Man In India, 96 (9) : 3383-3406 © Serials Publications

ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC

COMMUNITY: CASE STUDY OF RAIKA
Pragya Sharma*

Raikas are the largest group of nomadic pastoralists of India. Each year after the rains, hundreds
and thousands of shepherds embark in collective camps on migratory journeys that can span
distance of up to 1200 kms and last up to nine months. The present paper is an attempt to study the
ecology & developmental structure among Raika. Fieldwork has been done in two villages
predominantly inhabitated by Raikas, Raika Ki Dhani and Manpur Bakdi in Pali-Sirohi Belt.
Key Words: Nomadic Community, Raika, Pastoralists.

Nomadism is a practice, fact or state of living a wandering life involving the habitual
or traditional movement of people in response to their needs of subsistence. The
All India Nomadic Inquiry Report1 has classified all the Indian Nomadic groups
into three categories: -
• Pastoral nomads
• Khanabadosh (wandering tribes)
• Semi-nomadic tribes
Pastoral nomads are those groups whose nomadism is connected with the needs
of their herds. They move about with their herds in search of food and shelter.
Khanabadosh are herd less and homeless people roaming from place to place and
working as food gatherers, musicians, quack surgeons, traders or artisans like
blacksmith, basket-makers, bamboo - workers etc. Semi - nomadic tribes include
those who own homes and agricultural land but who wander periodically or during
certain seasons of the year following vocations like those of khanabadosh.
Nomadism is one of the oldest patterns of adaptation of people to their
environment. It is spread over large parts of Africa, the Middle East, Persia,
Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. Historical evidence shows that political, economic,
cultural and geographical factors such as topography, climate, vegetation, hydrology
etc., have combined to give rise to nomadism as a way of life.2
Pastoral nomadism and semi-nomadism is an economically appropriate
technique of community survival in arid and semi-arid parts of western India, forest
and hilly regions in central India, and sub-mountainous regions in north India.
Pastoral nomadic and semi-nomadic groups have evolved their own suitable
methods for upbringing the locally available genetic stocks. For this they have not
been dependent upon foreign assistance and imported technology. But maintenance
of the livestock at one place for a long period of time is difficult, as the carrying

*
Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, The IIS University, Jaipur
3384 MAN IN INDIA

capacity of the local eco-system is limited. It may not sustain the pastoral pattern
of land use for a long time, hence migration in search of grazing lands and water
becomes imperative for the existence of a clan.3
The Population of Rajasthan is 74,791,568. Nearly ninety percent of
Rajasthan’s population is Hindu with Muslims making up the largest minority
with eight percent of the populations. Jains - the merchant and traders from Rajasthan
constitute a significant presence. Schedule Castes (ST) and Schedule Tribes (ST)
form about seventy percent and twelve percent of the state population respectively.
The population of the tribes in Rajasthan is nearly a double of the national average,
with original inhabitants Bhils and the Meenas forming the largest group. Lesser
known tribes like Sahariyas, Damariyas, Garasias, Lohars still form an important
groups. The main nomadic tribes of Rajasthan are Gaduliya Lohars, Raika, Nat
and Kalbelia. A brief introduction to the nomadic tribes of Rajasthan is as follows:
Gaduliya Lohar: They make their living by pursuing blacksmithy as a mobile
cottage industry, using crude traditional tools and equipment for manufacture. In
fact they derive their identification as a sub - caste from the profession they pursue
and the manner in which they do it. From their lifelong movement in carts called
gadi they derive the adjective Gaduliya and by their main source of livelihood
lohari (ironwork) they came to be known as Lohar. They wander in carts with
their families and temporarily camp at suitable places where they make a sort of
cot-stand in the cart itself. They claim their original habitat in Chittor, a district in
southwest Rajasthan and consider themselves as Rajputs. They may be categorized
as khanabadosh nomadic tribe.
Nat: Nats make their living by practicing and exhibiting their feats as dancers
and acrobats. While their women folk specialize in both dancing and acrobatics,
men folk practice acrobatics and extend organizational support to the family. Rope
walking on the beat of drum (dhol) is their special game for attracting crowds and
for earning their livelihood. While a single migrating family is referred to as dera
a collection of some families is addressed as tola. Nats also fall under the category
khanabadosh nomadic tribe.
Kalbelia: They are the well-known snake charmers of Rajasthan. They earn
their living by catching, domesticating, keeping and displaying snakes of various
kinds, especially the cobra. They profess (or pretend) to have mastered the art of
tantrik cure of snakebite. Their women folk have made a mark as expert street and
stage dancers, depicting the rhythmic movement of roused snakes. Traditionally
speaking Kalbelias are also of the khanabadosh nomadic tribes.
Raika: Raika are pastoral nomads and they earn their living by rearing sheep,
goat and camel. They are the main pastoral nomads of Rajasthan and the present
study is focused on them.
Raikas represent the predominant pastoral group of western Rajasthan. Though
they are also called Rebari or Dewasi, but ‘Raika’ seems to be the most frequently
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3385

used terms for these people In this study also the term ‘Raika’ is used to represent
the community because Raika is most frequently used for them in Rajasthan, while
term Rebari is frequently used for them in Gujarat. The Rebari does not necessarily
refer to caste membership. It was used in northern India for cattlemen or for people
knowledgeable about cattle. The term rewar in colloquial language in the region is
used for a herd of cattle. The term Dewasi derives from the fact that Raika society
is governed by ten (das) rules. According to Westphal-Hellbusch and Westphal
4
the term Raika was originally reserved for those Rebaris who served as camel
mounted messengers to the royal courts of Rajputs. Mainly spreading from western
Rajasthan to the Kutch region of Gujrat, the Raika / Rebari hamlets survive in a
harsh climatic zone. In Rajasthan, the mean annual rainfall varies from 100 mm on
the Indo-Pakistan border and 210 mm at Jaisalmer to about 350 mm to 400 mm in
parts situated more towards the eastern region. But the thorny vegetation of the
entire area has supported a significant population of both sheep and camel. The
sheep can subsist, and often flourish, on coarse feed not relished by other domestic
animals. A similar ecological adaptation applies to the camel. What is admired by
camel tenders (and also by people in general) is the camel’s fortitude under
conditions of extreme heat and its ability to cross-vast expanses of desert without
drinking water.
Raikas combine camel and sheep in their herds in varying proportions. In
Bikaner, Jodhpur, Pali and Kota certain Raika hamlets are observed having several
camel herds, but flocks of sheep also exist in these hamlets. As we move towards
Bikaner, camel herds are larger whereas sheep herds are smaller. In Pali camel
herds are smaller but sheep are reared in large number. In Marwar, although the
herds do have a couple of camels, which are the beasts of burden, the Raika mainly
specialize in sheep breeding and tending. Raikas of Jalore and Sirohi are
predominantly sheep breeding communities. As an exception certain Raika hamlets
like Jojawar in Pali and Ghum-ki-dhani in Kota are famous for owning large camel
herds numbering 2 to 3 thousand animals. Raikas of the district of Mandsour
(Madhya Pradesh) breed camels they do not keep sheep but rear buffaloes and
engage in crop cultivation. In Gujrat, although, the traditional image of Rebaris as
camel breeders still holds, their economy has diversified. They breed the world’s
best tropical cattle.
Raikas are engaged only in sheep, goat and camel breeding, but they have
traditionally herded and taken care of the livestock of other castes as well. As has
been said earlier, although a few Raikas are specialized camel herders, the
community as a whole identifies itself closely with this animal. Camels were owned
in the past by royal lineages and rich castes. A peasant family aspired to own a
camel. No community except Raikas and Sindhi Muslims has occupational
specialization regarding everything pertaining to the camel. In places (like in
Marwar, Jalore, Sirohi) where the herds are predominantly of sheep, the knowledge
3386 MAN IN INDIA

