been lost and all that survives is the lower parts of
the letters.
123. ϊα ̣φ̣η̣: Pa., Pr. ιαϲφη
There are two small lacunae, one above the letters and one under
them, and a rip, which have disturbed the fibers. The first dotted
letter, we expect to be a ϲ because the word is repeated, but instead
of a lunate shape we have ink that matches with a circular shape.
νο ̣ ̣ι: Pa., Pr. νουϲι
There is a small lacuna over the first dotted letter that makes it
unreadable and the ink of the second letter has been abraded.
124. αρ ̣ ̣ µωϲι: Pa.αρϲαµωϲι Pr.αρ[ϲ]αµωϲι

268
There is a small lacuna over the first dotted letter that has also
affected the ink of the next letter. However, there is ink in a lunate
shape in the interlinear space as if it was written above of another
letter.
127. τιϲ: Here the scribe wrote two letters, one over the other.
Apparently he made a mistake and instead of τ, wrote ϲ, which is
the last letter in the previous line.
135. ευη̣· ̣υ̣ι̣ε: Pa., Pr. ευηευιε
In the interlinear space of this and the next line, there is a small
lacuna damaging the ink of the letters in the two lines. The first
dotted letter is a vertical stroke and at its middle we have the
beginning of a horizontal stroke that has survived intact.
136. φοιβω ̣ ̣ ̣αρεωθ: Pa., Pr. φοιβω ̣ ̣ ̣αρεωθ
The ink of this line, at this point, is even more affected by the
lacuna and the ink has almost entirely vanished.
̣ω ε: Pa., Pr.οωε
There is a lacuna over the letter and it is unreadable. There is ink at
the edge of the lacuna
138. εουω̣: Pa.εουω Pr. εουω̣
Although it is not clear if there is an ο, or an ω, the size and the
space it occupies, matches with that of ω.
χα̣βραχφν̣εϲ: Pa., Pr χαβραχφλιεϲ
There is insufficient ink remaining to distinguish if there is an α or
an ο. Moreover, neither is it clear whether we have a λι or a ν. If
there are two letters, they are not separated and they create the
impression of a ν.
141. πραξεω ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa., Pr πραξεωϲ

269
The letters are very abraded. There are traces of ink but I think that
in isolation these would not be legible.
πρωτ ̣ :̣ Pa., Pr. πρωτη
The letters are abraded and the fibers disturbed so the reading is
hard.
143. το̣ιϲ̣ : Pa., Pr τοιϲ
The letters are in a bad condition because of abrasion.
εβδοµ ̣ ̣τ ̣ ̣: Pa., Pr εβδοµη οταν
The letters are abraded. From the letter after the µ, we have only a
vertical line, which is also abraded. The letters on both sides of the τ
seem to have a circular shape but it is too risky to decide whether
they are an α or an ο. The last letter seems to have two vertical
strokes similar to a ν.
147. ϊκε ̣ευων: Pa., Pr ικετευων
There is a small lacuna over the τ, making it unreadable, but the
damage has also affected the previous letter which is very faint, but
in my opinion, still distinguishable.
ευ̣µεν[ ̣]ιαν: Pa., Pr. ευµενειαν
The first dotted letter is a little damaged by a rip that passes across
the letter.
148. α γ̣ν οϲ: The horizontal stroke of the letter is totally abraded.
παντ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣: Pa., Pr. παντοϲ
There is a small lacuna inside the word after the τ that has affected
the ink and the next two letters are unrecognizable. Only dispersed
traces of ink have remained on the papyrus.

270
151. α̣c φλια: The fibers have been disturbed and the letter is not
clear. There is a circular shape that in isolation could be also be read
as ο.
[ ̣ ̣] ̣[ ̣ ̣]ιτωνοc: Pa., Pr. [του κοιτ]ωνοϲ
The fibers have been lost, but in the middle of the lacuna minimal
remnants of fibers with ink on them. The best-preserved fragment
seems to belong to a letter with a horizontal stroke.
152. ̣ ̣ε : This is a problematic reading because the fibers of one part
have been lost and at another part the fibers are disturbed and the
ink is confused. Consequently, it is hard to understand the writing.
Pa. has left this part of the papyrus as blank and Pr. does not
mention the problem while restoring it as ἐπ[ί]γραφετὰ γρα[φόµ]ενα
ταυτα which is erroneous and does not match with the papyrus.

271
272
4.4 Textual Commentary
Preliminary comments
The scholars who had studied the papyrus had formed the idea that
this practice is about a dream revelation. The details given in the
instructions on the purification of the bed, on how it has to be set,
on how the magician has to sleep have led them to consider the
spell a petition of a revelatory dream. However, before the matching
of the two papyri, elements such as the throne and the dismissal, -
someone has to be awoken to perform it-, have made me believe
that this complicated and demanding spell is about a face-to face
divine encounter.239

The formation of this idea was influenced by Gordons’ ideas about

the hierarchy of the magical visions. He sustains that “there is an
hierarchy of authority within the visions they summon. This
hierarchy is arranged in terms of the claimed directness of the
encounter”. The lowest grade is the dream revelation, then are the
lecanomancy or the lycnomancy and the form of divination of
highest prestige is the real encounter with a god or a daemon, the
direct vision.

However, after the match of the papyri, as the last words of PGM
VI is χρηϲµωδεῖν π<ει>/ ϲτικὰ διὰ νυκτὸ[ϲ ἀληθῇ διηγουµένῳ
<δια> µαντικῆϲ ὀνειράτων little skepticism about the kind of spell

239
The first who express the opinion that this spell is about a direct vision was
Calvo (1987), 33-37.

273
we have, is permitted. But again Gordon’s give the solution:he has
already pointed out the frequent problem of their classification.
“There are many “intermediate” recipes which seem to fuse them in
different ways. For example, about a third of all requests for dreams
are in fact requests for visions of speaking gods or daemons, and
thus difficult to distinguish from direct visions. Conversely, some
direct visions are actually dream-requests. Some spells called direct
visions are not readily distinguishable from ordinary
lecanomancies; and some seem to imply a direct vision without
being so labelled”.240 In this frame of mind, I believe that this
papyrus, although it asks for a dream revelation, contains some
elements representative of the request for direct visions.

