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 University of Pretoria etd, Mokgobu E P (2005)

CHAPTER FIVE

INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AS AN
IMPERATIVE FOR SECURING
DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA

Introduction

The turn of the century has seen many nation states transcending to post-Fordist
societies. Information technology (IT) particularly has been diffusing to large
numbers of nations all over the world and is now cutting edge of socio-economic
development. It has come to be seen not only as a developmental issue in itself, but
also as a necessary component of all other developmental programmes.

The ominous characteristic of modern information technology threats to democracy is

that they change the proverbial convention of national security embedded in
democratic political systems. National security no longer refers simply to the conduct
of wars among nations, but rather to the protection of its citizens, interests and
property from outside threats of any kind, thus the protection of democracy.

Technology, as in other areas, is a double-edged sword. While it greatly empowers

those who would or might threaten South Africa, it also empowers South Africa in the
effort to defend itself and harm its opponents. For instance, while technological
advances may put missile technology in the hands of rogue states, they may also
enable South Africa to defend itself against missile attacks.

There is a need to maintain a balance between threat and opportunity. The nature of
threats to South African security and the available means to contend with them are
changing with lightning speed, and it is vital to remain conscious of these changes and
their implications.

The South African democratic political system no longer views national security as
predominantly a military and police problem but rather as incorporating political,

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economic, social and environmental concerns. Of paramount concern is the security

of its people. Security is thus an all-encompassing condition in which individual
citizens live in freedom, peace and safety, where society participates fully in the
process of governance and enjoys the protection of fundamental rights; have access
to resources and the basic necessities of life; and inhabit an environment that is not
detrimental to their health and wellbeing. The objectives of security policy therefore
encompass the consolidation of democracy and political stability. Stability and
development are regarded as inextricably linked and mutually reinforcing. (White
Paper on Defence, 1996).

The development of technology has been inextricably linked to national security

concerns. Nations' efforts to arm and defend themselves against others have often
driven them to engage in scientific research and development, in the hope of making
use of the resulting technologies. Computers were first used to direct artillery shells
against moving targets. The Internet was created by the Pentagon to safeguard vital
communication in case of nuclear attack. Advances in most forms of technology have
been carried out in the name of national defence.
The genie of technology is difficult to contain once released, and others can soon turn
advances made by a nation against it in their own defence. A country may, for
instance, create the atomic bomb as deterrent, but other countries may copy its efforts,
thus threatening its security. The Americans, for instance, created the Internet but
must now face the possibility that rogue states or even individuals could use it against
them.

The expansions in personal electronic media along with the exploitation of computer-
telecommunications convergence have paved the way for the creation of a worldwide
web of networked computers. Expansion of cyberspace into virtually all spheres of
human activity and the growing number of Internet users worldwide exacerbated the
concept of information technology, which has changed the world. The nature of these
changes is, however, contentious with conflicting explanations of the impact of the
information technology revolution and the relationship between technology and
national security, which invariably underlie the character of threats and vulnerabilities
in a democratic society. In this respect it is deserving to review the nature and
character of national security as presented by the challenges in information

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technology. Given the national security aspects and its relationship with information
technology, it is imperative to note that, other things being equal, democracy is
usually prevalent where threats and vulnerabilities are minimal. This study
investigates and departs from a self-constructed hypothesis that advance in
information technology may enhance political stability in a democratic political
system, and that where stability is maintained, threats and vulnerabilities are
minimised and thus consequently a perennial national security can be enhanced.
Therefore the absence of threats and vulnerabilities also reduces the high level of
insecurity in a democratic political system.

The nature and scope of information technology2

Information technology (IT) is the term that describes the disciplines encompassing
systems analysis, programming, telecommunications and multimedia (combining
audio, text and video information) applications. It came into common use in the late
1980s, supplanting other terms such as electronic data processing, management
information system, information resources management, data communication, etc.
(http://govt.ghana.gov.gh/story.asp?ID=68.02/07/19). The term could also be credited
to former US Vice President Al Gore, who coined the phrase in the early 1990s as a
piece of political rhetoric to capture the imagination of the US electorate.
(Tsagarousianou, Tambini and Bryan, 1998). Information technology is the concept
that is generally used to refer to the use of computer, electronics, and
telecommunications equipment for processing and distributing information in a digital
form. Martin describes it as the acquisition, processing, storage, dissemination and
use of vocal, pictorial, textual and numerical information by a microelectronics-based
combination of computing and telecommunication. (Martin, 1988).

Information technology is deeply seated in computing, telecommunications and

microelectronics technologies and its distribution from the Worldwide Web network,
from individual to industry services, which includes television broadcast and
electronic mail service. According to the United States Commission on National

2 The terms information technology (IT) and information and communication technology (ICT) are inextricably
bound and are used interchangeably in most literature resources. However for the purpose of consistency in this
study, the term IT will be used throughout, unless otherwise specified.

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Security in the 21st Century, the entire world will be linked by 2025, so that from any
stationary or mobile station it will be physically possible to send and receive near-
instantaneous voice, video and other serial electronic signals to any other stations.
(USCNS, 1999).

To have a comprehensive approach as to how these technological capacities could

have an influence on national security, it is important to perhaps outline developments
in these areas, i.e. information, communication and technologies (ICT).

The development of ICT has undergone several stages, encompassing to capture,

store, process, transport and display information. Eventual constraints upon the
distance, speed, volume and reliability of information handling have progressively
been reduced. The current stage in the development of information and
communication technologies is marked by the substitution of more powerful, reliable
and flexible digital systems. The technical foundations of this process lie in the
innovation of a common language of microelectronics for both computing and, later,
telecommunications. (Schiller and Fregoso, 1991). With the development of digital
switches and digital transmission facilities came the transition from analogue to
digital networks. The process accelerated, and by the late 1980s most of the office
telephone switches in the advanced industrial market economies had been digitised.

Information and communication technologies (ICTs) encompass all those

technologies that enable the handling of information and facilitate different forms of
communication among human actors, between human beings and electronic systems,
and among electronic systems.

There is the general view held by many scholars that the basis for the current
information revolution has been the advent of the radio or television, or even
computers. However, the basis was the magnitude of transformation of the microchip,
and its impact of microelectronics on computers and on telecommunication devices
has been compact, cheap, reliable and disposable (Martin 1988). Microelectronics
has been the basis for the developments both in computing and in
telecommunications. Bankes and Builder (1992) maintain that it was the
developments in solid-state electronics that brought all of these devices, i.e. telegraph,

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telephone, radio, television, and electronic computers, into practical form that could
be mass-produced and distributed to individuals throughout the world.
The developments in information and communication technologies did not occur
separately from one another. Digitisation meant that all the media became translatable
into each other (Brand in Saxby 1990) and this has been fundamental to the
information revolution. Convergence, that is the ease of interaction between
information and communication technologies, occurs at different levels and in
different directions. Martin (1988) asserts that convergence is not only the marriage
of two technologies but also the erosion of functional barriers as between data
processing and communications as well as the vertical integration of industries. As
voice (traditionally the terrain of telecommunications), data (computing), text
(publishing and library services) and video (broadcasting) are translatable into one
another, service suppliers become more interrelated. (Cowie 1989).

The information technology is not only about developing the broader scope for ICT
but the fact that it has been diffusible to societies. The scope of information and
communication media that are available for personal use and to an extent controllable
by individuals, has expanded tremendously from TV sets and citizen band radios in
the 1940s to desktop and laptop computers, personal fax machines, handheld video
cameras, cellular telephones, cable television and satellite uplinks in the 1990s.
(Ganley 1991).

These expansions in personal electronic media along with the exploitation of

computer-telecommunications convergence have paved the way for the creation of a
worldwide web of networked computers. In the late 1960s the US Department of
Defence embarked on a research project that would be the precursor of the Internet, as
it is known today. A decentralised computer network was established to link several
research sites, universities and other institutions conducting experiments to maintain
military communication in the event of a nuclear attack. Because the Internet was
never linked to any critical military application or system and was burdened with
security classifications, black budgets, or secret technical specifications, Chapman (in
Pretorius, 2001) suggests that it is precisely the research character of the Internet that
explains why it was so easily absorbed by the civilian sector and commercial
enterprises.

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The spread of modems and networked computing in 1990 brought the Internet to
average citizens and commercial enterprises. A wide range of interactions became
possible in cyberspace, such as browsing information stored on other computers and
searching databases, exchanging electronic mail, participating in discussion groups on
a multitude of topics, and increasingly engaging in e-business. (Kitchin, 1998).
Expansion of cyberspace into virtually all spheres of human activity and the growing
number of Internet users worldwide exacerbated the concept of information revolution
that has changed the world.

The information technology (IT) sector is unique because it represents a scientific

discipline and industry in its own right, as well as cutting across all other sectors.
Even a cursory glance at the other sectors reveals the all-pervasive role of IT at the
close of the 20th century. The IT sector is also unique in its pace of change and the
rapid convergence of 'traditionally' distinct areas of human endeavour - broadcasting,
print media and telecommunications. Indeed, it is almost impossible to construct a
definition of IT that will last longer than about six months. The boundaries shift
continually. While other manufacturers and energy suppliers are presently the largest
global corporate players, new IT conglomerates are challenging this position.
(Hamelink, 1997).

The nature of these changes is contentious however. Conflicting explanations of the

impact of the information technology revolution can be traced to different theoretical
approaches towards the relationship between technology and national security, which
invariably underlie the character of threats and vulnerabilities in a democratic society.
The democratic South Africa cannot be discounted from developments in information
and communication technologies that did not occur separately from one another. The
country’s exposure to this digitisation means it is also party to fundamentals in the
information technology.