of the Raikas about the camel and its upkeep is not insignificant. A Raika family,
whether in Bikaner, Pali or Marwar, aspires to own a couple of camels. Its ownership
even raises the status and prestige of the family within the community. Many Raikas
say that tending camels is their duty. Against all odds and meagre economic benefits,
the Raikas think they must domesticate camels rather than letting other casters
take over their traditional occupation.
According to their myth of origin, the first Raika was created by Lord Shiva or
Mahadev (the great god) for the specific purpose of looking after the first camel
that Parvati, the ardhangini (wife) of Lord Shiva, created from clay.
Raikas in Rajasthan invariably live outside the main village in their own hamlet
locally known as dhani. Sometimes these dhanis are a few kilometers away from
the main village. A dhani is usually a kin based group comprising all those who
claim a common descent. In a big dhani a couple or more of such descent lines
may be present. Raikas live in multi-caste villages. Though a dhani is a closed
group in spatial terms, it is not self-sufficient. For various services Raikas depend
upon other castes with whom they have patron-client relations, like in occasions of
marriage and death, or for buying or selling commodities in markets.
Many Raikas own small stretch of land, but these are more in the manner of
keeping village ties rather than as an economic activity, although a pattern of ‘take-
a-chance’ cultivation is often practiced. While in no way considered an ‘unclean
caste’, the Raikas are nonetheless treated as different by sedentary villagers, the
derogatory name for them being bhoot meaning ghost. Within Rajasthan; the
districts from which pastoral migration usually takes place are Barmer, Jaisalmer,
Nagaur, Jodhpur, Pali, Sirohi, and to a limited extent Ajmer. Broadly speaking,
the direction of migration is towards bordering states of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat.
Raikas are the largest group of nomadic pastoralists of India. They camp in a
new location almost every day leaving at least two villages for new campsite. Each
dang (mobile camp) is organized into 15-20 roughly equal sized flocks and can
embrace as many as 4000-5000 sheep and 50-100 camels, goats and donkeys
accompanied by 90-95 men, 25-30 children of varying age groups. Smooth
coordination of the movement of such a large group becomes possible
because individual shepherd in the camp delegate much decision making
responsibility either to the leader of the camp, the Nambardar or to a ‘council of
elders’. They reserve for themselves only the control over day- to-day management
of their own flocks. They return to their home once in a year around the festival of
Holi.
DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF RAIKA
Though the present Raikas are concentrated in Rajasthan and Gujrat, they also
inhabit some villages in the states of Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3387

Pradesh. According to an estimate by Srivastava 5, there are at least thirty-two

villages in Haryana having Raika population.
In Bikaner district there are thirty-six villages with Raika hamlets. In Jodhpur
and Pali-Marwar, there are some big Raika hamlets of more than a hundred houses.
Number of Raikas is even higher than this in districts of Sirohi and Jalore.
According to the earliest census report (of 1891) on the castes of Marwar
called “Report: Mardumshumari Raj Marwar” (hereinafter, the Raj Marwar Census),
there were 98,406 Raikas (52,808 men and 45,598 women) in this region. The
second document, Report on the Census of Marwar and Mallani (Barmer) of 26
February 1891, recorded 112,096 Raikas (55,261 men and 56,835 women) in
Marwar and 10,572 (5495 men and 5077 women) in Barmer. Thus the second
report counted 13,690 more Raikas (2453 men and 11,237 women) in Marwar.
Census of India 1931 recorded 135,820 Raikas in Rajasthan. Thus, it can be
said that no reliable information is there about the population of Raikas in Rajasthan.
The Census of India after 1931 does not carry any information on the total number
of Raikas of Rajasthan.
The present situation is that no government department or any other
organization has any knowledge of the total Raika population in Rajasthan or India
as a whole. One reason for this is that, one of the steps the Indian government has
taken to eradicate casteism from the social framework is not to classfy people in
the Census Report according to their castes. According to Kohler Rollefsen6, India
had in 1991 around 2 lakh Raika families. Assuming an average Raika household
family to be 5, it would mean that 10 lakh Raikas lived in 1991, which is an inflated
figure. A moderate estimate is that both Rajasthan and Gujrat have around 5 to 6
lakh Raika/Rebaris.
RATIONALE OF STUDY
Social anthropologists and sociologists have paid little attention to pastoral-nomadic
and semi-nomadic groups. Pastoral groups have received only marginal attention
in our planning and development programmes where emphasis is laid on agriculture
and industrialization. Guided by the policy of ‘grow more food’, the tracts of land
which hitherto were pastures were colonized for agriculture purposes. Between
1956 and 1987 common property resources decreased by 32% while the net
cultivated area increased from 28.6% in 1951 to 47% in 1981. After independence
expansion of agriculture and industry was interpreted as the sign of development
but increase of animal herds or pastures were not included in the planning of general
economic development. Inspite of the fact that there are only two communities,
Raikas and Sindhi Muslims in India which breed camels and own the largest number
of sheep in Rajasthan, none of them have been intensively studied. Raikas have
been studied along with other communities, by scholars like K.S. Singh, G.S.
Sharma, Tambs-Lachye, Salzaman, Srivastava and some others. Kavoori has taken
3388 MAN IN INDIA