Still this explanation does not throw light on the interpretative

problems that impede us from the interpretation and the full
understanding of the practice. For example, if the divinity appears
in the dream of the magician, how the dismissal would be
performed?

The other particularity of the papyrus lays on its structure and its
cohesion. The structure of the papyrus, as aforementioned, is very
difficult to understand. The description of the practice in the
papyrus contains two different procedures, which although quite
similar to each other, have intermingled, messy and confused
elements. In reality, the papyrus is full of anaphoric and cataphoric
references that confuse the reader and at some point impede us from

240
Gordon (1997), 84.

274
fully comprehending the procedures. The reasons for this peculiar
structure are probably bound up with the scribe’s aim of providing
an alternative in case of failure and the intervention of some
secondary formulas, such as a formula for good memory to aid in
remembering the “voces magicae” or the hymns. Regarding the
thematic cohesion of papyrus, it is the only papyrus characterized as
a magical handbook that has cohesion. It contains no other
incoherent magical practice but only practices that can be
characterized as variants or alternatives of the same practice as
solutions if the central practice of the papyrus is not effective, and
the scribe states so clearly. Even with the addition of PGM VI, the
papyrus maintains its cohesion. The huge blank space covering
almost one and a half column, at the end of the papyrus is one more
argument that this papyrus was not a magical handbook of a variety
of spells. If this was so, the space would have been used to write
more recipes.

As the structure of this roll is complicated I preferred to present it in

a scheme.

PGM VI + II: Structure

1. At dawn: 1ª κλῆσις (εὐχή, VI 6-29)

2. At sunset: 2ª κλῆσις (ἐξαίτησις: Α. Helio B. Selene VI 30-
47)
3. 3ª κλῆσις (II 1-10; then, 11-25)
- Indications on the pittakion, mention of the laurel
leaves and voces magicae to tell to the lamp.
- Mnemonic rite.

275
 - Cleaning of the bed; indications on poiesis and klesis.
- Instructions for an epithyma.
4. Instructions on how to pray while wearing a laurel crown
and holding a laurel branches. Instructions also on how to
lie down (26-43).
- How to hold 7 branches with one hand and 5 with the
other and in which position.
- It is necessary to recite the formula bolsoch etc.
- Names to be written on each branch (12).
- Instructions for the ink.
- Mixture for the ear.
- Mnemonic recipe (40-42: a leaf with a sign inscribed
–apparently the ankh or similar).
- The best moment for the aforementioned klesis (to
begin in the seventh [hour] of the moon, until the
god appears, 42-43).
5. A list of ἐπάναγκοι and their alternatives (for instance, a
ῥάκος of the corpse of a biothanatos or a new design on
papyrus, depending of the circumstances; 43-50).
6. Alternative procedure using a medium.(55-57)
7. An alternative for the poiesis, and also for the attitude and
situation for the systasis.
8. What must be said looking to the lamp (praying to Apolo):
cf. 3. Moon in Gemini
9. 4ª κλῆσις + χαιρετισµός (81-141).
10. More actions to be done (with the corresponding
substances), according to the days of the week,
functioning as ἐπάναγκοι, if the god does not come (141-
150).
11. Praxis for the preparation of the bedchamber, and
inscriptions to be written on the doorposts (150-161).
12. The throne for the god, with a foot-stool (161-162) + what
must be written on the throne (162-167).

276
 13. Design of the akephalos, with voces magicae and vowels.
How to put the design on the rakos of the dead (166-175):
cf. 5.
14. ἀπόλυσις (176-183).

The beginning of the papyus is a logos addressed to a female entity

to whom the speaker interpolates it as παρθένος (v.8), and which we
can safely identify with Daphne, thanks to the first verse. The logos
is divided into two parts 1-8 and 9-15. The first of these contains the
invocation to Apollo and Daphne, and the second contains the
petition asking explicitly for god to send an oracle. Because of the
missing parts of the text, it is difficult to submit the hymn to metric
analysis.241

In is interesting to see that the dimension of Daphne in this hymn is

double, on the one hand it has a vegetal nature (ἱερὸν φυτὸν
Ἀπόλλωνος, v.1) and on the other we have Daphne in personified
(and divinized?) form as a παρθένος. The hymn has an oracular
purpose, explicitly stated.

Δάφνη µαντοσύνης ἱερὸν φυτὸν Ἀπόλλωνος: There is close

connection between Apollonian prophesy and laurel, with the
famous aetiological myth standing behind this connection. In
Delphi, Pythia holds a laurel branch and wears a laurel wreath.
242
However, here, the verse refers to the god tasting the petals of the

241
In the papyrus, each verse occupies a line, but the hymn is severely damaged
since the material loss of approximately half the column to 1/24 means that we
have lost the beginning of all the verses of this hymn.Comments about the meter
in the surviving part of the text can be found in Blanco (2016).
242
On Delphi oracle see Suárez (2005); Amandry (1950); Delcourt (1955);
2
Bouché-Leclercq (2003 )

277
laurel and then singing. As Bortolani correctly mentions, it seems to
imply that his divination is a result of chewing the plant, but in the
traditional version of the myth, Apollo was already the god of
divination and prophesy. According to some sources, the Pythia
followed the same ritual before giving her prophesies, but, as Aune
states, “the chewing of laurel leaves by the Pythia is a ritual
unmentioned until the second century A.D.”243 About the real
qualities of this plant, it is known that prophets and poets of the
classical period did indeed consume laurel leaves to induce
inspiration, but the practice is alleged to occur at Delphi only by
two late critics of the oracle.244 A classical scholar named Traugott
Oesterreicher tried to prove if laurel had indeed inspirational
qualities by chewing its petals himself. In the words Dodds,
Oesterreicher “was disappointed to find himself no more inspired
than usual.” Modern medicine with chemical analysis also confirms
that laurel is not a psychotropic plant and it does not contain any
hallucinogenic substance.