Information technology in South Africa

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The South African democratic political system operates in very challenging

circumstances as a result of dynamic social, economic and technological
developments. One of the challenges it faces is the challenge of advances in
information technology that can expand or impede democracy. Information
technology can make it easier for people to follow up on bureaucratic decisions, party
politics, economic policies, welfare agenda, legislation, etc., to express their will and
keep check and balances on the government, and can also mobilise and rally support
for specific interest. ICT can make policy-making a more participatory approach.
Numerous failures of democracy in some African states have been cited as being
directly linked to the inability of some African parliamentary democracies to generate
enduring popular support among their populace, which is seen as incomprehensible
and distant. (Lyons and Lyons, 1999).

The technology as panacea approach misses key elements of the circumstances facing
some African states. A case presented in this regard is the World Bank’s effort in
which US$6,5m has been spent since 1995 on establishing a long-distance learning
capacity that will obviate the need for local teachers, libraries, and even paper. Yet an
established fact is that the sporadic delivery of electricity power in (South) Africa
creates obstacles to the Internet’s reliability and utility. (Alden, 2001).

In order to have a clear focus on the South African environment it is also important to
have a global overview of ICT circumstances that influence the socio-economic and
political perspectives that are a potential for the conflict.

The nature of global conflict has changed during the past century. The bloody battles
of the First and Second World Wars were followed by the Cold War in which the
tensions shifted from a military to a political nature. A more recent shift is that the
world is currently embroiled in a global economic battle. One of its consequences is
that economic security will become an increasingly important part of national
security. (Pistorius, 2001). Economic changes also affect productivity output as
influenced by advances in information technology.

The new mode of production, which is centred around information technology and
instantaneous worldwide electronic communication, has become dominant in the era

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of multinational capitalism. (Louw, 1994). South Africa took interest in strengthening

its information and communications capabilities. It is understood that the technologies
that had lifted the advanced industrial countries to exceptional economic and material
wealth could be used to accomplish the same results in South Africa as an emerging
economy.

Perspective on information technology and democratisation

Looking at the accounts and lessons from other spheres it is interesting to note that
most developing countries’ policies were concerned with the availability of
technological products, rather than with the more complex problems of the associated
political, economic and cultural integration of such products. In South Africa a
different approach was followed, and ample attention was given to meeting the
infrastructure needs for an industrious adaptation of technology. Policies regarding
technology choice were identified, as well as problems in implementation, as the
democratic nature often requires over-stretched public consultation on alternatives.

Policy-making was characterised by an emphasis more on the national system of

innovation as a framework of policy and policies set out in the White Paper than on
the promotion of effective distribution of available knowledge as a critical function in
this context. (White Paper on Science and Technology, 1996).

Another critical issue to draw from developing countries is that in these countries,
where mostly the transferred technology increased considerably in volume such that it
usually consisted of end-products rather than of technology as such, much of the
transfer took place as intra-firm movements, that the conditions under which transfer
took place were often disadvantageous, and that much of the technology was
inappropriate, obsolete, over-priced, or all of these together. (Hamelink, 1997).

The introduction of IT, such as telephony, television and satellite communications, in

developing countries, began to show a specific pattern of social benefits in the 1970s.
Various studies suggested that the primary beneficiaries were the companies that
provided the equipment, like the telephone companies, banking consortia providing
the financial resources, and local administrative leaders who used the new technology.

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Often unforeseen negative secondary effects occurred, such as serious balance of

payment problems associated with the capital intensity of the new technologies.
(Clippinger, 1976). In the same period employment and economic growth were
covered by the acquisition and adaptation of manufacturing technology, which
brought rapid growth in employment and incomes, particularly in the Republic of
Korea, Malaysia and Singapore. The industrial revolution was triggered by
technological change, and most economists argue that technological progress plays a
pivotal role in sustained long-term economic growth. Cross-country studies suggest
that technological change accounts for a large portion of differences in growth rates.
(UNDP, 2001).

During the 1980s these countries took a stand to share the expectation within
industrial nations that innovations in telecommunications and computer technologies
could markedly improve industrial performance and increase economic productivity.
There was a common belief among them that ICTs in fact enable developing
economies to leapfrog over industrialisation into a post-industrial society. With this
hope, developing countries began to launch policies and programmes to acquire a
share in international satellite communications and trans-border data flow networks.

There was also anxiety concerning the possibility that ICTs might imply serious social
risks. People were concerned about issues like the potential for cultural colonialism,
the replacement of jobs by machines, and the erosion of individual privacy, national
sovereignty, hence national security as such. Towards the end of the 1980s these fears
seemed to have abated, and the general view on the relation between ICTs and
national security entered a third and current phase. This phase is driven by a very
strong fear of being left behind and being cut off from the emerging global digital
highway. Therefore the "digital divide" is on to create and broaden ICT links.
(Hamelink, 1997).

The current levels of IT amongst South African citizens tend to be weak and
proportionate to levels of income, education, race and gender. The use of ICTs in
South Africa presents a challenge that should be viewed as an important agent for
change in overcoming social problems and closing the information gap.

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The advance rate of information technology has influenced the social, economic and
cultural changes, which have stretched the resources of the strongest economic
sectors.

As South Africa has adopted a National System of Innovation (NSI), many argue that
technological innovations, particularly in the information and communications
technology (ICT) sector, are the main drivers of these changes. Some authors refer to
an emerging 'knowledge society' as the fundamental cause. The operational meaning
of information and communications technology covers digital technologies facilitating
the acquisition, processing, presentation, management and communication of
information. These technologies include the microelectronics, computer and
telecommunications industries, etc. The ICT sector is dominated by the rich countries
and a few large, international corporations, while on the other hand small
entrepreneurs with the right niche products are able to enjoy rapid growth with
reasonably modest start-up costs. Over half of the growing worldwide information
processing market is related to software production. Growth areas include software
packages and systems integration services.

South Africa is the 20th largest country market for ICT products and services,
accounting for 0,6% of worldwide revenues. 60% of PCs are connected to networks,
which compares favourably with OECD norms. In the Financial Services sector there
are 74 PCs per 100 employees; with around 24 in Wholesale and Retail; 17 in
Manufacturing, and 7 in Government. (IMD, 2002).

Over 95% of hardware revenues by distributors are from imported products and
components. South Africa contains a third of all main lines and 85% of all cellular
subscribers in Africa. Telkom, 70% state-owned, is the 28th largest
telecommunications operator in the world. Its expansion is being financed on the
international bond markets with the intention of reaching undersubscribed peri-urban
and rural areas and becoming the primary international African hub for
telecommunications, computing media and international services.

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South Africa is regarded as the largest global system for mobile communications
(GSM) market outside of Europe, and the fourth fastest growing GSM market in the
world. By 1997, 20% of the country's telephone volume were mobile units. In 1993/4
the telecommunications industry was estimated to have a turnover of roughly R3-
billion, employing some 7 200 people. ICT professional services had a turnover of
R2,3-billion in 1995, but little of this was spent on cutting edge research and
development. (IMD, 2002).

The Industrial Revolution produced a social pact among governments, workers and
employers, which sustained growth in capitalist economies for over a century and
spawned competing ideologies to the right and left. That balance is now being
challenged by a shift to new ICT-mediated modes of producing goods and services.
The new paradigm is enabled by ICTs, while simultaneously driving the development
of new ICTs.

Distance and time are no longer limiting factors in production. Companies locate
operations based on local labour skills and costs, taxation and incentive arrangements.
Concentration on 'core business' provokes outsourcing and the creation of 'virtual
business entities'.

Within the economic perspective, the ICT deployment challenges the

bureaucratic/industrial organisational model. For instance, the "7 x 24 working" is
replacing the working week with part-time, more flexible hours and shifts to short-
term flexible contracts. The service sector is becoming dominant in the marketplace.
Labour market flexibility may reinforce insecurity and isolation in the industrialised
world and lead to less tolerance of different conditions and value systems.

The information technology industry resounds with great expectations for a profitable
all-digital future and an exponential increase in consumer purchases of digital devices.
Chipmakers such as Intel, in particular, in 2001 spent $7,3-billion on capital
investment to help build manufacturing capacity and increase manufacturing
efficiency. They expect enormous growth in the market for digital consumer
electronics: digital set-top boxes and decoders for satellite and cable television; video-

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game consoles; digital videodiscs and small-size dishes for direct digital broadcast
television. (Intel, 2002).

There is a clear indication in most literature that in hardware, the most important
trends of the recent past have been increasing speed, miniaturisation, more efficient
energy use, greater capacity, and lower costs. These tendencies may continue. But in
addition there may well be completely new developments, such as the optical
computer that processes information through light waves instead of electrical pulses.
Universal digital fibre optic networks may combine with wireless networks to expand
communications capacity enormously. Meanwhile, one of the latest developments in
digital convergence is the symbiosis of television sets and personal computers that
creates new forms of interactive television, a recent example being with DSTV
interactive, making the television act as a personal computer to be able to shop, send
e-mail and use the TV. (DSTV, 2002).

ICTs are dominant in the global market. Trade in ICT products and services was
worth over $1 trillion in 1995. On the one hand the G7 countries and a few large,
international corporates dominate the ICT sector, while on the other hand small
entrepreneurs with the right niche products are able to enjoy rapid growth with
reasonably modest start-up costs. The trend amongst the major world economic
players is to extend their markets into developing countries.

The world competitiveness yearbook ranked South Africa’s investment in

telecommunication at number 4 out of 47 countries, where 1,165% of the GDP was
spent on telecommunications with 118 people per 1 000 number of mainlines per
inhabitants of the country in 1999. The number of mobile telephone subscribers in
2001 was 234,2 per 1 000 inhabitants. (IMD, 2002).

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Challenges and disparities in information technology

Concern about the information gap between rich and poor, and rural and urban
communities, is well founded. There seems to be a wide-ranging perception in the
scientific literature and in public policy statements that the ICT gap between the haves
and the have-nots in South Africa is widening, and that this hinders the integration of
the country into the global information society.

