Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society

Volume No. 03, Issue No. 2, July - December 2017

Muhammad Abrar Zahoor *

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: Political Behaviour

Abstract:
Pakistan has been a victim of leadership crisis throughout its history of seven
decades. This crisis owes its origin and development mainly to over development
of non-representative institutions of civil and military bureaucracy and recurrent
experience of military authoritarian regimes. In such a restrictive political
atmosphere there rose to the political scene a leader who had will, guts and
popular acclaim to challenge Ayub Khan when Ayub’s grip on power was yet firm.
This leader was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who established his political party—Pakistan
People’s Party—and developed it into a mass movement during the anti-Ayub
campaign which culminated into the downfall of Ayub and his resignation from
power in 1969. Bhutto gave his nascent party new heights and was able to
successfully contest elections of 1970 with securing 81 National Assembly seats
but all from the West Pakistan. The party that won 1970 elections was the
Pakistan Awami League which got overall simple majority but almost all seats
from East Pakistan (160 out of 162). However, the crisis of transfer of power
deepened when Yahya Khan showed unwillingness to transfer power and the
political movement in East Pakistan developed into a separatist movement
culminating into secession of East Pakistan in December 1971. The Pakistan
People’s Party, in comparison to Awami League, was a new entrant but its
meteoric rise was, in fact, due to the charisma of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who
galvanized the party and achieved stunning success. However, Bhutto’s downfall
was also as meteoric as was his rise. There were many factors but his political
behaviour—the way he exercised power— contributed enormously in his downfall.
This article outlines, first, his formative influences and the process through which
he assumed leadership role and was able to leave an indelible imprint on the
history of country. Second, while in power he carried out reforms not only those
he had pledged in his election manifesto but more: in this way he resorted to
broaden his powerbase in transactional and transformational leadership
paradigm. Third, having entrenched himself in the power spectrum of Pakistan he
started behaving like a typical Sindhi wadera. He resorted to exercising power in
a very arbitrary manner and this political behavior, the details of which ensue in
this paper, explains his downfall and ouster from power.
Formative Influences:
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto‟s downfall was as meteoric as was his rise to power. He
stemmed from feudalistic social structure and imbibed feudal idiosyncratic

*
Muhammad Abrar Zahoor, Assistant Professor of History, University of
Sargodha, Sargodha.
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personality traits into the marrow of his bones. This was due to his family
background and the environment in which he spent his childhood. Although he
spent greater part of his formative period of life in the cosmopolitan atmosphere of
Karachi, Bombay, California and London yet he could not get rid of some socio-
regional traits of politics-“siasat”. 1 Interplay between democratic politics and
authoritarian states has always played its part in confusing both and swinging of
the power pendulum from one end to the other and settling always in favour of the
latter.2 The time a political leader tries to personalize the state, the society slips
into the ditch of fragmentation and chaos; it becomes antithesis of the democratic
spirit. Thus democracy and authoritarianism have been working as reflective of
ongoing struggle between dominance and resistance in the case of Pakistan. The
cultural roots, traits of his personality and his political behavior are essential
indicators for the assessment of his downfall.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was born on 5th January, 1928.3 He was the son of Shah
Nawaz‟s second wife, a beautiful young Hindu dancing girl, with whom he had
fallen in love. Her name was Lakhi Bai which was later changed to Khurshid Bibi
when she was converted to Islam. 4 Bhutto was deeply attached to his mother who
came from a humble background and was not accepted and well-accommodated in
the Bhutto family. In the feudal household of Bhuttos, she would not only be
treated with condescension but was psychologically persecuted by members of the
Bhutto clan because she was not lady of Sindhi „ashrafiah‟. Since Shah Nawaz,
father of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was acutely aware and conscious that he himself
could not get proper formal education, he tried to arrange for the best possible
education for his son Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He was enrolled in Bombay„s Cathedral
High School in 1937 at the age of nine. 5 He got higher education from the
universities of Berkley, California and Oxford University in London.