πτερυγοειδῶς: The voces magicae in the magical texts were

arranged into many shapes. The most common shapes were
squares, isosceles triangles, wing-forms and diamonds.245 It is
interesting to note Hopfner’s comment246 that the word
πτερυγοειδῶς contains a visual connotation which is incompatible

243
Aune (1983), 30.
244
Easterling- Muir (1985), 139.
245
See Flint (1999), 49-50.
246
Hopfner ( 1990),94-98.

278
with the verb λέγε and the oral recitation. Graf explains247 cases
such as this one, dividing the magical actions into legomena (things
to be said), graphomena (things to be written) and prattomena (and
things to be done. Sometimes, the first two happen simultaneously.
The magician has to write down voces magicae while he is reciting
them.

εἴ ποτε δὴ φιλόνικον ἔχων κλάδον: This typically Homeric εἴ ποτε

δὴ formula recites the God’s past actions with the purpose of
reminding God of his prowess so as to induce him to repeat them by
citing past examples.248 This formula is frequent in Greek prayers
and hymns of both the rhapsodic and the cultic types and it is
known as hypomnesis. There is another hypomnesis in PGM VI 36-
38 with verses taken from the Iliad. For these verses, no parallel
exists249 and they refer to the laurel wreath given to the winners of
the Pythian Games at the sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi.250

ἀκέφαλος: Akephalos” the headless God is a deity frequently

invoked in the magical papyri.251 For his identification various
proposals were surveyed by Abel252 and Preisendanz.253 In the
corpus the spells in VII, VIII inovoke Bes- an ugly daemon
worshipped as beneficent or prophetic- as the headless god. Osiris is
likewise called the headless one in V. 98. According to M. Smith

247
Graf (2015), 236.
248
Race (1990), ch. 4.
249
Bortolani (2016) 1720-173.
250
Miller (2006), 96.
251
PGM V 125; V 98; II 11; VII 233.
252
Preisendanz (1926), 48-50
253
Abel (1970), 13. See also Delatte (1914), 221-232.

279
there are certainly connections between Osiris and Bes in the
Roman Period and earlier but there is no evidence of syncretism
between the two gods.254 Seth is also most often found in the form
of Akephalos.
 
λέγεται δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸν λύχνον: By the 2nd AD. the lamp was
essencial element in the dream divination. An inscription found in
Athens associated with Isis   worshippers mentions a woman being
called at the same time λυχνάπτρια and ὁνειροκρίτης.255 Many
spells described in the magical papyri are to be performed at night.
In these spells usually appears the use of a lamp.256 They do not
serve not only as a source of light but are prominent and intregrated
part of the ritual. In some of them, the divination is achived through
the lamps. This rite is called λυχνοµαντεῖον.257

In lycnomancy flashes are observed in the flickering of a lamp. We

can not exclude also the possibilty of the interpretation of images
created and seen in the shadowing. The lamp has not be red
coloured. In the Egyptian context this requirement is likely due to
negative associations between the red colour and evil, particularly
with respect to the god Seth.258

254
Mark Smith (2017), 478.
255
Zografou (2010) 210.
256
Zografou (forthcoming)
257
On this rite see Totti 1988;1999, 132-139; Ogden (2001), 133-195; Gordon
(1997), 82-91; Graf (1999); Parisinou( 2000), 77-78
258
See Ritner(1993), 147; Pinch (1994), 81.

280
σ[τ]ροβίλους δεξιοὺς δ[ώ]δεκα:259   The Greek word used for
pinecone is strobilos, which, as easy to understand, owns its name to
its spiraling structure. Previously the term κῶνος as also in use but
the term strobilos finally prevailed. In the corpus we come across
with στρόβιλοι and στροβίλια.260 The latter are pine nuts.

There are many testimonies, especially in documentary papyri and

private letters where the meaning of the word is clearly pinecone and
the translation of strobilos as pinecone was generally accepted until
Perpillou published his work on Egyptian festivals. He proposed that
strobilos could assume not only the meaning of a natural pinecone
but also of a scented wax cone. This assumption was based on the
differentiation found in the documentary papyri concerning the
prices of strobiloi.261 Drew tried to explain this mismatch of
prices.262 Although this assumption cannot be rejected,263 the
testimonies in the corpus do not support it. Usually, in magical
papyri the magician often gives instructions on how to make
elaborate substances required by the magical recipe-such as kyphi-
and in the case of the strobiloi there is no specification or
clarification. If the same word was used alternatively for two
different things, in magic where the quantities and specific
substances are of the utmost importance, the scribe had to somehow

259
Chronopoulou (forthcoming).
260
PGM VII 174-175; PGM I 244-47. Betz does not to distinguish the two terms. PGM VII
174-175 as we are going to see says 50 units. Fifty units of pinecones are a huge amout for a
potion. We should consider that στροβίλια are the pine nuts.
261
Perpillou(1993) 185-188.
262
Drew (1995), p.6; (1998) 393-398.
263 See also Zografou (2013), p. 35. Zografou does not reject Perpillou’s
proposal.

281
indicate if the practice needs natural pinecones or a scented wax
cone.

In the corpus of the magical papyri, there are several instances of use
of pine’s products for a. Medical use (PGM VII 174-175) SM 83 b
Offering to divinities associated with sexuality and fertility PGM
XII. 22-24 c. As offering or sacrificial ingredient to other deities.
There are six instances where pinecones-only pinecones- are used as
offering with decorative purpose or as part of the sacrifice. II 24-26,
II 74-75 PGM III 694-695 XIII 7- 10 XIII 364-366 XIII 1014-1015

Therefore, we can connect the presence of pinecones with the

necessity of an odiferous- especially in the sacrifice where the
substance is going to be burnt -or decorative result. This was not out
of the costume not for the Greek nor for the Egyptians. We know that
pine cones were sometimes used for ritual fires in the temples of Isis
and a pine cone often appears on the monuments as an offering
presented to Osiris.264 Some papyri confirm also the use of pinecone
as firewood in Egypt temples and other ritual context.265 There is
also the papyrus BGU 3.801 where Tasoucharion send to his brother
ten pine cones to use them in the sacrifice in honor of a deceased
woman. According Bagnall and Cribiore, P. Bour 23 is a letter that
seems to be concerned with things that Thermouthis needed for a

264
Spence (2012).
265
E.g. BGU 2 362, P.Oxy. 36 2797, SPP 22 56, BGU 3.801, P.Oxy. 8.1144,
P.Lund. 4 13, P.Oxy. 9 1211; Pinecone appears also in many documentary papyri
from different contexts. See Lidonicci (2001), 81-83.