The hype and fervour about the digital divide makes it difficult to gain an overall
understanding of the problem, the different approaches to solutions, and, what is
really making it difficult, the fact that there are multiple definitions of the "digital
divide", conflicting reports of whether it is growing or shrinking, and a range of
opinions on the key factors affecting it. What is clear is that the disparity between
the "haves" and the "have-nots" is growing, and that the potential impact on society,
whether good or bad, will be exacerbated by technology. In fact, the digital divide is
a complex problem that manifests itself in different ways in different countries. It
presents both practical and policy challenges. Moreover, it is apparent that solutions
that work in one country cannot simply be transplanted to another country’s
environment. Solutions must be based on an understanding of local needs and
conditions. (Bridges, 2002).

The infusion of ICT in South Africa paints the existing landscape of poverty, past
discrimination and division onto the new canvas of technology use. Because ICT can
reward those who know how to use it with increased income and cultural and political
advantages, the resulting digital divide shows up in increasingly stark contrast.
Therefore, ICT disparities usually exacerbate existing disparities based on location
(such as urban-rural), gender, ethnicity, physical disability, age, and, especially,
income level, and between "rich" and "poor" communities.

The gravity of the ICT gap in South Africa can be presented by posing the question
whether communication technology is leading to globalisation or polarisation?
Current access to ICT runs along fault lines of society, dividing the educated from the
illiterate, men from women, rich from poor, young from old, urban from rural.
(UNDP, 1999.) This is clearly confirmed by the situation where only 11 percent of

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black/African families have telephones in their homes, compared with 43,6 percent of
Coloureds, 77,2 percent of Asian/Indians, and 89 percent of whites. (Cape Times, 7
Sep 1999:3).

The widening gap in information technology capacity raises serious questions about
whether the poorer communities will be able to overcome the financial obstacles that
hamper their access to information technologies.

Since reducing the IT gap requires a major financial effort, one central concern is
whether the foreign and local business communities are ready to provide the massive
investments needed for the technology innovation and the upgrading and expansion of
networks in South Africa. To understand the magnitude of the challenge, it is useful to
remember that the world competitiveness yearbook 2002 has ranked South Africa 39
out of 49 countries, with the number of Internet users per 1 000 people being 67,53,
compared to 267,96, and the number of computers per 1 000 people being 79,
compared to the 309 of the 49 countries ranked. (IMD, 2002).

Total reliance on international initiatives and foreign investment poses some serious
concern, while being self-sufficient requires massive capital investment. For instance,
South Africa’s telecommunication investment of 1,165 percent of the GDP is hardly
sufficient to compete globally and enhance socio-economic development. These
international initiatives coincide with continuing concern about the appropriateness of
the technologies being transferred and the capacity of recipient countries to gain
control over them. In fact, there is at present no convincing evidence that the owners
of advanced technologies will change their attitudes and policies towards the
international transfer of technology. Throughout the past decades, the prevailing
international policies in this field have erected formidable obstacles to the reduction
of North-South technology gaps. There is no indication that the current restrictive
business practices, constraints on the ownership of knowledge, and rules on
intellectual property rights that are adverse to developing country interests are
radically changing. And, in this case, there are no realistic prospects that the relations
between ICT-rich and ICT-poor communities will change in the near future.

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Furthermore, the key actors in international ICT policy-making have expressed a clear
preference for leaving the construction of the global information infrastructure to "the
forces of the free market", and there is room for doubt as to whether the institutional
arrangements of a corporate-capitalist market economy allow for the development of
an equitable information society. At any rate, it is important to think carefully about
whether, given the realities of the existing international economic order, there can be
any serious reduction in existing ICT disparities. It may well be an illusion to think
that ICT-poor countries can "catch up" or keep pace with advances in the most
technologically advanced societies. In the North the rate of technological
development is very high and is supported by enormous resources. This is certainly
not to say that poor countries should not try to upgrade their ICT systems. But they
should not do so in the unrealistic expectation that those who are ahead will wait for
them. The situation may improve for poorer countries, but the information divide
between North and South is not likely to go away. (UNISRID, 2001).

South Africa, having taken on the concerns of the “digital divide”, through President
Thabo Mbeki’s initiatives in October 2001 organised the first meeting of the
International Presidential Advisory Council on Information and Communication
Technology, where global corporate and other leaders in the ICT environment met to
advise on the complex, dynamic and exciting area of human activity. The first task of
the Council is to close the digital gap that already exists between the world and South
Africa. (Mbeki, 2001.) There is a general belief that, without adequate access to the
system, South Africa cannot hope to be economically competitive. Therefore the
"digital rush" is on to create and broaden links with electronic networks in the fields
of trade, finance, transport and science. Such a position is inspired by recognition of
the obvious benefits that digital information and communication technologies have to
offer in a number of ways.

There is also the preponderance of educational problems in South Africa. Education

facilities, for example, could be improved by using ICTs to facilitate distance learning
and development through the use of online library access. In this regard, there are
very promising pilot projects in schools that have been linked electronically for the
provision of a host of online services. Electronic networking has also been used to
improve the quality of health services, since ICTs permit remote access to the best
diagnostic and healing practices and, in the process, cut costs. (Durant, 1996). Digital

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technologies for remote resource sensing can provide early warning to sites
vulnerable to seismic disturbances, and they can identify suitable land for crop
cultivation.

South Africa is in an extremely precarious position with regard to international

competitiveness. According to Pistorius (2001), the country’s sustained poor
performance in the competitiveness domain is a national threat. The growing ICT
demand in South Africa finds expression in waiting lists for telephone
connections, growing use of cellular systems and rapidly expanding numbers
of Internet users. To meet this demand, consideration of information and
communications technologies is increasingly becoming an integral part of
national development agendas. The planned increase in telephone lines in South
Africa has presented challenges, which resulted in Telkom experiencing
continued growth in data and multimedia revenues largely from the corporate
sector. During the 2000/2001 financial year Telkom installed approximately 2,1
million lines, taking the total to 5 million fixed lines in the country. According to
BMI-TechnKnowledge and IDC, it is estimated that revenue from the provision of
telecommunication services has reached R48-billion, approximately US$4bn, and
it is expected to grow at a rate of 10,5% per annum. With the approval of the second
national operator (SNO) and as South Africa’s approach to the gradual
liberalisation of the telecommunication industry, it has undertaken to sell a portion of
its share in Telkom in an initial public offering (IPO). (SNO, 2001).

This is expected to be achieved largely through a massive inflow of foreign

capital. And, to encourage the latter, countries are deregulating and opening
their markets for equipment manufacturers and service providers. A rapidly
increasing number of developing countries are scheduling the privatisation of
their telephone companies.

Looking at this phenomenon, South Africa has over the past five years inaugurated its
cellular networks, of which the cellular industry has been described as an economic
miracle generating more than R15-billion worth of economic activity. The growth in
this market has been spectacular, with a current subscriber base of over 8 million
(Vodacom 55% and MTN 45%) and extensive infrastructure rollout. The high growth

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in cellular phone use by both high and low-income communities has seen a third
cellular operator (Cell C) being licensed in 2001. (SNO, 2001).

A holistic approach which aims for real access to technology is needed that will be
effective and sustainable so that people can put it to use to improve their lives.
Improving the lives of people through the diffusion of ICT may raise societal concern,
which may not be overlooked in attempting to bridge the digital divide, particularly
when concerns become issues of national security.

Balancing the discourse on democracy and information

technology

Information technology is important not only because of its value in advancing

science and technology but because it has very laterally changed almost every aspect
of life in an astoundingly short period of time. The ways in which society works,
governs, educates, shops, entertains, communicates and maintains aspects of national
security are dramatically different from those of the last century. Information
technology has democratised nation states and has also shaped the strategic
environment in political systems. It has dramatically increased the interconnectedness
of people around communities, societies and the world.

The implementation of information technologies has now made it possible to monitor

millions of people in their daily activities around the clock, to store information about
their misdemeanours forever, and to re-create their experiences through information
manipulation.

The ethical challenges posed by information technologies are rooted in conventional

questions such as privacy and intellectual property, which are more pressing in the
context of information and communication technologies. With more information
available there will also be more information that people would prefer to have
censored. Although this has always been the case to some extent, the total velocity
and flexibility of information transmission now make border controls less realistic
than ever before.

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Information technology also obscures dividing lines between the mass media and the
private sphere. In fact, this convenient division between regulatory domains is
disappearing. Private e-mail can be broadcast to a million receivers, most of whom
never asked to receive the message. In addition, information technologies have made
the manipulation of data, images and sound so easy that it is possible to use and reuse
all sorts of materials without consulting the initial author-owner. Rules against piracy
activities cannot always be legally enforced, and a large grey area of contested
intellectual ownership emerges. It is precisely for this reason that issues of security
are necessary, and where the line can be drawn with regard to the protection of
privacy.

An additional threat to privacy involves the use of medical and biological

information. The collection of sensitive personal data through diagnostic techniques
like genetic screening is becoming a reality; and these techniques can generate
information about future diseases. The potential for the exclusion of "high-risk"
persons from employment or health insurance is great under such circumstances. A
real prospect looms that firms may sell genetic profiles to insurers and employers. The
violation of privacy will follow the spread of advanced digital technology around the
world. Admittedly, people have very different conceptions of privacy. The protection
of privacy is important not only for individual citizens but also for nations.
Information technology creates transparent societies and "glass-house" countries that
are very vulnerable to external forces which can undermine their sovereignty. (De
Vries, 1990).

Not only does information technology magnify security concerns, it also raises
completely new security issues that are intimately related to specific features of these
new technologies. Questions arise, for example, in connection with its reliability at a
time when it is depended upon. Information technology involves risks. If the
technology is tampered with, airline passengers may die in a crash, patients may be
seriously injured, companies may go bust, or enemy forces may gain advantage.
Should the information technology fail and cause great social and political harm, the
responsibility of the different actors involved must be defined, e.g. hardware
manufacturers, software designers, and users,. This becomes especially complex,
however, when in the course of events electronic agents, smart robots, or other

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intelligent software makes decisions, or when decisions are based on the information
provided by expert systems. Increased vulnerability to technology failure in many
aspects of life is reinforced by the unreliability of digital computers. Forester and
Morrison (1990) argue that computers are inherently unreliable as "they are prone to
catastrophic failure; and secondly, their very complexity ensures that they cannot be
thoroughly tested before use".