Pakistani landlords are famous about their particular political culture. Before and
during seventies, many of Pakistani politicians were zamindars (landlords) who
were known as waderas in Sindh. They generally imbibed “traditional lifestyles,
including their ways of dealing with adversaries and unyielding subordinates” 6
into their personalities and carried them to their political offices. Since they
dominated the legislatures and major political parties of country, their political
culture was followed by those who were not land owners. With reference to
Bhutto, Anwar H. Syed writes, Bhutto grew up in a feudal social and political
environment. His father, Sir Shahnawaz, was a “feudal baron” who accepted the
values of his class. Politicians, all of them waderas, frequented the Bhutto home
and Zulfiqar Ali heard and watched them talk and play politics in his father‟s
drawing room. In these formative years he developed an attachment to the land
and understood its traditions.7 What these traditions, referred to by Syed, were
Bhutto himself left a brief statement on this subject in his speech in the National
Assembly of Pakistan on July 10, 1962, in which he stated, we suffered and
continue to suffer from petty mindedness of feudal rivalry in our province. I too
am a part of that society. Perhaps one reason why I am here today as a minister is
that I belong to this privileged class…But, Sir, in spite of the advantages that some
of us have derived from the system, in spite of the fact that some of us would fight
to see it remain, it has many inherent drawbacks. It leads to petty intrigues, it leads
to victimization of the people, it leads to callousness towards poverty, and it leads

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to lethargy. So when feudal rivals clashed with each other the people remained
exactly where they were. There was no development; no factories, no roads, no
communication; absolute darkness and miserable poverty prevailed. Only the great
ones, the chosen few, prospered.8
The essential attributes of feudal (landlord) Sindhi political culture that Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto mentioned here are: Intrigue and infighting, oppression of the common
people, lack of work ethics, carelessness towards the poor, indifference to
improvement and social and economic ineptness. Landlords are conscious of the
hierarchical order among themselves as well as in their relation to other classes
and groups. They will either be dominant or acquiescent depending on the landlord
or person they are dealing with. They expect subservience from small landowners,
tenants, labourers and artisans. They make factions and like to play factional
politics. 9 Faction leaders draw support from their kinsmen and economic
dependents and make alliances with other factions. Jobs and economic benefits are
used as leverage to get support from small farmers. But if these do not work, the
landlords resort to of use force as well. Resort to force and violence in the pursuit
of power is a part of landlord‟s tradition.
For a further description of the behaviour of landlords, M. Masud‟s 10 minute of
dissent in the Hari Committee Report of 1948, contains the following picture, He
has…to maintain his prestige among his retinue and the haris who would lose faith
in him if they were to know that he was weaker than his rivals. He must, therefore,
keep a reputation for zulm [cruelty] and zabardasti [highhandedness] by spreading
awe all around….When a show of power is to be made he sends out a few of his
thieves to steal cattle of the rival party… or to fire gun shots to terrify them. 11
Masud observes that working for living is contemptuous for landlord because he
has been living a life of leisure for generations. The typical Sindhi landlord has
many servants, fine horses and a large collection of weapons. He is fond of pomp
and show and keeps expensive cars, goes after women and drinks excessively. He
replenishes his dwindling purse by swindling his haris. He bribes civil and police
officials who reciprocate by overlooking his atrocities. 12
Bhutto claimed to have got inspiration from Karl Marx and Napoleon. His father,
Shah Nawaz, sent a set of biographical books on Napoleon Bonaparte 13 and The
Communist Manifesto of Karl Marx to him when he was a student.14 He claimed to
be inspired by Jawaharlal Nehru as well. Bhutto perceived Nehru as a man of
“mass of contradictions.” He was well-read in history, a patron of the arts and a
peerless among Indian intellectuals. Nehru was a liberal by background and
education. He was emotionally a socialist and despised bourgeoisie values yet he
let capitalism flourish along with public sector in Indian economy. Bhutto wrote
that foreign policy was Nehru‟s forte and he excelled it “to the point of dangerous
perfection.” 15 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto exercised power, at the pinnacle of political
system, in the same manner a Sindhi landlord does in his orbit of influence. The
party stalwarts who had worked in close liaison with Bhutto and worked day and
night to establish and promote Pakistan People‟s Party were purged out of it. They
were purged even if Bhutto got an iota of suspicion that they were getting disloyal
to him or were asserting their independence.