only economic and ecological aspects of Raikas in his study while Arun Agarwal
has taken their political and market economy as a field of his inquiry. Vinay Kumar
Srivastava has done an intensive study on religious aspects of Raikas focusing on
renouncers in the community. Pastoralism in India : A Scoping study by League
for Pastoral People & IIM, Ahemdabad focuses on study of all pastoralists of India.
Present study focuses on ecological & development structure of Raikas of Western
Rajasthan.
CONCEPT OF ECOLOGY
Ecology studies the relationship between an organism and its environment, a critical
notion being that of symbiosis, that is, the complex of interdependencies that develop
between the elements of a system, such that no one element can survive in a given
form in the absence of these relationships and conversely, that a change in any one
element would trigger off changes in the entire complex. Symbiosis does not imply
harmony or the absence of conflict and competition; it does however take as its
premise a state of homeostasis that is systematic continuity.
Ecological oriented research leads to the understanding of the basic elements
of pastoral resource like pasture, water and animals. Pastures are an artifact and a
product of human directed activity i.e. grazing. If there would be no grazing, there
would be no need for pastures. Ecological studies also show the relationship between
grazing pressure and the maintenance of certain type of environment. The processes
of social regulation involved in the use of all water resources including natural
ones (lakes, ponds, rivers) as well as the more apparently physically constructed
water sources (well, tanks and so on). Water provides an obvious and, on the face
of it, straightforward target for intervention (Kavoori).7
Greater part of Rajasthan is arid and semi arid and thus its environment lead to
the emergence and persistence of migratory pastoralism in Rajasthan. The ancient
Aravalli hills begin near Delhi and run south and next towards the borders of
Gujarat marking the southern and eastern border of this dry region. To the west,
the desert crosses the Indo-Pakistan border. Desert exists in the western most part
alone, while the rest of the region is semi arid where rainfall is low and variable.
Natural vegetation cover is xerophytic, and mainly comprises of shrub and grasses,
which fluctuates with change in seasons. (Dyson - Hudson R. and J. T. McCabe) 8
GRASS AND GRAZING
During the course of migration of pastoral people different varieties of grass and
vegetation come on their route. Detailed information on the variety of grasses
encountered en-route has been taken. Quality of these grasses, suitability of the
different grasses as fodder, changes in the type of grazing available in the course
of migration are also studied. An attempt has also been made to know about the
problems flocks face in adapting to different types of grasses:
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3389

One migration cycle was studied in detail. Migration cycle started from Manpur
of Pali district. In the early phase of migration, there was enormous variety of
edible grasses, shrubs and creepers available for grazing. Dominant variety changed
from one micro niche to another, but the overall variety remained the same. Grazing
on variety of different plants in a poor state is preferred to grazing on only one
species. Thus, continued grazing on one species, for example a shrub named Booi,
would lead to illness of many animals specially lambs.
But, switching the animals to another type of grazing can mitigate this risk,
like a shrub called Besuni or a creeper like grass called Ganthiya.
As the migration cycle moves westwards, the variety of vegetation begins to
decrease. At the same time, the types of grasses also begin to change. There is a
gradual decrease in the presence of the desert grasses, such as Sewan and Ganthiya.
Shrubs, such as Bhurut, Booi and Besuni also decrease and thus their importance
in grazing also becomes less. But on the other hand, new variety of grass makes
their appearance, like Binjli and to a lesser extends Dob. Dob also gradually becomes
important grass available for grazing. In the region of western Jodhpur and most
of Nagaur, stubble of Bajra, Gaur and Til become important grazing sources that
are more commonly present. Unlike other natural grass, the grazing resource is
found and said to be more susceptible to the climate.
As the migration cycle moves towards north and west, the transition goes
from natural grass to crop residues. In the irrigated two crop areas of Haryana,
vegetation reaches its extreme. After the crops have been harvested, i.e. after March-
April there is a shift in the type of grazing available. Stubble and residues of crops
such as wheat, Sarsoon, Taramira and gram are found here in abundance. The
grazing on two crops irrigated area is rich and the animals can easily thrive on it.
With the onset of monsoon, return journey of flocks’ starts.
Problems associated with grazing on the return journey are different from
what preceded. The only grazing available since fields has been ploughed and
sown. The only grazing available is grass, such as Dob and Kanti along the narrow
roadsides. These difficulties last until the flocks reach the dry and relatively
uncultivated zone of Western Bikaner, Jodhpur and Pokran. Now, the grasses again
change. Desert grasses such as Ganthiya and Sewan make reappearance. These
are available in much better state than they were in winter.
Lopping forms an important component of the grazing system and its
importance depends on the broader environmental complex of the regions where
flocks migrate. Thus, in the early phase of migration, the importance of loppings is
negligible, because of relative paucity of trees in the Pokran and Jaisalmer region.
On the midway to Jodhpur, lopping acquire significant place, with the appearance
of Khejri tree. Its presence continues to be in Jodhpur and Nagaur and way to
Sikar, from where its appearance ceases. This tree does not occur generally in
common or waste lands and is largely found in fields. Thus, its use by migrating
3390 MAN IN INDIA

animals is restricted and depends mainly on reciprocal exchange between Raikas

and farmers. Thus, they can use Khejri tree only when flocks spend night in the
field and deposit manure. Lopping is not permitted occasionally but dusting off
the leaves may be allowed. The value of tree lopping for the flock increases for
young lambs, especially in conditions where grazing is poor. Apart from Khejri,
the other tree, which is sometimes lopped for the flocks, is Oranjia. This is found
chiefly in the regions of eastern Nagaur, northern Ajmer and Sikar. A problem
with this tree is that its fruit (pods) are a deadly poison, the consumption of which
even leads to death of an animal. For this reason, the tree is of negligible utility.
The movement into Haryana changes the available source of lopping completely.
The only source of lopping is the widely spread Desi Babool tree. Animals eat its
fruit or phali (pod) with great interest.
Thus, the vegetation coming en-route of migration can be broadly classified
as follows:
1. Sewan and Ganthiya: These are perennial grasses and can be eaten in a
dry state as well as in a green one. Both are considered to be very good
and nutritious for animals. Camels do not eat Ganthiya, but other animals
like sheep and goats do eat it.
2. Luna: It is a kind of shrub. It is eaten green as well as in its dry state. But
it does not prove to be a good fodder.
3. Khair: It is spiny, cactus like shrub and is eaten by sheep and camel.
4. Akda: It is a kind of cactus and is almost present everywhere. Sheep and
goat eat its big leaves, but for them it is not considered nutritious and for
camel it is even considered as toxic.
5. Ber: Its leaves are considered to be highly nutritious. They are eaten dry.
It is considered to be a high quality fodder.
6. Vilayati Babool : It is planted by the government on road sides. It is said
that it has no fodder value and infact, is considered as toxic.
7. Desi Babool : It is a good fodder and is available generously along with
route of migration.
8. Sarson: It is eaten with great interest by sheep, goat and camel.
9. Thor: Its green leaves and flowers, both provide a good fodder. Leaves
are eaten by goats and flowers by sheep.
10. Googlan and Murali: They are eaten in a green state by sheep, goats and
camels.
11. Booi: It is a kind of a shrub, which makes its appearance after rain but can
be eaten by flocks when dry. If eaten green, it causes constipation and
even death, especially among lambs. It is thus not considered as a good or
a nutritious fodder.
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3391