National security issues are raised by the possibility of combining human beings and
electronic systems in cybernetic organisms. The dividing lines between humans and
non-human systems begin to blur, and questions arise about the moral quality of this
new existence. (Schroeder, 1994). What are the implications of creating software
robots that might permit an information resurrection of the dead? What enormous
power does this bestow upon those who can create such personality constructs? And
how can this power be socially controlled? To what extent can the information
technology power be polarised? (Schroeder, 1994).

Edward Luttwak (1998) maintains that during the cold war local and regional
conflicts were often instigated or at least encouraged and materially supported by the
rival great powers. Now by contrast it is the absence of the functioning great powers
that is the cause of the world’s inability to cope with violent disorders that persist
even in the absence of instigation, encouragement or military support by the great
powers. The result is that not only aggressive small powers, such as Serbia or even
Burundi, not only an armed secessionist of all kinds, but even mere bands can now
impose their will or simply rampage from without in today’s world, even when there
is neither the danger of great power wars nor the relative tranquillity once imposed by
each great power within its own space of influence. (Luttwak, 1998). IT has changed
South Africa as an emerging economy in fundamental ways. Its mechanisms, both
powerfully revolutionary and subtly insidious, will continue to change the landscape
of communication, commerce, national security and community, for years to come.

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The relevance of information technology in defence research

and development to sustain democracy in South Africa

The South African defence industrial complex in 1995 achieved a sales turnover of
R678 million with direct contribution to the economy. (NRTA, 1998.) The defence
industry in general is a repository of technology and its technology strategy should be
seen in the context of the National System of Innovation (NSI) that the development
and application of science and technology in South Africa should be central to the
success of the Growth and Development Strategy as it seeks to address the needs of
all South Africans in the maintenance of political, constitutional, social and economic
changes introduced by the government. The NSI as an enabling framework for
science and technology is intended to support the government’s Growth and
Development Strategy. This is imperative as it will be central to the empowerment of
all South Africans as they seek to achieve social, political, economic and
environmental goals. The development of innovative ideas, products, institutional
arrangements and processes will enable South Africa to address the needs and
aspirations of its citizens. This is particularly important within the context of the
demands of global economic competitiveness, sustainable development and equity
considerations related to the divided society of the past apartheid system. (White
Paper on Science and Technology, 1996).

The preservation of a strong technology base is a requisite of the defence strategy and
must serve to maintain the capability to detect threats, being aware of trends in
military technology and their implications for the defence. The technology base
should be able to produce technology demonstrators that can rapidly be turned into
military technology if necessary, be capable of providing expert advice for
procurement purposes, provide test and evaluation services, and support upgrade and
maintenance activities.

The essential concern of defence technology in South Africa has been whether
sufficient spin-offs can occur for the Defence Research and Development budget to
have a positive effect on high-technology development in the civilian sector. The
spin-off paradigm focuses on the military products, processes and organisational
innovations, including national technology infrastructures and firms that transform

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and enhance the civilian economy. However, there are also instances of "spin-on"
technologies, that is technologies developed in the civil sector that have found
military applications.

There is increasing predominance of dual-use technologies in the defence arena,

where performance requirements for commercial markets have caught up with
military specifications, and the increasing development costs can now be supported as
easily by the volume of sales of consumer products as by the guaranteed markets of
military procurement. Product life cycles in competitive markets are considerably
shorter than those for military systems. In this sense, the civilian economy has proved
itself an even more voracious consumer of technology-intensive products than the
military.
It is clear, therefore, that the future of the South African defence industry cannot be
seen as distinct from that of its civilian manufacturing counterpart and that dual-use
concepts should be understood and applied. The view that defence technology should
be phased out in favour of civilian technology, or converted into it, is not tenable.
Instead, the defence industry must make special efforts to leverage spin-offs in the
civilian sector and to develop relationships with civilian institutions in the NSI to
promote spin-ons. It is via this partnership route that the defence industry will achieve
its rightful place in the mind of the South African public. (White Paper on Science
and Technology, 1996).

Information and communication technologies will not by themselves change existing

institutional settings. This will need processes of political decision-making that are
guided by the genuine aspiration to bring about sustainable and democratic social
development. The UNESCO World Science Report warns that the use of ICTs within
conventional social and institutional frameworks may not only hamper the realisation
of possible benefits, but may also reinforce the possible social risks (UNESCO,
1996).

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Conclusion

The arguments presented in the preceding sections suggest that a number of issues
require extensive research conducted on national security and information technology.
The main purpose of further study and debate would be to provide policy makers with
analytical perspectives and empirical data that create a better match between
technological potential and preferred futures. It is assumed that these futures should
be both sustainable and democratic.

The first area could be concerned with the design of democratic and pro-active
policies and programmes that make it possible to realise the socio-economic
development potential of information technologies. Among other things, this entails
studying the roles that public and private sectors should play in the design and
execution of these policies and programmes; the forms of public intervention that are
conducive to shaping technological change in accordance with desirable social goals;
and the establishment of new and more democratic relations between producers and
consumers of ICTs, so that technological progress becomes much more responsive to
social needs.
A second area of concern is centred around the definition of those social and
institutional changes that are required to maximise the social benefits and to minimise
the social risks associated with the adoption and deployment of information
technologies. This entails considering various ways of adjusting the organisational
structures that are relevant for economic productivity, political participation, and
cultural diversity in line with preferred social scenarios; and the cultural
appropriateness of educational methods and training materials required for the
realisation of the technological potential. Again it is important to discuss the design
and adoption of information technologies that strengthen sustainable national security.
This involves creating information technologies that reduce the threat and
vulnerabilities, and encouraging environmentally sustainable applications of IT.

The future of information technology and national security is compounded by

uncertainty – no one knows how the technological advancement will continue to
unfold. The goal for the future will be to somehow bridge the theoretical possibilities
with technological capability. Research focused on the goal of ubiquitous information

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technology will be concerned with a number of important technological obstacles,

such as how society could enjoy the benefits of information technology without nation
states being too worried about its impact on national security, and society that is ready
for a pervasive system that surrounds its communities and monitors their day-to-day
activities as there is a worry that ubiquitous networks will present new and emerging
challenges to personal privacy which may destabilise security.

Some scientists suggest that the most powerful 21st century technologies, for example
robotics, genetic engineering, and nanotechnology, could threaten to make humans an
endangered species. Bill Joy predicts that as technology advances, humans will
increasingly delegate responsibility to intelligent machines able to make their own
decisions and, referring to the writings of Theodore Kaczynski, known as the
Unibomber, wonders whether these same machines might not reduce humans to "the
status of domestic animals". (Joy, 2000).

Information technology is shaping the strategic environment in which a conflict may

take place. For instance, revolutions in military affairs are the dependent variable
driven by mostly the political, economic, social and ethical dimensions of the
information technology. Given that IT has contributed to the dramatic increase in the
interconnectedness of the South African society and people around the world, it is
imperative that there should be good entrepreneurship, and government policy that
encourages and supports equity, development initiatives and sufficient funding to
finance them. The major problem in the South African situation, particularly in deep
rural areas, is that without basic electrical and telecommunications infrastructure
programmes and universal service initiatives by government, information and
communication technology companies will have little incentive to develop new
products to meet the needs of people who cannot use or afford their existing services.
And, government policies will become ineffective without ground-level programmes
to take advantage of them.

Finally, information technology could in future greatly benefit society if its

advancement is harmonious with the needs of the people.

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CHAPTER SIX

SOUTH AFRICA WITHIN THE CONTEXT

OF A DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEM
Introduction

This chapter explores the need for, and development of, a model for the analysis of
the democratic political system within the context of South Africa. A core approach is
advanced which allows for the realisation of a democratic political system as well as
other imperatives that motivate and affect democracy and the existence of links that
exert their influence within a political system.

In this chapter the three components of the core approaches, namely democracy,
political system and South African democracy, are expanded and examined
separately. This part of the chapter will look at the elements that exist in a political
system and later at what constitutes a political system to be democratic as a whole,
together with its subsystems as its analytical component. It will also explore the
political processes as subsystems. It is therefore necessary to explain the political
system and processes in assessing how far these elements can be linked in upholding
democracy.

Explaining and defining democracy

The origin of the term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece. The word
democracy is derived from the Greek word kratos, meaning power, or rule. The word
therefore means “rule by the demos”, the demos referring to the “the people”,
although the Greeks originally used this to mean “the poor” or “the many”.
(Heywood, 1997). Democracy in essence means to designate a government where the
people share in directing the activities of the state, as distinct from governments
controlled by a single class, select group, or autocrat. The definition of democracy has
been expanded, however, to describe a philosophy that insists on the right and the

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capacity of a people, acting either directly or through representatives, to control their

institutions for their own purposes. Such a philosophy places a high value on the
equality of individuals and would free people as far as possible from restraints not
self-imposed. It insists that necessary restraints be imposed only by the consent of the
majority and that they conform to the principle of equality.

Democracy is an expression often used to describe Western democratic political

systems, such as Australia, the United States, Britain, New Zealand, Canada and other
nations. It refers to political systems in which there are attempts to:
• defend and increase civil liberties against the encroachment of governments,
institutions and powerful forces in society
• restrict or regulate government intervention in political, economic and moral
matters affecting the citizenry
• increase the scope for religious, political and intellectual freedom of citizens
• question the demands made by vested interest groups seeking special
privileges
• develop a society open to talent and which rewards citizens on merit, rather
than on rank, privilege or status
• frame rules that maximise the wellbeing of all or most citizens.