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Political Behaviour of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Exercise of Power: The way
Bhutto was brought up and his formative influences had a profound impact on his
political behavior. His elite education worked as a leverage to bring him up to the
higher rungs of societal and power ladder. His mercurial temperament, strange and
odd sudden shifts in his mood and his suspiciousness toward people even close
friends and colleagues may be traced back to the inherent incompatibilities of the
natures of his over confident father and insecure mother. 16 Along with snobbery
and pride which the resistant behaviors include in its fold, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, in
his childhood years, experienced through “the primordial link with his mother, the
pain, oppression and sense of miseries of the down-trodden”.17 So it was a unique
blend of conflicting and polar qualities: on the one hand he deeply felt with
humble heart what was the miserable condition of the poor but on the other hand
he had got authoritarian traits entrenched in his person. For example, once with
entourage on his way back to Rawalpindi after offering Fatiha at the death of
President Fazal Elahi Chaudhary‟s father, Bhutto, on seeing workers busy in
repairing G T Road under the scorching heat of sun, started literally weeping.
On the other hand, J. A. Rahim—one of the founding fathers of Pakistan Peoples‟
Party and its Foundation Documents—was physically assaulted by the Federal
Security Force on the orders of Bhutto. Mr. Saeed Khan, Director General of FSF,
with his contingent reached at the residence of J. A. Rahim, got him with strong
hands, fetched him to Bhutto and J. A. Rahim was forcibly sent out of the
country.18 This was a revenge of Bhutto against Rahim because the previous night
Rahim had raised objection to Bhutto for getting very late in a scheduled meeting.
Bhutto not only assaulted him but forcibly sent him out of Pakistan although he
had been his close fellow and party intellectual.
Bhutto almost started weeding out most of the “radical members of the party” 19
and initiated out to “mend fences with landlords” 20 whom he had strongly
denounced in public rallies before his coming to power. Meanwhile, those who
had seen in Bhutto a harbinger for some positive change in Pakistan‟s governance
apparatus became dejected with their expectations. Resultantly many of them
deserted Pakistan Peoples‟ Party only due to Bhutto‟s personalization of party and
party politics. For instance, Ahmad Raza Kasuri, a young radical idealist lawyer,
who claimed to have devoted himself to the PPP, decided to opt out of it and
turned out to be one of Bhutto‟s hated opponents. In almost the same manner Law
Minister Mian Mahmud Ali Kasuri left the Pakistan People‟s Party and joined the
opposition.21 Bhutto used FSF for murdering Mian Mahmud Ali Kasuri because he
had delivered a fierce speech in Assembly against the political victimization by
Bhutto. Sir Morrice James, a British High Commissioner to Pakistan, wrote very
early about Zulfikar Ali Bhutto—Bhutto at that time was Foreign Minister in the
cabinet of President Ayub—with an eye for future, Bhutto as an adult had in him a
tendency to harbor resentments, a temperamental leaning towards excess, and a
streak of cruelty….22
I believe that at heart he lacked a sense of dignity and value of other people… I
sensed in him ruthlessness and a capacity for ill-doing which went beyond what is
natural… Despite his gifts I judged that one day Bhutto would destroy himself….
In 1965, I so reported in one of my last dispatches from Pakistan as British High
Commissioner. I wrote by way of clinching the point that Bhutto was born to be
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hanged.23 These were the observations of a foreigner who was, in fact, alarmed by
the manner Bhutto use to behave arbitrarily. Since James was the British who had
a long tradition of exercising power in a state of laws, the arbitrariness of Bhutto
was most likely to have got his keen attention. Another personality trait which
Bhutto had developed was his love for sycophancy; he used this to climb up on the
power ladder. After completion of education his first leadership assignment was to
Geneva in “March 1958 to chair the Pakistan delegation to the United Nations
Conference on the Law of the Sea”.24 It was from Geneva that Bhutto wrote to
Iskander Mirza “when the history of our country is written by objective historians,
your name will be placed even before than Mr. Jinnah. Sir I say this because I
mean it, and not because you are the President of my Country” 25 The latter
sentence sounds as if Bhutto himself was not convinced about what he was
uttering for President Mirza. Bhutto bestowed praise upon President Ayub Khan
comparing him with Abraham Lincoln, Kamal Ataturk and Saladin. 26 These
instances indicate that he was adroit at sycophancy for getting benefits but his
ambitiousness grew consistently as he got chances to get in the power circles.