12. Dhamasa: It is of average nutritional value and is available throughout

the year, but is preferably eaten dried.
13. Kheemp: It is eaten only by young camels and in a green state.
14. Khejri: It is a tree. Animals eat it with great interest. It is believed to be
pious and villagers are restricted from lopping or cutting it. It enjoys the
religious sentiments of various communities settled in villages of Rajasthan.
During the rainy season, the forest of Aravalli hills provides plants of good
nutritional value in which the main forage trees are:
1. Dhav (Anoguessus species)
2. Kanter (Capparis sepiaria)
3. Kolvan (Dicrostacrys cinerea)
TYPE OF FIELDS FOR GRAZING ANIMALS
Two types of fields for grazing animals have been noticed during the study:
1. Oroan: This type of field is never cultivated and is open for grazing
throughout the year.
2. Post monsoon fallow: This type of field is available only for seven to
eight months for grazing, when they are not being cultivated. These village
fallow lands are also called as gocher. (Literally meaning ‘land for grazing
of cows’).
PATTERNS OF GRAZING
There are certain patterns of grazing of animals among Raikas:
1. Radial grazing pattern: In this type of grazing pattern, Raikas leave
with their animals in the morning and return to the village in the evening
after grazing them.
2. Circular grazing pattern: Raikas move from one pasture to another for
a specified period and return home after several months (Pallmier, 1982).
Another pattern of grazing has also been observed. In this type, a Raika hires
an agricultural field (after it has been harvested) together with the Khejri trees
(Prosopis cineraria) standing on it.
The owner may demand payment either in cash or part cash payment together
with bare branches of the tree. Raikas cut off all the small leafy branches of the
Khejri tree and thus the trees are reduced to stumps. The residual branches serve as
fuel or are used in making fences. Owners often complain that Raikas cut off all
small leafy branches of the Khejri tree and thus the trees are damaged beyond
recoupment. If a Raika has given total payment in cash, he will keep all the branches
for himself, but if he gives payment for piling he will pile them up in a corner of
the field of the owner to collect them. Once the contract is complete and executed,
3392 MAN IN INDIA

Raikas shift their flocks to the fields, start living in a thatched hut till its vegetation
is exhausted. After that, they move to other agricultural fields. In their local dialect,
they call it berey pe rahna (to live on the field). Such arrangements if deemed
necessary are made prior to start of migration.
Different animals have also different habits of grazing. Thus, the herdsmen
have to graze animals in a manner, which suits their habit. Like sheep graze by
roaming here and there and camels have the habit of grazing separately. Thus
camels are not grazed by their individual owner. There are certain specific families
of camel herdsman, who graze the camels of all Raikas. For sheep and goats,
herdsmen disperse at different points. During the day, when they get tired, they
offen sit together on a raised plateau and keep an eye on the entire herd. Like the
grazing pattern, there also exists fodder pattern.
Fodder
1. Green vegetation: It includes green creepers, leafy shrubs etc.
2. Dry fodder: It includes plants, which are dried up and are given to animals
mainly during summers, when pastures in become scarce jungles.
3. Seeds: Wet and dry cereals
Though many type of herb, shrub and trees come on the route during migration
but the major vegetation which the herds of Raikas eat are:
Green Vegetation
Jungle Kerela (Momordica dioica): These are creepers and are found mainly in
villages and semi-arid region during rainy season. Round shaped spiny fruits are
found on it. Animals, especially camels eat it with great interest. Its local name is
Mornordica dioica.
Indrayan (Citrullus colocynthis): It is mainly found in desert and
semi-desert area in rains. Its leaves are small. Its fruit are of small ball-shape,
which is green. They are very bitter in taste. It is believed that, it is good for
digestion.
Shakarkandhi (Solanum indicum): It is eaten exclusively by camel.
Therefore, it is also called unta katari. It is mainly seen during rainy and autumn
season.
Other Plants
Some other plants of interest to Raikas as fodder to their herds are:
Ker (Capparis aphylla), Ber (Zizyphus rotundifolia), Ber (Zizyphus jujuba),
Katha (Acasia arabica), Katha (Accaia catechu), Babool (Acacia Senegal),
Neem(Melia azadirachta), Babool (Ficus religiosa), Gulmohar (Dalbergia sissoo),
and Aam (Mangifera indica).
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3393

Plants Causing Harm

Certain plants are poisonous to animals herded by Raikas. Though Raikas have
some knowledge about these plants and their effects; yet cases of accident do
occur due to poisoning. It is therefore, necessary to make a mention of these plants:
Jwar (Sorghum): After, the rain sorghum standing in the fields remains short.
At that time it contains a kind of poison called hydrocyanic acid. This poison gets
washed away during rains but when rains stop it is retained. Animals became victims
of poison if they graze on such plants. It even leads to death.
Dhatura (Stromonium or Horn Apple Poisoning): During rains this plant
grows by itself in north India. It is quite small. Its fruit are small and ball shaped.
Spines are found on these fruits. Hindus offer these fruits to Shivji. Generally,
animals do not eat it, but sometimes if by mistake they eat it, they faint and even
die.
Akda (Calotropis procera): This plant is mainly found in desert area where
salt is in abundance. When its leaf is plucked, white fluid comes out of the stem.
Animals generally don’t eat it. Often, goats eat its dry leaves and remain unaffected.
But sometimes, along with other plants, camels and sheep eat them and as a result
poison spread in them.
Adaptation
Due to migration, there is a constant shift in grazing resources and the flocks have
to face certain adaptive problems. Process of adaptation is a learning process i.e. a
process involving habituation and familiarity with the changing habitat. Often a
considerable amount of control has to be exercised by Raikas and also a degree of
habituation is necessary before the flocks graze on new grasses. Moreover,
considerable attention has to be paid to restrict animals, specially lambs, from
eating unsuitable and at times poisonous plants. As has been said earlier, constant
grazing on Booi often leads to constipation, subsequent diarrhea and ultimately,
death. In this instance, the role of Raikas is important, because the consumption of
a limited amount of this plant is not harmful. It is only unrestricted grazing on this
plant that does the damage. Similarly, flocks do not naturally refrain from eating
Oranjia, Vilayati Babool and also sometimes Akda, all seriously toxic for these
animals, which have to be carefully restricted.
Erosion Due to Grazing
Two important criticisms labeled against the pastoral nomads are overgrazing and
soil erosion. But, it has been observed that the rate or speed at which flocks move
ensure that a pasture or field or fallow is not seriously damaged after a flock has
grazed on it. Raikas move very rapidly, making their flocks graze on the upper
portion of the crop. About the soil erosion also it has been observed; that the passage
of sheep can lead to erosion through the raising of dust, though at the same time
3394 MAN IN INDIA