It is generally agreed that liberal democracies are based on four main principles:
• A belief in the individual, based on the idea that the individual is both moral
and rational.
• A belief in reason and progress, based on the belief that growth and
development are the natural conditions of mankind, with politics the art of
compromise.
• A consensual theory of society, based on the belief that society is a kind of
mutual benefit association, based on the desire for order and cooperation,
rather than disorder and conflict.
• A suspicion of concentrated forms of power, whether by individuals, groups
or governments.

Accordingly, liberal democracies are organised in such a way as to define and

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limit power in order to promote legitimate government within a framework of

justice and freedom:
Power: Efforts are made to define and limit power, usually by means of a written
constitution. Checks and balances are instituted, such as the separation of legislative,
executive and judicial power. There are conventions of behaviour and an equitable
legal system to complement the political system.
Legitimacy: The notion of a legitimate government with a mandate/authority to rule
is crucial. Governments require a high degree of popular support, derived from an
electoral system that allows for popular, free and frequent elections with the highest
possible franchise.
Justice: This is achieved by the full implementation of the equitable things already
mentioned so that citizens live in a climate where representative democracy prevails,
tempered by constitutionalism, free elections and restraints of power, so that all
citizens are treated equally and accorded dignity and respect.
Freedom: For freedom to exist there must be the freedom to make decisions, to learn
from them and to accept responsibility for them. There must be the capacity to choose
between alternatives and the freedom to do what the law does not forbid. Prohibitions
should exist for the general good and there should be respect for political and civil
liberties. Liberal democracies often experience disputation about the appropriate role
of government in economic matters, some groups arguing for a totally free market,
whilst others support varying degrees of regulation and intervention.

A democratic political system

Democratic political systems have been varied, from those of the Greek-political
system to the more contemporary complex structures, with common structures to
every democracy, freedom of opinion, expression, press and organisation, as well as
institutions whereby the people decide on behalf of others through an election in
which voters have a free choice, an independent court system and a respected legal
system, and minimal violence in a political system. Freedom and equality – the two-
pronged approach to democracy – are inextricably bound and there cannot be much of
one without the other. Freedom can be assured in a democracy, and the need for
political rights is inseparable. (Diamond, Linz and Lipset, 1988)

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Democracy means popular control and, to that effect, the then President of America
once defined democracy as "government of the people by the people". Government
of the people means government on behalf of the people, government by the people
means representative government, and government for the people implies that
government should be carried by the persons responsible in that nature. It is the
responsibility and nature of the government that it is encompassed within different
components, legislature, executive and judiciary, in which the distribution of these
components concretises the degree of democracy. (Held and Pollit 1993)

Essential characteristics of the political system

Aristotle (384-322 BC) maintained that man is by nature a political animal. The
essence in this notion is that of social existence as to politics, by implication, two or
more human beings interacting with one another are invariably involved in a political
relationship, hence human beings, as they try to define their position in a given
society, try to extort personal security from available resources and also try to
influence their fellow men to accept their point of view, they find themselves
engaging in politics. Thus the only way to maximise one's individual capabilities and
to attain the highest form of social life was through political interaction with others in
an institutionalised setting in which a political system is able to provide an
environment for conversion to take place. (Rodee, Christol, Anderson and Green
1983)
From the above it is clear that there is a need to analyse so as to avoid an over-
simplified assumption. Consequently, before any conclusion can be drawn it is
important that the environment in a political system should be taken into
consideration so as to validate the fact that an analysis of all factors is significant in a
political system. The central concept in this discussion is that the political system and
its components, like the political processes, exist as subsystem.

The notion of the political system derives from the recognition that the purpose of
government is to make and implement decisions for society. The process of decision-
making involves the process of allocating goods and services to members of the
society, and the allocation of values as policy-making is concerned with values and
authority because the political system needs to be acceptable to the society for the

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implementation of its policies.

Political system as an analytical concept suggests that the authoritative allocation of

values goes through a series of phases that arise from the fact that the political
system is the mechanism by which policies are decided. It is this idea of policy
making which implies the existence of a succession of phases. It is in this that policies
will first be initiated, elaborated and then implemented (input – conversion – output).

Conversely stated, the political system converts demands and support in the form of
input, which corresponds to the initiation phase as output, and the conversion process
takes place in between, i.e. in the main or core. (Easton 1969 and Almond and
Coleman 1960).

The inputs are the responses of all kinds exercised on the system which is activated
by way of the demands and which can then elaborate on decisions which will become
outputs and be presented to society.

The sequence, input, conversion and output could be divided. The input can be
described as having an articulation of demands as an activity consisting of ideas that
are presented for discussion and in due course for decision, and the aggregation of
demands as an activity which consists in bringing these demands together in a bundle,
like policy guidelines to decrease problems by reducing inconsistencies.

Various activities correspond in the output phase, in which rule-making or initiating

is the most general, and the first aspect of the conversion process – the rule
implementation details, rule-making and rule adjudication – takes place when there is
a conflict over rules. These phases, which are called functions, suggest that there is a
sequence in which there is articulation and aggression of demands, rule-making, rule
implementation and rule adjudicating, in which they are generally referred to as
institutions to describe components of the political system. (Almond and Powel 1966)

Succinctly stated, a political system is a system that deals with political matters, being
a structure with interdependent parts which, like any system, has activities that are
interrelated and which all define the inner boundary of the system. It is an attempt to

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view the political arena in the organised form of a system, hence it possesses the
input, conversion and output functions. In any given political system, it is taken that
the inputs in particular circumstances are public interests and demands of various
types, be it substantive inputs which are more of demands, and support or functional
inputs which constitute the expression or articulation of various interest. Citizens
may link themselves to the government as active participants or by way of input as to
taking part in the work of an organisation. Demands do not always seek change but
they do seek government action. (Easton, 1979)

Demand and support are marked out as inputs to the decision-making system; they
are essential to the system because they feed definite information into the main or
core system. The core or main of the political system is the democratic decision-
making representatives or mechanism; they convert input into output. Government is
the decision-making instrument that receives inputs and emits outputs since it
constitutes the formal government structures. Output from the democratic decision-
making mechanism is public policy, which is understood to be laws and government
proclamations that are made, enforced or adjudicated. (Hanekom, 1987)

In the political system demands and support of input do actively give one an
understanding of the manner in which the environment influences the workings of the
system. Demands combine a broad scope of subjects and activities that are
transmitted to the system. Without ignoring the importance of support in the input,
one would consider demand, in that the flowing into a system constitutes one of the
major sources of stress behaving on its important variables.

A demand may be defined as an expression of opinion that an authoritative allocation

with regard to a particular subject matter should or should not be made by those
responsible for doing so. As such a demand may be quite narrow, specific and simple
in nature, as when grievances and discontents relevant to a given experience are
directly expressed. For example, exposure of corruption in government may give rise
to a demand for control. Broad pleas for better government without specification of
the exact steps to be taken represent a highly generalised demand. (Easton, 1975).

Demands have a built-in direction towards the authorities. Directionality of demands

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is important as demands are specified and produce accepted binding decisions. They
may be expressed or implied.

Every political system function in an environment and certain characteristics of its

particular environment contribute materially towards determining both its form of
government and its policy output. In a political system the form of government can
be understood only against the background of the environment in which it operates.
It is generally assumed that a democratic government is likely not to survive in a
nation whose people are bound to non-democratic modes of thought and behaviour;
hence it is important to give meaning to a democratic political system, and even
though the form of democratic political systems has been varied, there are common
aspects prevalent to the existence of democratic political systems. (Ranney 1975).

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Description of a democratic political system

Ever since the time of Plato and Aristotle, most political scientists have sought to
discover universally valid descriptive statements that accurately describe and explain
political systems and processes. A general characteristic, which tends to suggest that
a political system is democratic, or non-democratic, constitutes a standard principle. It
is standard because it explains the way in which the government that runs the country
has decided to frame the political system, and as such the manner in which the
government runs the country is based on the recognition that government itself
constitutes a system, i.e. a political system, because it is engaged in an activity in
which a number of elements are interrelated, through which policies are initiated,
developed and implemented. (Easton, 1969) These elements include structures that
are established by the constitution.

Essential elements of a democratic political system

The political system is composed of sets of institutions, organisations or groups, some

of which are set up by a constitution as political processes, and many of which are
not. These components and elements together form the framework within which
decisions are taken. It is only by understanding how these institutions, organisations
and groups can allocate values in a society that these elements and components can
exist within a political system. Hence it is essential to describe these elements and
components to be able to obtain a detailed picture of what a democratic political
system is.

A democratic political system is more than a set of constitutional rules and procedures
that determine how a government functions. In a democracy, government is only one
element coexisting in a social fabric of many and varied institutions, political parties,
organisations, and associations. This diversity in a political system is referred to as
pluralism, and it assumes that the many organised groups and institutions in a
democratic society do not depend upon government for their existence, legitimacy, or
authority.

The following are what most authors would consider to be reasonable, essential
elements of democracy:

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• Sovereignty of the people.

• Government based upon consent of the governed.

• Majority rule.

• Minority rights.

• Guarantee of basic human rights.

• Free and fair elections.

• Equality before the law.

• Due process of law.

• Constitutional limits on government.

• Social, economic, and political pluralism.

• Values of tolerance, pragmatism, cooperation, and compromise.

Many organisations operate in a democratic society, some local, some national. Many
of them serve a mediating role between individuals and the complex social and
governmental institutions of which they are a part, filling roles not given to the
government and offering individuals opportunities to exercise their rights and
responsibilities as citizens of a democracy.

In an undemocratic society, virtually all such organisations would be controlled,

licensed, watched, or otherwise accountable to the government. In a democracy,
the powers of the government are, by law, clearly defined and sharply limited. As
a result, private organisations are free of government control; in fact, many of
them lobby the government and seek to hold it accountable for its actions. Other
groups, concerned with the arts, the practice of religious faith, scholarly research,
or other interests, may choose to have little or no contact with the government at
all. In this scope of democratic political system, citizens can explore the
possibilities of freedom and the responsibilities of self-government, unpressured
by the potentially heavy hand of the state.