Bhutto worked under Ayub Kahn as Commerce Minister and Minister for Fuel,
Power and Natural Resources. He got his cherished ambition to become Foreign
Minister translated into reality on the death of Muhammad Ali Bogra in 1963. In
his new position, Bhutto enjoyed immense prestige and power. Bhutto‟s
contribution in the re- orientation of Pakistan‟s Foreign policy has been immense.
He searched for new avenues27 of diplomatic ties and did much to liberate Pakistan
out of Western Block. During this period he got much of the public acclaim
especially as a result of a speech 28 in the United Nations‟ General Assembly.
However, soon after the war of 1965 and signing of the Tashkent agreement,
Bhutto fell away with Ayub government, leveled allegations of failure of Tashkent
agreement, and termed it “betrayal by the President”. On 16 June, 1966, he
resigned from Ayub cabinet. He journeyed by train from Rawalpindi to Lahore on
22nd June and at the Lahore Railway Station he was given historical welcome 29 by
the people of Lahore and he was tumultuously received. So soon after getting the
true estimation of people‟s resentment which was conversely his support against
Ayub regime Bhutto challenged Ayub Khan.
Pakistan Peoples‟ Party was founded on 1st December, 1967 at Dr. Mubashir
Hasan‟s residence in Lahore with its catchy slogan “Islam is our faith, Democracy
(Jamhuriat) is our Polity, Socialism (Musawat) is our Economy, All Power to the
People”.30 By the early months of 1969, the opposition against the military regime
had gathered paramount momentum 31 . Sensing the situation, Ayub summoned
leaders of the opposition and tried his best to reach an agreement but Bhutto—who
by now had emerged as a popular figure—refused to cooperate. He knew that
“centralization, authoritarianism and corruption produced a crisis of legitimacy for
the regime.”32 Bhutto remained adamant on Ayub‟s resignation which was finally
tendered on 25th March, 1969 and General Yahya took up reigns of country. An
important development the credit for which goes to Yahya was that he held fair
elections in December 1970. Resultantly, Pakistan Peoples‟ Party won majority in
West Pakistan while the Awami League33 won almost all of seats in East Pakistan.
Both parties succeeded in winning majorities but in their respective provinces: it is
indicative of the fact that polity was acutely divided on provincial trajectories.

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Despite having been on the helms of affair for more than a decade, however, the
military regime could not develop a mechanism of succession through which the
transfer of power had to be carried out. Consequently, gamesmanship and intrigue
started with long delay in resumption of constituent assembly‟s work. It seemed as
if Military did not want to transfer power to the Awami League and that a deal was
being finalized between generals and Bhutto. In the wake of such suspicious
circumstances a full-fledged civil war broke out in East Pakistan: the Pakistan
army had attacked Dhaka with full strength. This civil war ended in December
1971 in the secession of East Pakistan which emerged as independent country—
Bangladesh. Bhutto was sworn in as President and Chief Martial Law
Administrator of what was left of Pakistan. 34 The Bhutto era lasted for five and a
half years during which the economy was restructured, the public sector was given
a great deal of prominence and consensus was developed on the Constitution of
1973.
On the one hand, Bhutto repeatedly pledged to deliver to the people of Pakistan;
the manifesto of the Party also contained “All Power to the People”. On the other
hand, the manner in which he exercised power was authoritarian and autocratic.
He created a Federal Security Force “answerable to him alone” and used it to
“terrorize his political opponents even for petty affronts”. 35 This was an elite force
equipped with highly sophisticated weaponry imported from China. They would
provide security to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto wherever he would go and gone were the
days when Bhutto used to mingle with general public and the workers of his party.
Though people still had a veneer of belief in their leader-Bhutto but the rapport
they had developed with him became increasingly the victim of hostile security
and it seemed withered away especially in the last days of his rule- the time
Pakistan Peoples Party started campaign for the next general elections.