282
burial.266 Between the things needed are also pinecones.

In the second fragment there is an offering and contains 12 twelve

“right-whorled” pinecones. The magician has to pour wine and make
a sacrifice. The phrase “until sacrifice is extinguished” indicates fire.

We are lucky to have some inscriptions from the temple of Apollo in

Delos that list in detail the temple expenses among which are
multiple instances of pine.267 Although there is no mythological
connection between pine and Apollo, these inscriptions permit us
assume that the use of pine in the cult of Apollo, at least to Delos, is
unquestionable. The most probable use had been that of firewood. As
can be noticed, pine trees used together with vineyards. Both of them
catch fire. Besides, pine when it is burning fumigates a very pleasant
odor, which as we have seen is considered to be purifying. Pine used
also for ritual fires in the temple of Isis and as offerings to Osiris. 268

Although the use of pinecones as firewood is very plausible, we are

obliged to note a particularity. Pinecones are inflammable and
odoriferous but an entire pinecone on fire is dangerous, as it could
provoke some kind of a small “explosion”. Therefore, we can assume
that they processed before being set them alight. The options were to
break them, smash them or to disintegrate them. Pinecones are made
of small microsporophylls, which are scale-like modified hard
leaves, spiraling out from a central axis. Disintegrating them,
266
Bagnal-Cribiore (2006),180
267
The ID 465 contains twice “πεύκη, κληµατὶς”; In ID 461bis we read three
times “ ξύλα καὶ πεύκη, στεφανώµατα”; In ID 396, which is also a list of
expenses for the temple πεύκη, κληµατίδες is repeated many times.
268
Chapa (1998), p. 71.

283
someone could also take the pine nuts. A troubling adjective that
sometimes accompanied the word is that of δεξιός. It is hard to say
with certainty what the scribes meant with this. Betz has translated it
as “full of seeds”. There are the suggestions also of the “whorled to
the right”, “perfect” and the mode of the gathering.269 Looking
carefully at the corpus and the fragments we also notice that where
pinecone is used with this adjective, the pinecones were part of the
sacrificial offering. We can find closely words such as ἐπίθυε and
βωµοῦ.

ἀλέκτορας ἀ[σ]πίλους: Roosters were commonly employed in

ancient magic. Animales used as sfageion in the greek civic rites-
pig, sheep and cow are absent, and in their place we find birds. Bird
sacrifices were more common in Near East cultic practices.
However, there are inscriptions referring to sacrifices of birds,
which were practised on second century BC in Kos and Mytilene.270
And it is true that in the corpus of the magical papyri birds appears
as sacrificial offerings in erotic spells.

Graf argued271 that the use of unusual ingredients in burnt offerings

place “the magician [...] in opposition to ordinary, ‘religious’ ritual
and isolate him from his fellow man.” It is a deliberate inversion
that distinguish magic with its antisocial character and religion.
However, as Johnson stresses272 in her discussion of the act of

269
Lidonicci (2001), 82.
270
Hitch-Ruthford (2017). See also the recently published inscriptions of
Marmarini Decourt-Tziaphalias (2015), 20, l.B70-74.
271
Graf (1991) 188-213.
272
Johnston (2002) 344-349

284
sacrifice in the magical papyri, these offerings should be understood
against the background of broader cultic practices, and we must be
cautious about assuming that they are deliberate inversions of
standard rituals rather than extensions of the same underlying logic.
As she also mentioned birds were more easily handled animals for
domestic rituals.

στέφα[ν]ον: Wreaths, as essential part of ancient festivities,

ceremonies and sacrifices, were used in the magical rituals.273

Ἐρεσχιγάλ:   Ereschigal was the Babylonian goddess of the

underworld, often used as a magical name. Sometimes she is
identified with Hekate, Selene, Artemis and Persephone.274

ἔστιν δὲ τὸ µέλαν τόδε:According to Smith275 the technology of the

ink mimics the technology of the vegetable sacrifice, with burning
and aromatic gums.

Πρὸς δὲ τὸ µνηµνονεύειν τὰ λεγόµε[να]: The ingredients here

features as symbolic:276 magnetic stone, probably to attract the
inspiration of God; finally, the heart, that is to say, the vital organ of

273
On wreaths and their use in official religion and on magic see Syrkou
(forthcoming) in Papirologica Lupiensia.
274
On the association of Hecate (and Persephone) with Ereschigal in the magical
papyri see SM I, p. 148, SM, nos 42, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54 = DT 38 ainsi que PGM II
33 ; IV, 337, 1417 ; 2480 ; 2747 ; 2909 ; V, 339 ; 425 ; VII, 317 ; 897 ; 984 ;
XIII, 927 ; XIV, 23 ; XIXa, 7 ; LXX, 5 ; 7 ; 10. Her name also sometimes appears
with Jewish elements, such as the names Iao, Sabaoth etc. Cf. Fauth (2006), 40-
48. For Ereschigal identified with Hecate on "uterine gems", see Michel 2004,
192, 218.
275
Trading places.
276
Garcia Molinos (2017), 343.