the nature of the soil also proves an important contributing factor. Thus, grazing
on hard soil of harvested and fallows fields or on the oroans do not appear to lead
to soil erosion. It is observed only in freshly ploughed fields or soft soils or sandy
areas.
DEVELOPMENT
Development means a gradual unfolding, a fuller working out of the details of
anything, the growth of what is in the germ.
While referring to development Srivastava says that, “In Indian anthropology,
the conceptual formulation of development has been outweighed by the attention
given to a critical understanding of development policies and approaches…. It is
our conviction that the goal of development should be to create a just society, a
society placed on an egalitarian order, realized in normative as well as existential
terms. If development results in excess of hierarchy and divisiveness posing a
threat to national integration, it, besides being examined in critical terms, needs a
reappraisal and rehabilitation of a culturally rooted model of progress”. ( Srivastava)9
Sustainable development of a society is possible only when efforts are made
to manage local traditional understanding with modern knowledge. It creates an
atmosphere of mutual learning between the people of community and outsiders.
For making policies for the development of a society, it is necessary that it
should be planned equally in all fields, such as economic, industrial, educational,
social, cultural and physical. Srivastava points out that any field left behind the
other shall create imbalance. The effects of other field where progress has taken
place shall not show its effect. Moreover, the responsibilities to work according to
the programme should not only be limited to officer’s class and social workers,
but instead it is also necessary to know the view of the people for whom the
programmes are made. Community based programmes of development should be
need-based (Srivastava)10
Problems of Raikas
Raika community is said to be most conservative group and they do not easily and
readily get open to outsiders. It was very difficult to collect data from them about
the problems. Thanks to key informants and employees of sheep and wool
department, who were also the local inhabitants of Pali, and were viewed with
respect among Raikas, that some important informations were extracted. Yet a
common response to our questioning them was, ‘What purpose will serve by asking
these questions, taking our photographs, or writing book on us. If you really want
to know about our problem leave all your paper, pen, work and come and live with
us. Roam with us from one place to another only than you will yourself experience
our problems, live our life. Our situation is too bad and nobody is doing any efforts
to improve it. In their own words, ‘boot polish karne walo ki jindgi hamari jindgi
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3395

se acchhi hai’ (life of boot polishers is far better than ours). Some of the main
problems of Raikas are:
Lack of Pasture land: This is one of the major problems of Raikas. There are
several reasons for the decrease in pasturelands. Increase in population has led to
rapid colonization of marginal land. This land, at one time, was available for grazing.
Again, as said by Agarwal, “An expansion of crop lands on grazing sites has made
grazing areas less and still lesser. This in turn has led to the overstocking of grazing
lands, destroying their productivity and impoverishing the graziers in the process”.
(Agarwal, Arun)11 .Mankad12 has described the problem of Raikas of Khathiawad in
the following words: “The forests are being cut down. The pasturelands are gradually
getting smaller and narrower; the rainfall in the province is gradually becoming less.
In these circumstances Raikas find it extremely difficult to rear a number of
animals. So, they are slowly giving up their original occupation and have thought
it proper to settle down and take to agriculture. They take to cultivate for others as
labourers and get a sum of money for their work. Another reason is the starting of
irrigation projects. Before the starting of major irrigation projects, villagers were
dependent on one crop (ek fasal) which was fully harvested by Asvina Kartika
Agrahayana (October, November) and then the fields used to be completely
uncultivated. At that time, Raikas moving with their herds, were not only welcome
by farmers, who provided them fields for rest and stay, but were often paid for this
service, as the nomadic animals if allowed to rest for sometime in a field brought
manure to it. But, with the start of irrigation projects, the symbiosis between farmers
and herding castes has turned into open antagonism. One monsoon crop (that was
the earlier trend) has changed to two crops and thus at no part of the year land is
available for grazing. Animals cause considerable damage to the standing crops,
and this creates tension among Raikas and settled cultivators. Nowadays new
fertilizers are available in the market. This has again reduced the dependence of
farmers on animal dumps. As a result, the settled farmers not only oppose the
graziers, but also resort to violence, sometimes resulting in heavy casualties. Thus,
some of the Raikas have started entering into forests for grazing their herds. But
here also there are problems. In Gujrat and Rajasthan forests have almost
disappeared, and thus the only state left with forest is M.P. But, as has been said in
earlier chapters, the grazing tax in these forest areas is too high for them to pay.
Moreover, foresters have started planting trees of eucalyptus, which is of no use
from grazing point of view as well as from ecological point of view.
Raikas have had a fall in their status, after the ruling houses (of Rajputs)
disposed of their camel-herds. After India’s independence the rulers of various
states could not maintain the life style they led earlier and thus have to withdraw
the patronage they earlier generously extended to their subordinates. As has been
said earlier they were also the losers in ‘Land Reform Act’. After independence
several development programmes have also been in progress. ‘Grow more food’
3396 MAN IN INDIA

rather than ‘grow more wool’, was India’s slogan of development after
independence. To add to the problems of Raikas, areas which were set-aside in
villages for grazing such as gocher were also illegally encroached upon by the
peasant classes and barbed wires were fenced round it. Raikas were restricted from
grazing animals over there. Prasad has also documented many cases of conflict
between pastoralists and agriculturists, between foresters and pastoralists, where
settled population tried to stop the Rebaris from entering their areas. These conflicts
even lead to bloodshed. (Prasad, R.R.) 13
Other reasons for scarcity of land for grazing has been given by Jodha, “Along
with agriculture, other developments include increased availabity of tractors,
shortening of the fallowing period, mining activities, creation of nature
reserves.”(Jodha, Narpat,1985)14 Again according to Centre for Science and
Environment 15concurrent with human population growth, livestock populations
have also risen and the stocking density has increased three times. There is a popular
saying among Raikas, “Earlier there used to be a jungle here, now there is nothing”.
Moreover, central government has also closed the summer grazing grounds of
Raikas in Aravali hills and alternative pastures are absent. To add more problem
for Raikas, some of their traditional summer pastures in the Aravalli hills, (east of
the desert), have been listed as nature reserves. Thus, with the scarcity of grazing
land, majority of Raika herds are now on the brink of starvation and their chronic
hunger has ill affected their fertility.
Lack of Access to Veterinary and Medical Care: Disease and lack of access
to modern medicines is another major problem among Raikas. Though in
government documents it is emphatically said that government is making so much
efforts for helping pastoralists, but in reality, government veterinary care is generally
out of the reach of poor Raikas. They have to rely on their own resources. Many of
Raikas have good traditional knowledge about the treatment of diseases and can
treat minor and common ailments like wounds, skin diseases, diarrhea etc. quite
efficiently. But their ethno veterinary skills are not sufficient for controlling the
problem of disease like trypanosomiasis, although they try to treat their animals
prophylactic ally i.e. by protecting the animal from disease.
Most of the Raikas, due to nomadic life, are illiterate. They fail to group or
identify the differential functions of various medicines available in the market and
for them any white injection, whether penicillin or trypanocide, is the same.
Moreover, they do not have any knowledge about the need of giving extra dosages.
Similarly, in regards to industrial preparation for managing treatment (BHC
powder, butox etc.), they are not aware of the fact that, these are toxic and have to
be handled with care.
Lack of Good Quality Breeding Animals: Lack of good quality breeding
animals is also a problem. Because of insufficient economic returns, Raikas are
not able to invest in good quality breeding animals. Thus, as per their knowledge
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3397