Because of some of his self-aggrandizing tendencies, Bhutto persistently
weakened the power pockets in polity. The former streak in him manifested itself
in the form of not only the pompous style of the Premiership under him but also
the lavish expenditure on his party from the public exchequer. As a pre-election
propaganda, thousands of little red cover books “modeled on the little red-books of
Chairman Mao‟s wisdom” and titled Bhutto Says: A Pocket Book of Thoughtful
Quotations from Selected Speeches and Writings of Chairman Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
were distributed widely in Karachi, Lahore and Rawalpindi. 36 Pertaining to
undermining of the institutions—civil services, economy, Constitution of 1973,
Federalism—he adopted „Fabian approach‟37 and it was due to this strategy that he
is regarded by some scholars as Fabian Socialist. After coming into power Bhutto
rinsed Army top brass thoroughly. In a campaign of cleansing Army, he dismissed
43 senior army officers who were thought to have remained close with Yahya
Khan. The removal of Lt. General Gul Hasan Khan, Chief of Army Staff, and Air
Martial Rahim Khan, Chief of Air Staff epitomized “the most dramatic assertion
of civilian supremacy over the military.” 38 The constitution of 1973 contained
clauses which provided safeguard to the civilian authority. A number of clauses
discouraged the intervention of army or subversion of constitution. Apart from
these measures, “Bhutto undertook the task of re-structuring of the military high
command in order to reduce its long term influence.” 39 By doing this, not only

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military powers were dispersed but also the tenure of the Army Chief was cut
down to three years.
Civil and military bureaucracy who had been major beneficiary of power and
privileges since independence became disenchanted with Bhutto. Before him,
every government had to rely on military in case of any grave emergency or
insurgency in the country; this practice had awarded undue importance to security
agencies such as army and police. Sensing that importance getting out of hands,
creation of FSF was severely resented by the state security agencies. FSF was to
be used to cow down any insurgency or chaotic situation. This force, however,
was time and again misused either for persecution of opponents as a “fascist
organization” or to instill fear in the common people. 40 This way he cut-across the
popular support by which he had come to power. Though rhetorically democratic,
Bhutto, in fact, had established a state structure which was highly personalized and
centralized: it was due to these factors that by the end of his tenure, Baluchistan
and NWFP were seething with discontent and the resultant insurgent forces had to
be suppressed forcibly by the state apparatus. This sort of suppression is always
counter- productive. In July 1977, when the military overthrew the Bhutto regime,
“one of its first acts was to disband the FSF.”41
Bhutto established a personalized chain of command in civil bureaucracy through
appointment of politically loyal individuals in key positions in addition to “purge
of 1300 officers on charges of misuse of power” 42 . More critical affront was
induction of „lateral entrants‟ who were either party favorites or selected by dint of
considerations other than their competency. Military was already demoralized
because of its crushing defeat in civil war in East Pakistan backed by step-in of
Indian forces and it was due only to weakening of military in the polity of Pakistan
that transfer of power to Bhutto was carried out. However, Bhutto use to ill-treat
army generals though he did much for military as institution- he equipped it,
nonetheless, with latest weaponry and laid the foundation of nuclear program
owing to which our military boasts of being invincible.
Power was transferred by Yahya to Bhutto on 20 December 1971. Between 23
December and 30 December 1971, the chairman of the National Press Trust, the
senior editor of the Pakistan Times, the Chairman of PIDC and the managing
directors of Progressive Papers and the National Shipping Group were dismissed
under Martial Law Regulations (MLR). 43 MLR-114 Removal from Service
Regulation was soon unleashed on thousands of civil servants. Adding further,
MLR-114 did not allow the accused the right of defence, something that Ayub and
Yahya had conceded.44 Vaqar Ahmad, the Cabinet and Establishment Secretary,
testified in November 1977 that when he advised in favour of a show cause notice
for those about to be dismissed Bhutto informed him “that he did not believe in the
Anglo-Saxon sense of justice and his Revolutionary Government would not accept
any such suggestions.” 45 Bhutto moved against the princes also. Though the
motive could be the socialist tendencies of his regime but his move was calculated
particularly against, his recent adversary, Ayub Khan who had married his
daughter to the son of Wali of Swat. Therefore, using his almost dictatorial powers
as president, he abolished the titles, rights, and privileges of the princes through
the Abolition of Privy Purses and Privileges Order, 1972. 46 Shortly afterwards,
most of the princes were granted what was now called a „maintenance allowance‟
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which was, in fact, the same amount of money they had received as a privy purse.