285
a hoopoe, a sacred bird in Egypt. Honey, on the other hand, is
produced by bees, which were attributed mantas power by their
ability to predict weather. In addition, its yellow color underscores
the solar nature of Apollo. A few lines below, in II, 40-42, the
officiant only has to enter into the mouth, while sleeping, a leaf of
the plant five hundredths with the symbol of Egyptian protection
called šenu. Here it can be assumed with certainty that the
µνηµονικη will serve to remember what the god says, since while
the officiant has the leaf in his mouth, he sleeps and therefore says
nothing.

ἔστιν δὲ   :   Jacoby, in the apparatus criticus, proposed doubtfully,

that this is a hieroglyphic sign with the meaning “to bind”.
According to J. Bergman,277, “the sign is called shenou, an Egyptian
symbol of protection”. Merkelbach and Toti278 just mention “shenu
ist ein Schutzzeichen”. This sign in the form of a loop, which serves
here to preserve the memory, coincides with the Egyptian ideogram
that means “to enclose in a circle”, šeni (šnj), capable of functioning
also as a biliterous phonogram (šn).

ὕδωρ καινοῦ φρέατος:   Wells and springs of underground water

have been associated with supernatural powers, used by diviners,
healers, witches. In the three oracles of Apollo, Delphi, Claros and
Didyma there were sacred springs. Kallisthenes consider the springs
central to Apolline prophecy at the site. The only difference

277
In Betz (1992),14 n. 13.
278
Merkelbach and Toti (1990), 59.

286
between Kastalia was that in Klaros and Didyma the spring was in
the adyton. Perhaps their use was for washing or drinking, but there
is also a possibility that the mere presence of the spring served as a
marker of prophetic activity without having a mantic function.279  
Clement connected prophecy with whatever source of water existed
at an oracular site.280 Another sacred well or spring with power of
divination was located at the Kassiotis spring at the temple of
Apollo at the Cyaneae in Lydia. According Pausanias whoever
looked into the water of the spring, there “sees all the things he
wishes to see”281

At the sanctuary of Demeter at Patrae, after prayers were said and

incense burned as offering to the goodess Demeter a mirror was tied
to a cord and lowered to the water surface. The diviner would then
be able to see the face of the specific individual in the mirror and
determine if they would live or die.282 Wells are also connected
with applied magic, particularly with the curse texts, the so-called
defixionum tabellae. As there was a belief that the curse would last
as long as the defixion was secret and hidden, wells were an
excellent place to throw them. Moreover, the depth of the wells fits
with the idea of the realm of the chthonic goods usually invoked in
malevolent magic.

279
Dillon (2017), 323.
280
Dillon (2017), 324.
281
Lucan parodies the phenomen.
282
Farnell (2010), 12.

287
However, in this recipe the water from the well is not stipulated as
contributing to the dream divination but to the preparation of the
ink. In the corpus we can find mention of many kinds of water: sea
water, river water, rain water, spring water and well water. The
instructions for the preparation of an ink that requires water are
there. In PGM I the preparation of the ink requires spring water. In
PGM I, spring water is also necessary for the fulfillment of the
memory spell. What is written should be washed off with spring
water from seven springs; then the magician should drink the
potion.

οι ἐπάναγκοι: The ἐπάναγκοι within magical recipes contain rites

and formulas that should be performed in case the basic practice has
failed.283 These ἐπάναγκοιος oblige the divinities to come forward
and satisfy the desires of the practitioner.

That magicians pretended to be able to bind the gods with their

spells is already attested in a well-known passage of the Republic
(364b-c),284 in which Plato refers to sorcerers and charlatans who
offer their services to the rich to atone for any sin committed by
them, or by their ancestors, and to harm their enemies, for a modest
price, because, they say, they persuade the gods to serve them.

283
On coersive rituals in PGM see Garcia Molinos (2017) 261-267
284
Plato refers to sorcerers and charlatans who offer their services to the rich to
atone for any sin committed by them or by their ancestors and to harm their
enemies, for a modest price, because, they say, they persuade the gods to serve
them.

288
Coercion, directed at both gods and daimones, spirits and other
supernatural beings, remains, therefore, as a characteristic of magic
and is concretized there in the ἐπάναγκοι with greater clarity than
anywhere else. They are not limited, of course, to divination
recipes. They are found in attraction charms, such as PGM IV,
1390-1495, 2441-2621, 2891-2942, VII 981-993.

A particular case is that of papyrus II, which includes two

ἐπάναγκοι with many particulars not found in the other papyri. The
rituals included in Papyrus II reveal this pattern to be much more
varied and imaginative. They are two passages. In the first of them
(43-64) a form of coercion is described consisting, in the beginning,
of the incineration of different products. If the deity does not
appear on the third day, they should burn the brains of a black lamb;
if by the fourth day it still does not appear, the brains of an ibis. On
the fifth, a figure without a head, like the one attached at the end of
the document, must be drawn on a piece of papyrus, wrapped in a
shred of the clothes of someone killed violently and thrown into the
hypocaust of a spa. Two variants are included, something unique in
the ἐπάναγκοι: there are those who consider that throwing the above
drawing into a hypocaust to be excessive and prefer to burn it in the
flame of a candle, or to place it under it. On the other hand,
according to other versions, it is necessary to throw the drawing into
the hypocaust, but at the same time reciting a formula in which the
god is warned that, if he does not immediately send the demon of
the dead that the practitioner requests, the tortures will become even
harsher. Curiously, the last step, which has to be the "worst

289
torment" referred to above, seems to be the least aggressive: oil
must be spilled on a boy of proven sexual purity and place a lamp
that is not painted red on an unbaked ground support; "Some pour
the oil over the censer," he warns. It seems that this last coercion
can irritate the deity, since the practitioner can feel something like a
blow. He will then chew cumin and drink pure wine, probably to
protect himself. The passage finishes with the prescription that the
drawing must be done in duplicate: one copy to burn, the other to
have in the right hand while reciting the formula, and to be put
under the head while sleeping.