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The character of a political process in a democratic political

system

It is understandable that within a political system the political process is based and
concentrates on the organisation and operation of institution which makes the law,
enforces it, and settles controversies arising from different interests and various
interpretations of the law.

Political process, being generally accepted, implies a recognition that legislatures,

executives, and the judiciary do not operate independently of either one another or of
the other political organisation in society; they include political parties and interest
groups which together with the more formal institutions of government, constitute the
political system, which implies that politics involves citizens' attitude and interests,
group organisations, and implementation, interpretation of law and policies. It is in
the attitudes and interests that different elements and components necessary in
achieving a democratic political system are discussed bellow. (Sainsbury, 1988 and
Rodee et al., 1983)

Democratic political process refers to a set of requirements that applies to the

institutions and that makes it possible for the citizens to participate in political
decision-making processes within a political system. In absolute terms, support for
democratic efficacies is widespread. One becomes content at significant levels of
endorsement of democratic elections, rights and liberties, political equality and
democratic forms to be prevalent in most countries. Most of the criteria used to
determine conditions for democratic political process correlate, which leads one to
postulate the existence of a general underlying dimension of democratic efficacies.
Various conditions of the democratic political system go naturally hand in glove; it is
therefore necessary to effectuate a functional meaning of democracy. The triad of
democracy, freedom, and equality are inextricably bound in approach and functional
meaning. There cannot be much of any one without the other; only in a democracy
can freedoms be assured. The demand for political rights is also inseparable from the
call for freedom. Again broad political participation is the best evidence of equality
in a democratic political system. (Nwabuzor and Mueller, 1987).
It is for this reason that Montesquieu (1689-755) presented and argued that all

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functions of the political system could be encompassed within the separation of

power that is basically a reflection of what happens in the political world. It is fairly a
clear description of the proper function of the government in any democracy where
liberty is best assured by the distribution of these different functions among separate
institutions of government. (Renwick, 1980).

Given this perspective, from Montesquieu’s presentation of the political process, they
do not operate and function independently from one another or of the other political
organisation in society; primarily, they include political parties, interest and pressure
groups, which together with formal institutions of the state constitute the democratic
political system, which means that politics, complex as it is, involves citizens'
attitudes and interests measured by the public opinion for the formulation,
implementation and interpretation of policies. (Maidment and McGrew, 1986).

The effect of public opinion in a political system

The wide acceptance of the democratic thinking led to the idealisation of the role of
public opinion in the democratic political system, as to the public being interested in
making the laws of the country, the public having the right to know, deliberating and
reaching national consensus. Rationally conceived, individual opinions would be
held unvaryingly throughout the social order. Having reached consensus as to the
democratic political process, the public would make its will known at the polls and in
one way or the other, the will or views of the majority would be enacted into law, and
continued surveillance and constant criticism would ensure the maintenance of an
enlightened public opinion and consequently a public policy will be based upon the
environment in which there is demand for democracy and justice.(Budge, 1994).

In any given society, when responding to the challenges of the environment in which
one finds oneself, it is one method by which an individual adjusts to the demands of
day-to-day life. It is rare that a day passes that an individual does not express his or
her views either for or against many subjects. Taking no account of particular case or
exception, it is believed that opinions are the end product of the interrelationships
between a person's values, beliefs and attitudes, which do not exist in isolation but
among others members of the public. (Rose-Ackerman 1978).

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As such the public cannot be regarded as a conglomerate and undifferentiated mass of

people. Essentially, a public is a segment of society compromising many different
types of publics which may be identified by a specific geographic base, such as
political system, nation, country, city, peri-urban or rural, and may share common
interests. Most authors maintain that “public opinion" is the expression of all those
members of a group who give attention in any way to a given issue. Public opinion
represents the collectivity of individual opinions of a designated public, thus each
issue has its own public. (Dye 1978).

The foundation of an individual's opinion rests upon his or her value systems that
represent the objective one wishes to achieve. It is through one's attitude that the
belief system finds expression. They structure and focus on beliefs, serving as a frame
of reference to guide our thinking and behaviour in a political system.

Political behaviourism in a democratic political system

Naturally men have developed methods by which they can resolve disputes among
themselves and agree upon goals, which they wish to pursue by cooperative action.
The existence of a common procedure for resolving disputes and reaching common
decisions is an important requirement in any political system. Such agreements can
be reached by surrendering the right to decide to one person or by fighting to
determine whose will shall be reached by either arriving at an agreed view, consensus
or by accepting the decision that commands majority support in different situations
involving different types of issues. One may wish to insist on a unanimous vote or
approval by more than a simple majority. (Elcock, 1976).

A variation upon this decision procedure is for the public to elect representatives who
will make decisions for them and who they will hold periodically accountable for
their decision by requiring the representatives to submit to re-elect at regular
intervals. Thus, a political decision procedure involves discussions and debates
followed by a decision which is broadly acceptable to all parties, or is at least not so
unacceptable to any party that members decide to oppose it to the point of disrupting
the system. This led to the in-depth study of behaviouralism, which most social

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scientists found to be more meaningful in reaching a national political decision.

(Lindsay, 1992).

The reason why behaviouralism has developed in politics is that it has been the
growth of other social sciences. The main reason has been a reaction against the
traditional approaches to politics, legalistic study of formal political institutions and a
normative and speculative political theory. (Stadler, 1987).
Political institutions are traditionally observed by examining the contents of a
country's constitution and law, and interpreting them, rather than by considering how
political actors conduct themselves in the context of constitutional law. Of
importance is that appearance does not necessarily bear much relationship to reality,
the crux is what are individuals' attitudes and informal relationships, rather than the
formal structure of power. (Held and Pollit, 1986).

The behaviouralists wanted to see how people carry on with their activity, whatever
the formal rules of the constitution and the law might say, and they sought to do so by
looking for objectives and indisputable facts which could be analysed systematically.
It is given that in any political system political behaviour does affect facts, which are
objectives and can be verified by anyone who wishes to check them. There is no
question of reality being determined by the observer's viewpoint or ideology.
(Lindsay, 1992).

Political behaviour may affect politics in any political system; it raises issues of
central importance and it also enables us to answer questions such as the nature of
consent, the operation of representatives in government and the extent to which public
officials will execute policies as having a bearing on the political socialisation of
communities which make up their political culture, the political attitudes, values,
feelings, information and skills possessed by the political community, and in political
life, on the basis of protecting their interests. (Nwabuzor and Mueller, 1987).

Political culture as a variable in the political system

The characteristics of political socialisation and a close group of opinion, attitudes

and beliefs that make up a society are in turn part of the society's political culture and

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are important variables in helping to answer some fundamental and enduring

questions as to what accounts for a society's political stability or instability. The
answer is partly in terms of the extent to which the actual conduct of politics and the
moral tendency of citizens coincide with the norms of behaviour prescribed by the
political system. (Jaros, 1973).

Some centuries ago, one author declared that, since force is always on the side of the
governed, the governors have no support but opinion. When minority groups
command the means to destroy millions of people, one may, to qualify this, in a
political system, say it is still relevant to say that the people of a country can render it
ungovernable, more especially when their grievances are not being investigated so as
to institute correctional measures. (Parry and Moran, 1994).

If that being the case, one can safely say that the political system depends on the
support of the people. Stable government can be assured only if it is able to retain that
support, thus increasing an understanding of the link between the structure of a
society and the attitudes of its members on the one hand and the political process on
the other. If people are used to running their private lives democratically, they will
expect the political system to be run on the same lines and will be able to accept the
problems and responsibilities that go with such a system, coping with the continual
presentation of contradictory proposals. (Parekh, 1992).

Fundamentally the political culture of any society is made up of the political attitudes,
values, feelings, information and skills possessed by the members of the political
community. It is reflected in a nation's ideology, in attitudes towards political
leaders, in the duties of citizenship, in the conduct and style of political activity, in
what is considered to be political or not. (Almond and Verba, 1963).

Basic aspects to any political culture would involve the cognitive knowledge and
beliefs people have regarding the various characteristics of the political system: How
much do South African citizens know about their national political structure? Does
their knowledge begin and end with President Mandela? Do Americans living in
South Africa understand the way of doing things in the South African political system
or are they more informed regarding the US? This has an effect in that it involves

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people's feelings about various characteristics of the political system. For instance,
do the people of Rwanda feel loyalty or patriotism towards the regime in Rwanda?
Do most South Africans feel admiration for the personality of President Mandela?
Lastly, it is also evaluative, in that this involves judgements and opinions regarding
the political system and occasionally involves a combination of values or standards
with information, i.e. cognitive aspect and affective feeling aspect. How do citizens
evaluate their government's performance?. Their judgements are likely to rest on the
leading members of the regime as well as on certain values or moral criteria. Thus
the cognitive and effective orientations are important aspects in evaluating the
cultural way of a political system by integrating the various political substructures,
components or elements. Taking it from the history of South Africa, it is necessary to
transform the political culture so that it fits the evolving democratic political system.
(Almond and Powel, 1966).

Members of a political community can never share the same orientation towards the
political system, importantly so for the stability of any political system, that there
should be common assumptions and beliefs that will be shared so that the political
culture can evolve into relatively political toleration at all angles. Political toleration
should be able to resolve dividing issues as in any political system, outputs, as
policies, which are popular with some section of the citizens, are bound to be
extremely unpopular with others; and the result will be political strife and instability,
which will render the executive institutions ineffective.

Political tolerance as an imperative in a political system

A democratic political system requires relatively moderate tension among its

contending political forces. And political moderation is facilitated by the process
capacity to resolve key dividing issues before new ones arise. For instance, if the
issues of religion, self-determinism and the role of the traditional leaders are allowed
to accumulate, they reinforce each other and the more reinforced and correlated the
sources of cleavage, the less the isolation from heterogeneous political stimuli; the
more background factors pile up in one direction, the greater the chance that the
group or individuals will have an extremist perception. These two relationships are
joined by the fact that parties reflecting accumulated and unresolved issues will

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further seek to isolate their followers from conflicting stimuli. (Macridis, 1983).