The small, but in many ways significant, change was that the princes no longer
had „right‟ to privy purse, but were granted „allowance‟ which signified the
generosity of the government. 47 As far as center-province relations were
concerned, Bhutto used strong-arm tactics towards the non-PPP regimes in
provinces of Baluchistan and NWFP (North Western Frontier Province and
currently Khyber Pakhtunkhwa). By doing this, he stifled the democratic system
and established his authoritarian regime. In a move in 1973, he overthrew
governments in Baluchistan and NWFP “charging them with anti-state activities in
collusion with Kabul and Delhi.”48 This was an utter disregard for the autonomy
provisions in the constitution of 1973. Moreover, Bhutto got the constitution of
1973 constantly amended by parliament to amass extraordinary powers. His
decision to try Wali Khan, the leader of National Awami Party which was
coalition partner in Baluchistan and NWFP, was an uncanny replay of Ayub‟s
Agartala case against Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League.
On the economic front Bhutto is mistakenly believed to have done major damage.
But if we take holistic view of his policies in the perspective of prevailing
contemporary circumstances, he is absolved of many allegations. To evaluate
economic reforms instituted during Bhutto‟s time, two important factors must be
born in mind: the reactionary and populist nature of his regime and the global
tendency towards increased economic nationalization. In the backdrop of
deepening regional and class contradictions created during the military regime, he
wanted to make economic system more equitable: and he had had mandate for that
kind of restructuring and by doing so “Bhutto fulfilled his election manifesto”. 49
Notwithstanding all this, there is no denying the fact the implementation of such
policies opened Pandora box of massive corruption, nepotism and favoritism. In
addition to the burdens imposed by the public sector enterprises and
mismanagement of economy, the growth in non-developmental expenditure,
especially defense, was substantial. In 1971, Pakistan had been dismembered
through Indian military intervention. To “prevent recurrence of such an
happening” Bhutto launched most ambitious project of developing deterrence in
the form of nuclear bomb which ate up mammoth proportion of revenue.50
The elections of 1977 held under Bhutto regime were alleged by the opposition
alliance, Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), to have been rigged and PNA kicked
off swear campaign against the government. Ironically, circumstances worsened
with passing days. Pakistan National Alliance managed to amass much public
support who wanted to get rid of government and it pledged to bring back true
democracy and implement Nizam-i-Mustafa.51 Resultantly, some politicians (Air
Martial Asghar Khan being one of them and whose name had repeatedly been
mentioned by Zia-ul Haq as well) pleaded their case with the military top brass.
According to an opinion by a perceptive scholar, the PNA was also backed by
armed forces for “tactical reasons” and that Zia taking advantage of the turmoil in
Pakistan was “successful in preventing the opposition from concluding a deal with
Bhutto”.52 Zia used the opportunity to intervene and Military coup 53 was carried
out; Army Chief Zia-ul Haq became chief Martial Law Administrator and thus
Pakistan had to bear longest span of military rule.
Conclusion:
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Though Bhutto had had deep understanding of the political problems in Pakistan
and had an eye for detail which was, undoubtedly, an unusual in the case of
Pakistani political leadership. He was famous for writing detailed notes on the files
and documents put in front of him during his premiership. He also galvanized the
nation and unleashed a wave of political consciousness in the people. The
Constitution of Pakistan 1973, the Port Qasim Industrial Estate, the Pakistan Steel
Mills, Fertilizer Plants, the Karakoram Highway, Sports Complex of Islamabad,
Taxila Heavy Mechanical Complex and the Kamra Aeronautical Complex are but
few examples of his lasting legacies. Yet, he fell victim to what he did in the
negative direction and the same politically conscious people turned against him
when they became disappointed by their leader and the way he exercised power. It
was due to this reason that considerable majority of the people of Pakistan did not
come out in the streets to save their „savior‟ at the time he was hanged. More
dangerously, due to his political suppression and victimization, he alienated
himself from political forces that could have supported him in times of trial.