ὑποκαύστραν βαλανείου: This indicates that the practitioner has

access to baths. The baths are attested in both archaelogical and
textual evidence. Although baths suggest an urban social
environment, they have been found also in exacavation in rural
environments in Roman Egypt.285

ἅψον λύχνον ἀπὸ ἐλαίου καθαροῦ: In the papyri the olive oil
appears, that serves for diverse functions; The olive branches,
which normally have to be held by the practitioner while
performing the practice; And the leaves of the branches, which are
used to write magical signs above. The case of the olive is very
particular and interesting because as Mahaffy and Grenfell
emphasize,286 in the legislation of Ptolemy Filadelfo (285-246 a.C.)
concerning oils, there is no reference to olive oil. Bevan says there

285
Redon (2012) gives a list of 138 baths. Her sources are both textual and
archaeological. See also Boraik (2009); Boraik et al. (2013).
286
Mahaffy and Grenfell (1896), xxxv and 125.

290
were olive trees in Fayum but this oil does not seem to be under
state monopoly. As Harris and Lucas think,287 that may mean that
the amount of olive oil produced in Egypt was insignificant and
therefore most were imported from Syria, southern Palestine and
Greece.

A papyrus from the first half of the third century AD. contains a
letter from Demetria of Antinoopolis to his sister Apia and provides
valuable information on olive oil. In this letter, Demetria, who lives
in Antinoopolis, (city with a great connection to Greece) tells Apia
that she send her "the oil she deserves" and to keep in mind that it is
very expensive, and that she spent 18 drachmas just for one chous.
From the contents of the letter it follows that in Egypt getting good
quality olive oil was not easy and that, for example, where Apia
lived, she could not find it. Instead, Demetria, who lived in a city
with commercial ties to Greece, could find it but at a price too
expensive. Considering this testimony, and even knowing that the
oil to which Demetria refers is of the best quality and therefore the
most expensive, it can be deduced that, in general, the cost of oil
was high.

παιδὶ ἀφθόρῳ γυµναζοµένῳ:  The use of young boys for divination

is attested in both the Greek and the Demotic magical papyri.288

287
Harris and Lucas (2012), 334.
288
PGM III 633–731 (fragmentary, but with mention of a child and other
accoutrements associated with the process in other spells),PGM I V 8 5 0–929
(which claims that it also works on adults), PGM V 1–53, PGM VII.540–
78,PDM xiv.1–92, PDM x i v.150 –231, PDM x i v.239 –95, PDM xiv.395 –427 (which
can also be usedby the practitioner himself), PDM v.459 -75, PDM x i v.475– 88,

291
They were the medium fro communication with gods and spirits.
The texts usually stress on his purity. There were two ways of
divination through a medium. The first one was the summoning of a
spirit on the assumption that only the medium can see and hear. The
boy289 hears and repeats the oracle, he does not produce it. 290 In the
alternative of the spell using a medium are not included a complete
and detailed description of the process. S. Jonhston has constructed
this divination procedure as follows: 1) the practitioner carefully
selects a child with certain specifications. In PGM II the
requirements is to be παιδὶ ἀφθόρῳ γυµναζοµένῳ; 2) the
practitioner blindfolds the child and then calls a god or spirit into
him, using various incantations and applying various materials; (3)
removing the blind-fold, the practitioner tells the child to gaze at
either a lamp’s flame or at a bowl of specially prepared liquid (oil,
water, or a combination of the two are the most common choices.
Our practice involves a lamp, not painted red placed on a small
mound or altar of earth (4) the god or spirit appears in the liquid or
flame and speaks to the child, who then relays information back to
the petitioner.

PDM xiv. 489 – 515, PDM xiv.516 –27, PDM xiv.528 –53 (which can also be used by
practitioner himself), PDM xiv.627–35,PDM xiv.750 –71,PDM xiv.805
40,PGM LXII.24–46. Cf. also a few spells inwhich the child is made to gaze at
the sun and then sees the gods:PGM V. 88–93,PDM xiv.856–75, PDM xiv.875–85
(which can also be used by the practitioner himself and, in fact, claims to work
better that way). There are also spells that use a child to obtain visionswithout
mentioning specific techniques:PGM VII.348–58, XIII.734–1077;PDM xiv.695–
700, cf. xiv.701–05.
289
Looking even more broadly at evidence for child mediumship throughout the
world, we find that the two genders are used about equally
290
PGM V 1-54, VII 540-578,XIII 734-759; PDM XIV 1-295. PGM IV seems to
correspond with oracular possession because in Coptic is written “enter into the
body today”

292
Χάρτην ϊερατικον: As J. Smith emphasizes the chief ritual activity
in the corpus appears to be the act of writing itself.291 The most
common writing material is a sheet of papyrus, often described as
"clean," "pure," "choice," or "hieratic."

ἐν Κολοφῶνι: Colophon was an ancient city in Ionia and one of the

oldest of the twelve cities of the Ionian League. In ancient times it
was located between Lebedos (120 stadia to the west) and Ephesus
(70 stadia to its south). According to Apollodorus and Proclus, the
mythical seer Calchas, a son of Apollo and Manto died close to
Colophon after the end of the Trojan War. Strabo names Clarus as
the place of his death, which would later be a cult center in the
territory of Colophon. 292

81-140 In this long invocatory passage are accumulated many

epithets aiming to denote the qualities of the god invoked Apollo-
Helios. We can distinguish three categories.

Many of them are connected with the light, the fire and the gold of
the shinning such as πυρὸς ταµία, παµφαές, χρυσοµίτρη,
πυρισθενές, χρυσήνιε, χρυσοκέλευθα, αἰγλήεις, φαλεροῦχε,
λαµπυρίζων τὴν ὅλην οἰκουµένην The presence of these epithets are
justified by the time of the invocation. The marginal note specifies

291
J.Smith (1995), 26.
292
Colophon was 12km from the oracle. For the connection between the city and
the oracle se Genière (1992), 204 and Parke (1985), 112.

293
that the logos should be pronounced during the time of the sunrise,
when the gold rays of the sun start to shed light in the earth.
Another group of epithets such as τηλεσκόπε κοίρανε κόσµου,
αἰολοθώρηξ, πωτήεις, ὑψικέλευθα, οὐρανοφοῖτα, ἀεροειδῆ, τὸν
µέγαν ἐν οὐρανῷ, πάντας δ’ εἰσορόων <τε> καὶ ἀµφιθέων καὶ
ἀκούων, ἀκίχητε, stress on the celestial and aerial nature of the god
who oversees his realm from above.