they make use of any male animal for husbandry purposes. Low quality offsprings
are thus produced which fetch low price further lowering the economic returns.
Although government has provided sheep and rams of good quality to Raikas
but it has come out to be a total failure. These so-called good quality sheep offered
by government are of foreign origin and of no use in India. According to Raikas,
unlike Indian sheep they can’t subsist in adverse conditions, can’t walk for long on
grazing areas, can’t eat whatever vegetation they find en route. And it is beyond
the reach of Raikas to buy special fodder for them, or to take them on trucks or
anything else to the area having ample quantity of fodder and water. Same thing is
true for camel. Though the government has started programme for the provision of
breeding camels, but the application procedures are so complicated and long that
it becomes too difficult for illiterate and traditional Raikas to take benefit out of it.
Lack of the Support for Marketing: Raikas do not find suitable market for
their products like wool and animals. Although mandis are there, but because of
their nomadic life pattern, they aren’t able to send their products to mandis.
Generally, they have to sell them at very low rates to the merchants on the route.
Here for unwashed wool they get Rs. 15/- per kg and for washed wool they get
Rs..30/- per kg. Same thing is true for animal sale. Earlier, milk sale was a taboo,
but now some Raikas, in the changing context, have started selling milk of sheep
and goat. Problems do not arise because dairies use this milk. Problem occurs with
camel milk. Dairies are not permitted to accept camel’s milk (although many of
them do so in the name of the cow’s milk). The Rajasthan dairy cooperative has
declared camel milk as being of bad taste and unfit for human consumption.
No one is willing to agree that in other countries camel milk is valued highly
for its nutritional benefits. It has been found out that camel’s milk has therapeutic
effect on certain human diseases, like typhoid, tuberculosis and liver diseases.
Lack of support for marketing of camel milk creates a problem for Raikas,
since dairies change their (unofficial) policies about the acceptance of camel milk,
depending on whether they have a problem to fulfill milk quota or not.
Social Isolation of Raikas: For their pitiable situation, two anthropological
facts are quite prominent. One is their dhani outside the village and another is that
they remain outside the village on migration for almost three-fourth of the year
with their cattle. Thus, they are totally unaware of development programmes and
in fact sometimes government do not consider Raikas population as participants in
these programmes. For example in National Literacy Mission and Pulse Polio they
say that they are not considered as targets of these programmes and thus they
remain outside the structure of opportunities of development process.
Developmental Programmes for Raikas
Para-vet Training: This is a step taken to make the veterinary facilities available
to pastoralists in the remote villages.
3398 MAN IN INDIA

Training cum Sheep Breeding Programme: This scheme is sponsored by

the Rajasthan Scheduled Caste Development Cooperative Federation, Jaipur. Under
this project every year 180-schedule caste sheep breeder’s youth will be selected
for training in sheep husbandry and allied subjects for two months.
Pasture and Sheep Development Programme: Aim of the project was to
develop pastures. Main theme of the program was that Raikas as they migrate
have an adverse effect on vegetation. Thus certain schemes are made to prevent
them from moving, and thus will benefit all the pasture, sheep and environment.
Certain Other Measures Taken by the Government for the Welfare of
Raikas: According to government documents, the state has always endeavored
for the welfare of Raikas through its various departments like Department of Sheep
and Wool and Animal Husbandry.
Integrated Sheep and Wool Development Project: This project envisages
health coverage, breed improvement, product development, marketing assistance
and training camps. Health coverage includes protecting animals from internal
and external parasites, which in turn leads to increase in productivity of animals
Breeding Programmes aims at improving the breed of animals by adopting
selective breeding programme. Provision is made in the programme to purchase
best rams and to supply them to breeders. Under the product development,
producers are encouraged for undertaking proper washing of sheep before
shearing, thus can get better return. They are even given certain incentives for
this. Marketing assistance aims at establishing direct contacts between producers
and purchasers. Project of training camps aims at bringing change in traditional
methods of sheep husbandry and to impart basic knowledge of modern sheep
husbandry practices to Raikas.
Agriculture Development Programme: Under the Agricultural Development
Project, a component of sheep development has also been incorporated.
National Water Shed Programme: In this programme also sheep
development has been incorporated.
Moreover they are a part of Integrated Tribal Development Project & NAREGA
run by Government of India. They have also been included in 5 percent reservation
quota given to O.B.C. in addition to 49 percent already existing.
DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION
It is obvious that Raikas talk about their problems from their own viewpoint. They
often pretend to be most pitiable creatures in the world. Undoubtedly they have
not been able to attain their share of development after independence but if thought
and seen in depth, they are themselves to some extent responsible for their problems.
No development programme can be successful without the willing cooperation of
those for whom the programmes is planned. Raika community is believed to be
very conservative and tight-lipped. It does not get easily opened up to outsiders.
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3399