Bhutto, in his discourse as well as his covenant with the people, stood up with the
civil rights and democratic freedom. In practice, however, his regime insulted,
humiliated, assaulted, imprisoned and harassed many critics and political
opponents. He was the chief inspiration of the people to abide by law of the land
because he had crafted first democratically endorsed federal parliamentary
constitution of Pakistan. Regrettably, his agents used lawless force against his
personal and political adversaries. Even old friends, party workers and comrades
were not spared. For instance, Mukhtar Rana died under severe torture while
Meraj Muhammad Khan languished in jail. Personnel of FSF broke into house of
J. A. Rahim and assaulted him badly.
The yawning gap between what he professed and practiced alienated his
supporters. The political behaviour of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto converted his supporters
into adversaries and adversaries into enemies. People were flabbergasted that how
a well-read, highly educated, trained in most distinguished western universities
and apparently urbane and civilized man could unleash massive naked force and
arbitrariness? Admitted, college educations in arts and sciences makes a person
improve his capacity to understand, interconnect and interpret but it need not teach
him democratic political behaviour. Attitudes and values are learnt at home, in
family and among friends. The social environment in which Bhutto was brought
up taught him feudal ethos. He understood democracy but it could become part
and habit of his mind. There were many factors responsible for his downfall but
the most important was his authoritarian style of doing siasat in style of a Sindhi
wadera. The bottom line of argument is, in the words of Anwar H. Syed, that
Pakistan is not a traditional or a modern but a transitional society, and Bhutto was
a transitional leader.

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Notes and References:

1
Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life and Times (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 1993), p. 51.
2
Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia (Lahore: Sang-i-Meel
Publication, 1995), p. 3.
3
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 19.
4
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 19.
5
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 21.
6
Anwar H. Syed, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (London: The
Macmillan Printing Press, 1992), p. 6.
7
Syed, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, p. 6.
8
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Reshaping Foreign Policy: Statements, Articles, Speeches 1948-1966
(Rawalpindi: Pakistan Publications, 1969), p. 173.
9
Syed, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, p. 7.
10
Mr. Masud served as a district officer in Sindh for several years.
11
M. Masud, Hari Report: Note of Dissent (Karachi: the Hari Publications, n.d.), pp. 9-14.
12
Masud, Hari Report, pp. 9-14.
13
Napoleon Bonaparte, a French general, took reigns of France after a successful military
coup after French Revolution of 1789, called himself „child of revolution‟. Napoleon will
be remembered in history as a military genius in addition to his emphasis on merit and
successful implementation of the first constitution of France.
14
Hussain, Problems of Governance, p. 127. Karl Marx was the ideologue of Bolshevik
revolution of 1917 in USSR that gave a new impetus to the state and society in Soviet
Russia. Russia experienced such a phenomenal economic growth and improvement in
infrastructure that an agrarian society was turned successfully into a highly industrialized
country. Many of the leaders as well as intellectuals the world over continued get
inspiration from Russia until this tendency was comatosed with fall of USSR in 1989.
15
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, The Quest for Peace: Selections from Speeches and Writings 1963-
65 (Karachi: Pakistan Institute of International Affairs, 1966), p. 61.
16
She was considered to be an intruder in Bhutto‟s clan because of some factors which
include inter alia: her belonging to a professionally dancer family and her being convert
from Hinduism to Islam. Moreover, as it is that in Sindhi culture marriage out of family is
not considered as appropriate, to say the least.
17
Mushahid Hussain and Akmal Hussain, Pakistan: Problems of Governance (Lahore:
Vanguard Books, 1993), p. 126.
18
What Bhutto did to, J. A. Rahim, was an eye opening incident and example for those who
had got stomach to challenge Bhutto in any of his choices or priorities. J. A. Rahim was
General Secretary and ideologue of PPP since he had written and compiled foundation
documents of PPP. But Bhutto got him beaten by FSF due only to Mr. Rahim‟s pointing out
that why Mr. Bhutto turned so late in the meeting. Short temperedness characterized Mr.
Bhutto‟s attitude.
19
Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, p. 83.
20
Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, p. 83.

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21
Both Kasuris—Ahmad Raza and Mahmud Ali Kasuri—with half a dozen defectors from
PPP joined the Tehrik-i-Istiqlal (Freedom Party) of retired Air Martial Asghar Khan.
22
Sir Morrice James, Pakistan Chronicles, with a Prologue and a Concluding Chapter by
Peter Lyton, London: Hurst and Company, 1993, p. 73. Quoted in Ilhan Niaz, An Inquiry
into the Culture of Power of the Subcontinent, Islamabad: Alhamra Publishing, 2006, p.
279.