The third category of epithets describes the might of the god and his
eternity. Βαρύµηνι, κραταιόφρων, ἄφθιτε, πανακήρατε, παλαιγενές,
ἀστυφέλικτε, ἄκαµνε, φερέσβιε, αὐτεξούσιον, ἀνάκτωρ,
ηφθισικηρε.

Among these epithets there is the beautiful description of the

sunrise and the sunset. The journey of the sun across the celestial
sphere is personification. The light gives birth to the sunrise, the
dawn is anckle-rosed and then goes home in grief when the horses
of the sun go down and the night fly down. The personification of
the physical phenomen helps its visualization through this vivid
narration. Although Merkelbach has sustained that this description
perhaps depicts the three manifestations of the solar god (sunrise,
midday and sunset) I do not believe so. Here, dawn, sunset and
night are personified as minor deities who obey to one god, the
summoned god. This deities act in a certain way obliged by one
supreme god. Moreover, descriptions of the sun’s journey with

294
similar images we can find also in the Greek literature ecoing also
Greek influence.293

Μοῖραι τρισσαὶ Κλωθώ τ’ Ἄτροπός τε Λάχις τε were the three

goddesses of fate who personified the inescapable destiny of man
The Moirai are depicted as three old women, one with a distaff, one
with a spindle, and one with shears. were Klotho (Clotho), the “the
Spinner,” who spun the thread of life, Lakhesis (Lachesis), “the
Apportioner of Lots”, who measured it, and Atropos (or Aisa), "She
who cannot be turned,” who cut it short. They derive their power
from Zeus and that is why the father of the gods and the humans
was also called Moiragetes. Apollo seems to have been the only
individual god, besides Zeus who was given the epithet Moiragetes.
According Pausanias294 at Delphi, beside Poseidon’s altar and the
hearth where Pyrrhos was killed, were standing the statues of two
Moirai, and with them instead of the third Moira, the statue of Zeus
Moiragetes and Apollo Moiragetes. A plausible explanation offered
by D. Roberts295 is that the epithet also according to Pausanias296 is
associated with the knowledge of the future and not the power over
the future. It was the title of Zeus “who knows all the affairs of the
mortals, whatever the Moirai give them and whatever is not fated
for them.” Apollo is the god of divination and beholds the power of
the seeing the future. So, the destiny of the people, which is spinned
by the Moirai is also know to him. From this point of view , their

293
Bortolani (2016) 185-186
294
Paus. 10.24.4
295
Roberts (1984).
296
Paus. 5.15.5

295
presence is justifiable. However, the structure of the text has a
peculiarity. The Moirai seems to be invoked toghether with Apollo
but then the magician invoked only the god.

ἐπὶ λωτῷ καθήµενος: Lotus is an aquatic plant which grew in the

marshes of the Delta, rising about 30 centimetres above the water’s
surface. The lotus was the symbol for the sun, and it was called the
“soul of Ra” and the Egyptians believed that the great sun was
hidden inside the flower. It was also believed that its delightful
perfume was the essence and the sweat of the Ra.297 and it was also
the symbol of rebirth and as so it was used in magical spells
prompting a new beginning. The lotus became the symbol for the
Upper (southern) Egypt.298 In Egypt the lotus was shown as a seat
for the god. All the known texts that derive from the Hermopolitan
doctrine end with the description of the lotus as the seat of the Sun-
God.299 About the expression καθήµενος ἐπὶ Aune has noted that
appears as divine epithet with great frequency in Graeco-Roman
sources: within the texts of magical formulas and magical papyri –
as in this case- and also inscribed on magical gems, lamellae and
defixiones.300

110-115 O’ Neil in Betz, compare the robe cited in the magical text
with the stola Olympiaca. F. Legge describes this garment as a dress
“ of byssus or linen embroidered with flowers, over which was cast

297
Harris (2016).
298
Armour (1986), 1.
299
Reymond (1969), 106. See also PGM IV 1105.
300
Aune (1997), 284-285.

296
a rich mantle decorated with figures of fabulous animals.”301 It was
to be worn by person who wanted to enter the service of Isis in
order to achieve better protection from evil.

Κλάριε Ἄπολλον: Clarus oracular shirine is dated back to the

archaic age and it is mentioned already to Homeric Hymn to Apollo.
However, at that time Didyma, the other sanctuary in the territory of
Miletus was much more important than Claros. Its greatest fame
came later during the Imperial epoch, when it had grown into an
important international sanctuary, mostly thanks to the sponsorship
of the Romans emperators. The prestige of the municipal position at
Colophon and its intimate relationship with the shrine at Claros are
demonstrated by the number of times Apollo himself is named as
Colophon's prytanis.302

Consequently, it is plausible to assume that at the time of the

creation of this magical papyrus, Clarus was very famous and that is
why they are mentioned multiple times in the papyrus. However,
apart from this papyrus there are more evidences that link directly
Apollo at Claros with magical practices.303 Tacitus inform us about
an accusation brought against Lollia Paulina who tried to attract the
emperor Claudius to marry her. Parke comment that Lollia

301
Legge (1915), 62.
302
Robert (1954), 6-7.
303
See. S. Eitrem (1947) 47-52. Karl Wessely had stressed the association of the
Clarian Apollo with magic when he had read the phrase Δάφνη, µαντοσύνης
ἱερὸν φυτὸν Ἀπόλλωνος in more than one magical texts (P III 252 (fr. lac.),
P VI 6, P VI 15 (fr. lac.), P VI 40). Of course know we do not speak about three
papyri but two.