They are reticent to provide even the most basic bits of information. But no project
can be mounted without a solid database. Solution for this problem can be sought
out, if young literate Raikas are employed for the sole purpose of systematic data
collection.
There are also certain negative aspects of their demands. Raikas always demand
that Aravalli hill should be opened for grazing and there should be an abundant
supply of medicines for their animals. If unlimited access of the now restricted
forest areas is granted, this will only be stopgap measure with adverse consequences
for the habitat of several forests dwelling tribal groups such as the Bhil and Girasias,
as well as wild life species. Demand for an unlimited supply of medicines is not
wrong on their part, because their main source of income is animal rearing. But an
NGO named League for Pastoral People who are working among them has claimed
that they sell off medicines given to them. Moreover, indiscriminate use of
trypanocides could also lead to drug resistance of the microorganism that causes
disease. It will also be financially unsustainable because current cost of medicines
is very high. Therefore, for the solution of this problem, less costly ‘disease control
strategies’ should be explored.
Certain social and cultural systems and religious rituals are also to an extent
responsible for their downtrodden situation. Opium consumption and death feasts
(mausar) are some such traditions. Most of the Raikas are under debt, because of
these avoidable expenditures. They can’t get loan for these socio-cultural
expenditure from the bank and thus they come under debt of Baniyas / Mahajans.
They don’t sell their products like wool to government departments, which claim
to give them good money, because they borrow money from moneylenders who
are viewed as prestigious person among them. Most of them clip the wool three
times a year, which decreases the quality of this wool.
Raikas demand a plant Acacia species Prosopis juliflora to be eradicated. It is
useless as animal fodder and it causes harm to animal’s feet, but certain tribes, like
snake charmers use it as raw material for building shelter. Thus total eradication of
this plant will be an injustice to other communities.
Raikas demand to be allowed to keep weapons and firearms so that they can
protect themselves if any conflict with villagers arises, or if any dacoits attack
them. But Raikas are themselves not cool tempered and if they are provided with
weapons, small conflict might change into big ones.
It is observed that bias regarding Pastoral Development Programmes run by
the Government are visualized in context of Rebaris. In such programmes more
preference is given to agricultural communities which rear cattle as a subsidiary
occupation. Moreover due to their nomadic lifestyle they also become deprived of
developmental programmes regarding health ,education & so on.
We, thus, see that although the condition of Raikas is quite bad, but they are to
an extent responsible for their situation. They however always hold government
3400 MAN IN INDIA

responsible for their problems. Some of their demands are not based on realities
and are not forceful enough to be approved.
CHANGES TAKING PLACE AMONG RAIKAS
With the change in times and in an attempt to subsist in adverse conditions, Raikas
have also tried to change themselves. Despite their continuing emotional linkage
with camel, (as the ritual meaning of camel at wedding and consideration of camel
as status symbol) and the historical association with this animal which forms an
important part of their identity, it is now only a minority of Raikas for whom this
animal forms the basis of subsistence. The majority of them have become involved
in sheep/goat husbandary. They have also started serving as cattle and buffalo
herders of village, as caretakers in guashalas (cow-houses) or as traditional animal
healers. Although such animal related occupations are still typical for Raikas, many
of them have severed all connections with livestock and invested profits from the
sale of their herds in agricultural land or in purchase of shops.
Though there are some exceptions but the general level of education among
Raikas is quite low, especially among girls. Most of the families are now making
efforts to provide at least one son with some education. But the level of literacy
among men actively engaged in animal herding and among the women is practically
nil.
In the area of study, only two male Raikas were found educated. They were
working as teachers at Pali government schools. One Raika from Manpur has also
been elected as panch in panchayat system. But the majority of young men seek
daily wage labour outside Rajasthan, mostly in menial jobs, by which they can
hardly earn their living. Educated Raikas, though the number is small, have started
promoting the value of education in their community.
Kohler-Rollefson and Rathore16 have written in their report that some Raikas
go to Surat, Bombay or other big towns in south India where they work in the
houses of Marwari families, a caste with which they have long-term relations.
They return to their villages, may be once a year, to visit their families and to
become temporarily absorbed in their traditional culture.
R.R. Dewasi 17of Jojawar, Pali District has written in his report: As the times
changed, the Dewasis also changed a little and bought some land and some wells.
It was necessary for them to send children to school, but there were problems
because education went only to 7th/8th class and school going children were also
needed to herd the animals. (Dewasi).
In Rajasthan some Raikas have taken up new and non-traditional professions,
but their number is very small. A former Raika teacher is now in the state’s account
services. The first Raika to have become a veterinary doctor is from Pali district.
Recently a Raika young man finished his graduation in engineering and is now
preparing for the civil service examination. After obtaining a degree in medicine,
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3401

a Raika young man from Pali has sought employment in a Delhi hospital. There
are many well-known Raika teachers and those active in state politics, but the
community on the whole, has remained pastoral, somewhere combining with settled
life in agriculture. Recent announcement of reservation for the socially and
educationally backward classes (OBC) will be helpful to them in diverting to non-
traditional jobs. A Raika from Pali, has recently become LIC agent and is doing
very well.
Westphal-Hellbush and Westphal18 had noted that, “Raikas are adjusting to it
in two ways, first by switching from the role of wool producer to that of a wool
trader and second by endeavoring to form milk cooperative. But, both these efforts
are highly localized. In other areas, the proletarianisation of the Raikas is on increase;
both men and women have taken to manual labour. They are also desperately
trying to find viable alternatives to their traditional styles of livelihood”.

• Mr. Seva Ram Dewasi a former Raika teacher is now in state’s accounts
services.
• Dr. D. R. Dewasi is a first Raika to become Veterinary Doctor.
• Mr. Bhika Ram Dewasi is a young Raika man who has finished engineering
and is now preparing for civil services.

While talking of social advancement we shall have to distinguish between

consumerism and real development. The mere fact that some Raikas have a T.V.
with 10 channels or that some others have started using soap or scented oil, should
not be construed as development. Real social development means having basic
education, good health and environment, sound economic status and providing
equal opportunities to all. It makes a family and a status community develops in
the real sense of the word. Unless and until specific programmes, both culturally
rooted and holistic, are made for them and implemented properly the future of
Raikas appears to be bleak. Efforts should be made to make pastoralism occupy an
appropriate place in India’s planning so that Raikas as a community might survive
and retain their traditional culture and yet get assimilated in the mainstream of
national life.
Thus Raika is a tradition bound community entrenched deeply in religious
and superstitious beliefs. They need social and government support to improve
their economic and physical status. They deserve immediate attention in regard to
their general health and hygiene. A well thought out plan of action for improvement
of herding techniques and a concerted effort to boost marketing of their animal
products can go a long way in the betterment of their general standard of living. It
is however, reiterated that the survival of Raikas as a community need not
necessarily mean that they should be led or prompted to discontinue their nomadic
pastoral life. Developmental agencies and the government should rather endeavor
3402 MAN IN INDIA