Within these relationships, similarly, peoples working in isolation are likely to find
the world outside their settlement and their business strange, intimidating or at best
irrelevant, and will therefore tend to be apathetic towards the political system or
alienated from it. Generally toleration depends on the extent to which people mix
with a varied selection of their fellows and on their level of affluence, which can
include a societal level and the amount of education available. Education should also
give a person a deeper understanding of his own views and position in life, besides
giving him more information about other people's background. He will become more
tolerant of others who have origins, beliefs, attitudes or accents different from his
own.

Education is often, not always, an important determinant of levels of toleration. In

Germany and Italy, both problematic in terms of the congruence of their political
system within the attitudes of their people, education made little difference to the low
levels of allegiance to the political system.

Political attitudes, not ignoring toleration, are linked with other attitudes and these are
formed by the social activity groups of which the citizen is a member. Opinions and
group membership are either superimposed one upon another, presenting the
individual with a series of competitive views of the world which support and
strengthen one another, or cross-cutting, presenting a variety of different and possibly
incompatible views. This latter collection of attitudes and affiliation is more likely to
lead to toleration, since it will accustom citizens to dealing with and reconciling
different points of view within their own minds. Superimposed opinions or
membership will confirm the individual's rightness of existing convictions. Hence
the degree of exposure of an individual, a group, or society to either superimposed or
cross-cutting opinions or activities will have important consequences for his or their
level of toleration.

A particular interesting set of social institutions, from the point of view of the creation
of political tolerance or dogmatic political attitudes, is the churches. Most churches
are authoritarian structures and their members tend to be associated with one party or

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another – social groups and organisations clearly have a considerable influence upon
political attitude and the extent to which the citizen is exposed to diverse or consistent
opinion will help to determine the strength of his party self-image and the extent to
which he is prepared to tolerate the opposition being active and winning power. Thus
they have a large role in determining whether conflict in a given society is of
intolerance and is sufficient to render the political system unworkable.

A meaningful democratic political system will also be impossible if there are

insufficient expressed differences of opinion to give rise to a political debate about
which members of society can care sufficiently to involve themselves in or at least to
give it a reasonable share of their attention. (Gibson, Duch and Tedin, 1992).

It is therefore imperative that in any political system there has to be a level of political
toleration that will in effect help either to facilitate or deepen democracy. It suffices to
mention that there are certain conditions necessary for attaining a meaningful
democratic political system.

The South African democratic political system

South Africa’s National Party apartheid regime can be mapped out back before 1948
when it came into power. The 1910 apartheid Constitution of South Africa provided
for an all-white government and gave a continued system of discrimination and
oppression. A number of discriminatory measures were taken during this time,
including the enactment of the 1913 Land Act which effectively deprived African
people of their land. This was also the time of the birth of the African National
Congress (ANC), which provided the largest mass-based forum for the freedom
struggle in South Africa. The struggle for freedom reached its height in the 1970s and
1980s, when State repression and internal opposition intensified and international
attention was focused on the plight of South Africans. One of the significant
developments in this period was the adoption of the 1983 Constitution, which
unsuccessfully attempted to restructure racial and political arrangements while
keeping power in the hands of the white minority. It created a tri-cameral parliament
that sought to co-opt Coloureds and Indians into the national parliament in separate
houses. The African majority were excluded from this political system and were

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relegated to black local authorities in their townships and the so-called ‘independent’
homelands and self-governing territories. While South Africa was isolated from the
international community, this period also saw the rise of the United Democratic Front,
a mass-based umbrella body, which identified itself with the African National
Congress in exile.
The beginning of 1990 saw the unbanning of the ANC and the release of political
prisoners. In 1993 the ANC, as the chief negotiator on behalf of the liberation
movement, the government and other political parties came together to negotiate
South Africa’s transition to democracy. A number of organisations and structures that
formed the broad liberation movement worked together in developing policy positions
and determining priorities for a new South Africa democratic political system.

One of the priorities for the new South African democratic political system was to
have a constitution. An interim constitution was implemented and then later the final
Constitution. One of the most important reasons for the success of the process of
drafting the final Constitution was the use of technology. The Constitutional
Assembly’s public awareness and education campaign strategy used several ICT
platforms to engage the public in its campaigns. The campaigns were designed to
educate the public on constitutionalism and basic rights, as well as to elicit the views
of the public on the content of the new Constitution. The use of technology involved
several strategies which were used during the campaign and whereby thousands of
public meetings were held, covering nearly every town and village in South Africa,
both to educate and allow people to give feedback and make submissions. These
meetings were advertised widely, especially through television and radio.
Participatory workshops were organised. Members of the Constitutional Assembly
participated extensively in this campaign, and travelled across the country, to
townships, informal settlements, rural villages, churches, schools, etc. to consult with
the public about the constitution-making process. The media technology was also
used extensively; over 10 million people a week listened to the Constitutional
Assembly’s show on the radio in one of the official languages, and an estimated
160 000 people received a copy of the newsletter “Constitutional Talk”, also
published in the 11 official languages, each fortnight. In addition, an Internet site was
launched, providing information on the constitution-writing process. Through the use
of ICT a Constitutional Talk Line was set up to enable people to make submissions

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over the telephone. Members of the public could make submissions in their own
languages, and approximately 2,5 million written submissions were made. Public
meetings were held with many organisations representing a number of diverse interest
groups.

After the 1994 general elections and during the negotiation process, South Africa
experienced a diverse compelling political system. There was first the politics of
transitional arrangements, which brought a lot of uncertainty, tension and mistrust
between different negotiating parties, and at that time there was ongoing violence in
the country. Many concessions had to be made which were based on the will to make
the political negotiations work. These involved some form of persuasion in politics,
as the need to win the public support became essential together with the international
community that played a vital role throughout the negotiation process. For all intents
and purposes, it was important to build a transitional facet into changing from a shun-
orientated apartheid status quo to the new political system, which was a good way of
ensuring democratic political consensus.

The intensity of the political reform process increased, particularly after the April
1994 elections and those of 1999. South Africa assumed a new political order when
the general election gave birth to a democratic, popular and legitimate government.

South Africa's new political system qualifies as a genuine democracy. It has now run
two largely peaceful national elections, in 1994 and 1999 respectively, judged to be
free and fair. It has the Constitution that encapsulates features like the National
Council of Provinces, a range of independent watchdog agencies and commissions,
like the Office of the Public Protector, Youth Commission, Gender Commission,
Human Rights Commission, the Equality Court, etc. guaranteeing a wide range of
classic political rights as well as an array of socio-economic rights, all guarded by a
relatively strong Constitutional Court. A constitution and elected representative
institutions do not necessarily complete the democratic picture. No mater how well
designed its political institutions and processes are, in order to sustain and consolidate
democracy there is a need for society to support the democratic sustenance practices.

The South African political system should be understood in the realm of a sovereign

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state that makes formal provision for the entitlement of every citizen to citizenship
and franchise. The legislative and executive organs of the State at all levels of
government are bound by the application of fundamental human rights, which apply
to all the laws in force and all the administrative decisions and acts. Every citizen has
the right of equality before the law and to protection of the law, and to human
dignity, freedom and security. The South African political system is characterised by
far-reaching administrative, social and political changes that have left virtually no
governmental structure unaffected

Conclusion

The 1994 elections in South Africa presented a new democracy that delivered not only
a universal right to vote but also formal equality before the law, channels for citizens’
participation in governance, and institutions strengthening democracy. The second
democratic elections in 1999 took place amidst large-scale societal transformation and
reform and presented the first major opportunity to determine the extent of the impact
of technology in a democratic South Africa.

South Africa made the transition from a minority-ruled country to an inclusive

majoritarian democracy in 1994. A special feature of this transition was that it was
pact-driven, i.e. negotiated between and among the major political stakeholders at the
time, namely the National Party government and the African National Congress. The
pact-driven phase commenced with FW De Klerk's "reform speech" of February
1990. From that point onward, apartheid legislation was systematically scrapped,
while the major political role-players engaged in multiparty negotiations on a new
constitutional order. This process was completed in 1993 when an interim constitution
was adopted that led to the introduction of democratic rule in 1994 under the political
leadership of the ANC, which had won the elections of April 1994. Then a final
constitution was negotiated, under which the ANC won by a landslide. The principle
of the constitution when interpreted makes provision for characteristics of liberal
democracy. (Breytenbach, 2000).

South Africa's two constitutions drafted during the nineties, that is the Interim
Constitution of 1993 and the final Constitution of the Republic, adopted in 1996, are

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fully-fledged "liberal democratic" constitutions as presented by Breytenbach (2000).

He also presents salient features, as follows:

• The supremacy of the constitution, making South Africa a typical "rechtstaat", with
an independent judiciary, Bill of Rights and Constitutional Court;

• Although the head of state is the President, South Africa does not have a typical
presidential system. Instead, South Africa has a parliamentary - really Westminster
system, where the Executive is formed only after elections and represents the
strongest party in parliament and is therefore accountable to parliament, as in the UK
parliamentary system;

• Unlike the UK/ British system, South Africa's electoral system is not based on
geographical constituencies as basis for representation in parliament. It is based
instead on the typical, continental, European system of Proportional Representation
(PR) based on party lists;

• Division (in the Constitution) of functional areas of concurrent and exclusive

competencies between national and provincial powers. The central level has stronger
exclusive powers than provinces; it also takes precedence over provincial powers in
the case of concurrent powers, making centralisation stronger than provincialisation.
This suggests that South Africa has a hybrid system ("regionalism") between
federalism and unitarism (very much like Canada);

• Elections at all three levels of government – national, provincial and local – every 5
years, and equal and full participation for all adult citizens in public institutions where
citizens normally participate in liberal democracies. So, institutionally, the system
provides for "contestation" and "participation" which is a typical "polyarchy" (in
Dahl's terms), otherwise known as "plural" system.