23
James, Pakistan Chronicles p. 75. At that time, Bhutto was foreign minister of Pakistan.
24
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 55.
25
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 55
26
President Ayub became Chief Martial Law Administrator after coup d’ etat in 1958 and
then in 1962 when the second constitution was passed under Ayub regime, he styled
himself as President of the country.
27
Pakistan had traditionally been the protégé of Western block lead by USA and had
become an allied ally (emphasis added) after being signatory to SEATO and CENTO. The
raison d, etate of these pacts was containment of Soviet Russia.
28
Bhutto defiantly, and to many Pakistanis heroically, denounced India of its expansionist
policy and promised to fight with India “a thousand year war”.
29
The same kind of welcome was again given in 1988, this time to Benazir Bhutto,
daughter of late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, when she became first female Prime Minister of the
country.
30
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 115.
31
Different area based chapters of Combined Opposition Party (COP) were formed and in
early 1969 Democratic Action Committee was established.
32
Saeed Shafqat, Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan: From Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Benazir
Bhutto (Oxford: Westview Press, 1997), p. 57.
33
The Pakistan Awami League was established by Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy in 1950. It
increasingly became centered in Bengal gaining support following the 1952 Bengali-
language disturbances. After Suhrawardy‟s death, Mujibur Rahman became the leading
figure in Awami Party. The party took up 6-point Programme calling for full provincial
autonomy on the lines drawn in Lahore |Resolution. In the polls of 1970 it captured 160 out
of 162 National Assembly seats.
34
Bhutto was sworn in as Chief Martial Law Administrator because of the absence of any
constitutional framework. He took oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan in August 1973 with
promulgation of the Constitution of 1973
35
Ilhan Niaz, An Inquiry into the Culture of Power of the Subcontinent, Islamabad:
Alhamra Publishing, 2006, p. 279.
36
Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, p. 270.
37
Fabius was name of a Roman general who fought against Carthage in the 2 nd Century
B.C. Afraid of meeting Hannibal, Carthagian general leading the campaign, in open battle,
the Romans avoided battles and tried to merely harass Hannibal and cut off his
communication. By employing aforementioned tactics the Romans under Fabius thus
avoided battle for ten years. There is a Fabian Society in England which believes in
socialism but does not believe in hurry or sudden changes. Fabians believe in gradual
implementation of socialism.

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38
Hasan Askari Rizvi, Military and Politics of Pakistan, p. 213. Quoted in Tahir Kamran,
Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan, 2008),
p. 89.
39
Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership
Pakistan, 2008 ), p. 89.
40
Hussain, Problems of Governance, p. 129.
41
Saeed Shafqat, Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan: From Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Benazir
Bhutto (Oxford: Westview Press, 1997), p. 180.
42
Shafqat, Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan, p. 19.
43
Ilhan Niaz, The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947-2008 (Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 111.
44
Niaz, The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan, p. 111.
45
White Paper on the Performance of the Bhutto Regime, Vol. II, Treatment of
Fundamental State Institutions (Islamabad: Printing Corporation of Pakistan Press, 1979),
p. 122.
46
Yaqoob Khan Bangash, A Princely Affair: The Succession and Integration of the Princely
States of Pakistan, 1947-1955 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2015), p.2.
47
Bangash, A Princely Affair, p. 2.
48
Veena Kukreja, Contemporary Pakistan (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2003), p. 38.
49
Tariq Islam “Bhutto: A Consummate Politician” Daily Dawn, Lahore, April 5, 2007.
50
M. Abrar Zahoor, “Economic Reforms under the Government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto”, M.
Phil Thesis submitted in Dept. of History, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, 2006, p.
102. See also, Muhammad Abrar Zahoor, “A Critical Appraisal of the Economic Reforms
under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,” Vol. XXXII, No. 1, January-June, 2011, Pakistan Journal of
History and Culture (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research), pp.
144-160.
51
Nizam-i-Mustafa literally meant the „System of Prophet‟. In other words, the Pakistan
National Alliance vowed to implement Sharia and Islamic Jurisprudence in the country.
52
Veena Kukreja, Contemporary Pakistan: Political Process, Conflict and Crisis, New
Delhi: Sage Publications, 2003, p. 167.
53
Coup was carried out by Lieutenant General Faiz Ali Chishti and it was code named
“Operation Fair-Play”.

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