to apply technology and modernization to improve the wage earning power of

these people without disturbing their basic values and livelihood patterns.
The fact however remains that no community can reap the fruits of
developmental processes unless it actively involves in the ensuing changes.
Members of Raika Community will have to come half way to receive the benefits
of development by accepting the basic tenets of general development. They will
have to cast off some of their inhibitions and conservative mind-set to accommodate
with the main stream of development. NGO’s can play an important role in socially
educating Raika community in shedding off some of their aloofness from the larger
society. Similarly the government will also have to prepare plans for the
development of this community in such a manner that does not drastically interfere
with the basic roots of their culture and traditions.
NEW DEBATE
The Vasundhara Raje government’s decision to accord camel the status of a “state
animal” has left the nomadic Rebari community of Rajasthan worried for its
livelihood. In fact, the status would do even the animal more harm than good, felt
by the community elders. Initial reports suggested that the government in its
enthusiasm to check camel slaughtering failed to discuss the pros and cons of
declaring it a ‘state animal’ with the camel herders, who have sizable population
in Rajasthan.
The decision to include camel as state animal-a status enjoyed only by chinkara
(Gazelle bennettii) until now-was taken at a cabinet meeting chaired by chief
minister Raje at Bikaner .The government was yet to disclose what all prohibitions
would be imposed in handling camels from now on as per its new status. The
cabinet note released for the media simply said there would be a ban on the animal’s
migration and smuggling.
A major concern among the state’s camel herders was whether they would be
now allowed to put nose-pegs to control the animal, ride it and use it as a beast of
burden. “Putting nose pegs, riding it and using it to carry loads would go against
the dignity of a state animal status,” believe Umaid Singh Rebari of Shree Bharat
Gopalak Rebari Mandal. “The government has acted in haste without consulting
the camel herders. The decision would harm the animal as people would begin to
abandon it finding it economically unviable. Camel slaughtering can be checked
without this status also,” he said.
BJP legislator Otaram, too, said, “We rear camels for livelihood. If our earning
from them stops, why would we keep them?” The legislator underlined that riding
a camel held a social significance for the Rebari community. “A Rebari groom has
to mandatorily ride a camel for the ‘toran’ ceremony before entering the bride’s
house,” he said. Further, the Border Security Force (BSF) personnel ride camels to
patrol along the Indo-Pak border.
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3403

Checks on the animal’s inter-state migration in search of fodder during summer

or drought conditions could play havoc on the camel owners. “Besides camels,
Rebaris keep hundreds of cows and other milch animals. During extreme weather,
an entire Rebari family or the entire community village traditionally migrate to
neighbouring states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana. If camels are now
stopped from migrating along with the cows, where will their owners keep them?”
asked Ratan Devasi, former Congress legislator from Jalore district.
Rajpal Singh, a state wildlife board member, said, “Experience show that
according state animal status to chinkara or state bird status to godawan (Great
Indian Bustard) has not helped. To help improve the condition of camels the
government would do well if it focuses on increasing the animal’s use in particular
rural terrains and link it to the village economy.”(Times of India July,2014).
The State government is also in the process of drafting a new law to prevent
slaughter, illegal trade and transportation and has announced that it will include
camel milk in its food security programme. Camels provide livelihood to a large
number of people in rural Rajasthan. (The Hindu ,July 2014).
Concern of Government about declining number of camel population is worth
appreciable but the livelihood and culture of Raika community is framed around
camel herding. This should also be taken into consideration .Otherwise one day it
may be possible that this semi nomadic community preserving hard to conserve its
colourful culture, specialized in ethno veterinary knowledge and pastoral herding
will become extinct one day. Villages and villages together where major
concentration is of Raika population is switching over to other occupations. Situation
is alarming.
RECOMMENDATIONS
In the context of the understanding and analysis of major problems of Raikas,
certain actions need to be taken by the State:
• Raikas should be given proper instructions not to change the migratory
routes now and then.
• In migratory routes, settled grazier should not be allowed to make bada or
to do tarabandi to preclude Raikas from grazing their herds.
• Checkposts should be made more effective and on each checkposts
appropriate staff of Sheep and Wool Department, Police Department and
Land Revenue Department should be appointed to be present jointly for
looking after interests of mobile groups of Raikas and their herds.
• As Raikas are nomadic and have to move with their herds in search of
water and fodder efforts should be made to prevent them from sun, rain
and storms. They must be provided with financial assistance for the
construction of some sheds in areas where they generally hold their camps.
3404 MAN IN INDIA

Arrangements for clean water and medical aid should be made with the
assistance of NGOs. In order to prevent themselves from enemies they
should be allowed to keep licenced arms after objective checking.
• Herds of Raikas should be allowed to graze in forest areas because,
according to ecologists, forests do not get any harm when animals just
pass away after grazing. Special programmes and policies should be made
for the preservation and development of pastures.
• Their ethnoveterinary knowledge should be blended with modern
knowledge so to provide utmost health benefit to cattle & in turn the
community.
• For sorting out clashes with the sedentary villagers panchayats should be
taken into confidence so that some peaceful and permanent solution could
be found out.
• They should be represented properly in governing bodies.
• Government does not consider sheep and goat business as an animal
business. They are not included in famine code. They should be
reconsidered to include sheep and goat in animal business.
• Wool is not considered as agriculture genesis, but still agriculture market
is taking tax on it. Government should resolve this anomaly.
• Appropriate price should be fixed for wool by the Government, sale of
local wool should be encouraged & supported. Proper markets should be
arranged for them.
• According to Raikas ,government don’t want to give employment to them
inspite of the fact that they are enlisted in OBC. Government must endeavor
to create job opportunities in their traditional professions.
• Some effective and cost efficient treatments for main diseases need to be
identified. There are still no satisfactory solutions for controlling the two
most important health problems, mange and trypanosomiasis. Raikas
should be made aware that existing traditional knowledge of treatment
could be reinforced. But it should also be enhanced with modern methods
or treatment when necessary.
• Awareness should be created among Raikas about the harmful effects of
some of the dangerous chemical substance (like plant pesticides), which
have somehow taken entry into their therapeutic treatment.
• Camel numbers are declining day by day. It is imperative to give
some attention to the identification and preservation of local breeds and
strains that are of superior quality in regards to breeding and disease
resistance.
 ECO-DEVELOPMENTAL STRUCTURE OF A NOMADIC... 3405

• Some provisions should be made to allot land to Raikas so that alternatives

to migrations can be found out.
• During migration, special markets should be arranged so as to make
provision for effective distribution of their daily needs.
• Wool and animal business should be given the status of industry.
• Benefit of the development programmes should be extended to nomadic
pastoralists even during migratory periods, with the active support of local
self government bodies.
• Ecologically sound programmes should be devised for them.
• Efforts should be made to develop community through community
development programmes and for that purpose youth from among the
community must be trained.

Notes & References

1. All India Nomadic Enquiry Report, (1891).
2. Sanford, Stephen, (1981), Management of Pastoral Development in the Third World,
Chischester: Wiley, pp. 2-3.
3. Robbin, Paul, (1998), Nomadization in Western Rajasthan India: An Institutional and
Economic Perspective, Human Ecology, 26(1), pp. 87-112.
4. Westphal-Hellbusch, Sigrid, (1975), Changes in meaning of ethnic names as examplified
by the Jat, Rabari, Bharvad and Charan is northwestern India, in L. Leshnik and G.
Sontheimer, eds., Pastoralists and Nomads in South Asia, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, pp.
117-138.
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