297
possessed an image dedicated to the Clarian Apollo and by the help
of agicians tried to obtain am oracle about Claudius.304 The third
association is cited in Philostratus305, where he pointed to a tradition
that the magician Apollonius of Tyana shared the same kind of
mantic wisdom with the Apollo oracle at Claros saying that “Thus
from the oracle at Colophon it was announced that he shared its
peculiar wisdom and was absolutely wise.306

τὸν κάνθαρον: Scarab amulets were very popular to the Egyptians.

The scarab was admired for its crafty wisdom in rolling dung and
using it to lay its eggs in. The scarab-beetle amulet is an image of the
god of becoming, Khepri, who is regenerated Sun at dawn. Scarab
was strongly associated with the Sun because of the dung beetle’s
behavior. The magicians drowned the beetle in the milk of a black
cow, then placed them on a brazier so the gods invoked for
divination would come quickly and answer the magician’s questions.
If a person wished to drive away the effects of any type of malignant
magic he had to cut off the head and wings of a scarab and boil them
in the oil of the “apnent serpent”. Then he had to drink the potion
and this way he would been released by any kind of sorcecy laid
307
upon him by an enemy. It was considered among the most
powerful protective amulets. Amuletic bracelets were used in
divination to protect the magician, or his medium, from the hostile
divinities.

304
Parke (1985) 145.
305
Philostratus, Vita Apoll.
306
Arnold (1995), 128.
307
Harris (2016), 81

298
Final thoughts on the papyrus

As I have said before, the magical corpus contains many spells

aimed at producing a revelation and an oracle, either directly or
indirectly. It is worth mentioning that no other procedure described
in the corpus matches the two procedures we read about in the PGM
II. The thematic cohesion leads us to a question. Why are there no
examples of these two different procedures written separately as in
other papyri? Why does the scribe choose this highly confusing way
to write the formulas?

A simple answer could involve the scribe’s personal style.

However, putting this aside for the moment, we have to take into
account that the circumstances under which the papyri were writtrn,
and the status of the scribe were also influences in the choice of
writing style. The particular composition of the papyrus and a
phrase in the papyrus itself indicate beyond doubt that the scribe

had at his disposal what we call a “magician’s library.”14 It is very

usual in the PGM corpus for the scribe to give an alternative
procedure. The most common formula for indicating another way is
ἄλλως ἥ ποίίησις or just ἄλλως. However, the phrase we find here
ἐν ἄλλῳ δὲ οὕτως εὗρον is not so usual. We find it also in three
cases, the PGM VII, 203-5, PGM XIII, 732, PGM V, 375.

Both formulas demonstrate that they are a variation on a spell

already in circulation. Nevertheless, the second formula implies a
deliberately interest in research by the scribe to find as many spells

299
possible about fulfilling each goal.

Eventually, what we read is a compilation of copies from other

sources and magical books, with the magician, not knowing which
is the best or the most effective, deciding to write both of them
down. The fact that the alternative procedure is mixed with the first
reinforces the idea that many spells had the same structure and
contained similar parts, despite, apparently, originating from
different sources.

The existence of a library and the extremely elaborate nature of the

spells introduce the magician to us, first as a very literate person,
and secondly as an advanced practitioner of magic. I assume that he
was a professional magician or even a priest. Usually, amateur
magicians do not choose to make their life harder by trying to carry
out such complicated practices. The PGM allows us to know that
very simple spells, made for “domestic use of magic” were very
common and at the disposal of anyone thus interested. By domestic
use, I mean simple, minimal spells, which facilitate the access of
amateurs to the magic and their ability to take advantage of it
without spending too much money on professionals and rare,
expensive ingredients. Obviously, this text is not just a magical
formula. It is a magical ritual, easily comparable to religious rituals
in temples; according Hopfner we can classify it as theurgic
divination. The only difference is the location, which in this case is
a bedroom in a private house.

The same phrase made me wonder further about the purpose of this

300
papyrus. The corpus permits the classification into three major
categories of papyri: the papyri written by a magician for a “client”:
the papyri for personal use, e.g. when a magician copied a magical
book he had found, wanting to enrich his own archive and
knowledge, and a third kind: when professional or amateur
magicians exchange correspondence.

The thematic cohesion of the papyri, of course, argues in favor of

the first category. Usually a client is interested in something very
particular. A client resorts to magic to solve a problem he faces at a
certain moment in his life. However, we have two elements that
tend to refute this suggestion. First of all, the existence of
alternatives; I really do not believe that a professional magician
would have put himself and his profession in doubt through a
challenge to his magical spells and formulas. The presence of
alternative procedures and the alternatives practices of a demon and
perhaps a medium suggest that not even the magician is sure about
the efficacy of the spell. Therefore, he tries to solve the problem of
a possible failure by offering other solutions. In contrast, in the
corpus we can find magical practices that the scribe presents as
extremely efficient, praising them as the best etc.

The second element is the phrase discussed previously ἐν ἄλλῳ δὲ

οὕτως εὗρον. It would be quite bizarre if a professional magician
had revealed his resources to a client. Furthermore, the verb εὗρον,
“I found” means that I do not know it, that it is something new to
me. Moreover, a professional magician, who earned his living from
this, would have not confessed that he was proposing an untested

301
practice to a client. Even in the unlikely case of him wanting to
offer an alternative to his client just in order to provide him with a
choice of whatever was most convenient for him, without casting
doubt on the authority of his practices, he would not have written
this sentence. He could have used the other possibilities we have
seen, which are vaguer.

Having rejected the possibility of an individual client as recipient,

we can proceed to the examination of the second option, that of
personal use. However, the phrase itself refutes this. If the papyrus
was for personal use, this phrase would be a pleonasm. He already
knows where has found it and it makes no sense to write it. In
addition, if the papyrus was for personal use, I believe that he would
have used the rest of the papyrus.

Now, only one possibility is left, which in my opinion is the most

probable. The scribe is addressing someone already familiar to him,
such as a colleague, an amateur magician or a student. The detailed
description, the candid and frank style of the scribe and the
alternatives he mentions suggest that the reader will be someone he
has no need to convince, but rather to help or to teach. The corpus
contains many cases of papyri obviously belonging to this category.

302
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