But is it "plural" (or "liberal") in all respects?

Polyarchy and pluralism and a liberal constitution, Breytenbach (2000), in South

Africa are the product of two major forces: a pact-driven negotiated settlement

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between the former NP government and the ANC. The negotiated settlement made for
a pact-driven process emphasising shared rule during the transition.
The word transition literally means the passage from one condition or stage of
development to another. Transitions are said to exist for a particular duration, usually
medium to long term. Transitions from authoritarian rule to democracy are usually
referred to as transformations. In transformation the passage from one condition or
stage of development should be interpreted as structural change affecting especially
the political, social and economic spheres of state and society, and resulting in a
fundamental change or the relations of power, which existed prior to the transition. In
this respect, transition resembles managed revolutions over time. (Roux, 2000).

Transitions may take on many forms, in some instances present in one and the same
country as in South Africa. South Africa faces the daunting challenge of having to
manage the passage from one condition to another on three levels: politics, society
and economics. South Africa is trying to get through its transition under very difficult
economic circumstances. The Nedcor/Mutual scenario-team (1990), after having
studied a variety of transitions, become convinced that South Africa’s transition is
probably more far-reaching than any other which has been attempted. It was stated by
the team that "poor social conditions, poor economic performance, and violence could
well disrupt the transition or create a situation in which a new government would find
it impossible to govern successfully" (Nedcor/Old Mutual, 1992:14), thereby creating
"political instability".

O’Donnel and Schmitter (1986:7) in Roux (2000) display three stages that form part
of South Africa’s transition:
Liberalisation, where the incumbent government cedes power to, and recognises
additional rights of, citizens.
Democratisation, where the loser of an election cedes power to the winner while at
the same time government acknowledges and respects the full rights and obligations
of citizenship.
Socialisation, where democracy is consolidated into a way of life which has broad
support among the populace .(Nedcor/Old Mutual Scenarios, 1992).

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The Nedcor/Old Mutual scenarios also described a successful transition as one where
a stable democracy becomes entrenched; where rising incomes earned are
experienced; where a reasonable distribution of incomes takes place; and stable social
fabric is in existence. Roger Southall (indicator SA, 16(1), 1998) refers to six factors,
as identified by Przeworski et al, which can be used to determine whether or not
democracy will survive, i.e. the existence of democracy itself; parliamentary, as
opposed to presidential democracy; the level of economic development; positive
economic performance; narrowing income inequality; and a favourable international
climate. (Roux, 2000).
It is within the context of South Africa’s level of economic development and positive
economic performance that technology could have an impact on democracy. It is
given that South Africa is in a more fortunate position as it has mostly relatively well-
developed infrastructure, good financial and banking institutions, a functioning
bureaucracy, efficient security forces and, importantly, a private sector and
entrepreneurial class which are both the envy of many entrenched first-world
democracies. These beneficial issues can only strengthen long-term development if
they are maintained and properly managed. In any democratisation process elections
are a mere event; they are an essential, but not sufficient, condition for the
consolidation of democracy, for "stability and development". Given the transition in
South Africa, this period of a democratic political system also provides an opportunity
to examine whether advances in technology can enhance democracy in South Africa
so as to validate the claim that political stability and development can consolidate
democracy.

Political stability and sustainability of a democratic political system cannot be taken

for granted. Robert Dahl, in Muthien, Khosa and Magubane (2000), points out that the
number of democracies increased from 21 in 1950 to 51 in 1996, and that 30 countries
achieved democratic status between 1993 and 1996. However, between 1900 and
1985, non-democratic regimes replaced democratic regimes 52 times.

Democracy in South Africa has delivered the franchise to the disenfranchised

majority. It also put in place the key pillars of democratic constitution, i.e. a
functioning multiparty parliamentary system; a strong sense of constitutionalism and
the rule of law; mechanisms of accountability; a professional civil service functioning

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on the basis of constitutional values; mechanisms for civil participation in

government; and an integrated and highly developed economic infrastructure. The
democratic political system meets the requirements as an indisputable democracy. It
has also run two national elections, which were judged to be free and fair. It has the
Constitution that encapsulates features like the National Council of Provinces, a range
of independent watchdog agencies and commissions, guaranteeing a wide range of
classic political rights as well as an array of socio-economic rights, all guarded by a
relatively strong Constitutional Court. A constitution and elected representative
institutions do not necessarily complete the democratic picture. Despite how well
designed its political institutions and processes are, in order to sustain and consolidate
democracy there is a need to determine the level of democratic sustenance (Idasa,
2000) by assessing the effectiveness of transformational public policies in a
democratic political system.

An important aspect of transformation in South Africa during the first term of office
of the democratic state was the democratisation of public policy-making, particularly
the science and technology policy. The new political environment introduced
processes and practices that differed radically from those that marked policy-making
during the apartheid era. In particular a more transparent public and answerable
policy-making process replaced the previously semi-secretive, technocratic,
authoritarian mode of policy-making.

The most significant example of this new political culture was demonstrated by the
number of inputs received during the discussions on the Science and Technology
Green Paper. Popular participation in the policy-making was made possible by
encouraging the citizenry to make submissions, resulting in many written
submissions.
This new policy-making approach created opportunities for a greater and more active
role of communities on issues of governance. It also proved the desire for
transformation of the relationship between technology and political democracy.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

SOUTH AFRICAN DEMOCRATIC POLITICS

OF TECHNOLOGY
Introduction

Technology and democracy are two interrelated variables in the South African
political system. The relationship between technology and democracy in South Africa
is an essential component of government’s strategy for growth and economic
development in creating a better life for all. The advent of democracy in South Africa
has seen initiatives taken by government to review and reform the country's
technology approach. In 1996 the government published South Africa’s Science and
Technology Policy, which envisages a future where all citizens will enjoy a
sustainable quality of life, participate in the economy and share a democratic culture.

The South African government’s technology approach highlights concerns about

improving the wellbeing of society. Such concerns inversely question the certainty of
whether technology can support democracy. In view of these concerns, the scope for
assessment, monitoring and evaluating the impact of technology has grown
enormously in response to the demand for democratisation and the increasing
challenges for the provision of goods and services in meeting the basic need.

Technology is one of the main drivers of economic growth and prosperity [in a
democratic political system]. (Pistorius, 1996). It is also widely recognised as being
one of the most important contributors to competitiveness, whether at international
level, national level, or organisational level. Numerous studies have been performed
to investigate the effect that technology has on [society's] productivity, and one can
safely say that there is general consensus that technology can, in principle, contribute
significantly to [national] productivity.

The purpose of this chapter is not, however, to expand or elaborate on technology

itself. It is to put the role of technology in perspective vis-a- vis the extent to which

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South Africa as a political system is playing a role in creating a conducive and

enabling environment for political decision-making in terms of the science and
technology policy in order to support an endeavour to enhance democratisation. In
other words, the role of technology is investigated to determine whether political
decisions on science and technology policy have any influence on democracy in South
Africa. In order to do so, however, it is necessary that the concept of technology and
democracy be considered in context and not interpreted narrowly. It will be shown
that technological advance is one of the central aspects that can enhance democracy in
a political system.

A general overview of technology approach

There is abundant literature available on technology policy. Since early in the 1980s
technology approach in developing countries centred around the concept of
"appropriate technology" where there was a need to move away from capital intensive
technologies towards more labour-intensive technologies which were more suited for
local environment. (Chang and Cheema, 1999). The debate around the concept went
through transformation and was more about why some countries were more successful
than others in absorbing imported technologies. There is a common understanding
that there is a need for a technological capability in order for countries to be
successful in choosing their approach to technology. It is also emphasised that there is
a need for investments in building technological capability, and that policy actions
have an important role to play in the process of supporting a particular policy
decision. (Fransman and King, 1984).

There is a more advanced understanding, especially as presented by Nelson and

Winter (1982), and also by Freeman (1982), which emphasises the importance of
institutional and policy factors in the evolutionary nature of technological process.
(Dosi et al (eds.), 1988) These developments in technological evolution culminated in
the introduction of the concept of "national systems of innovation", and emphasised
the importance of institutional factors, and the inter-relationship between the
constituent parts of the institutional complex, in the determination of technological
progress. (Lundvall, 1992, and Nelson (ed.), 1993).

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The concept of a national system of innovation is also embedded in the South African
science and technology policy which seeks to harness the diverse aspects of science
and technology through the various institutions where they are developed, practised
and utilised.

The above theoretical concept influenced, and was also influenced by, the literature
on technology policy, which produced a new breed of theoretically sophisticated and
empirically well-grounded literature that may demand a clearly focused policy
execution. (Lall & Teubal, 1998).

South Africa, having adopted this concept, may have difficulty in generating a
socially desirable degree of technological progress and the type of policies that may
be necessary to resolve this problem of having a clearly defined policy execution.
The reason for this problem can be related in two areas that have been relatively
ignored in the existing literature, namely the political and the institutional aspects of
technology policy design and implementation.

It would be wrong to suggest that those who have contributed to the debate on
technology policy in developing countries have completely neglected these two
aspects. However, it would not be too much of an exaggeration to say that most
literature has paid relatively little attention to the political aspect of technology policy
design and implementation. Likewise, it would be wrong to suggest that institutional
factors have been neglected in most literature, especially given the numerous writings
on national systems of innovation. However, it would be fair to say that far more
attention has been paid in the literature to the institutions related to knowledge
generation and diffusion (e.g. the educational system, linkages between firms and
research institutions), rather than to those directly related to policy design and
implementation (e.g. bureaucracy, industry association).

In determining the impact of technology on democracy, this study puts emphasis on

the analysis of the political and institutional aspects of technology policy design and
implementation in South Africa.

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South Africa's technology policy approach

The technological skills and the ability of a nation to improve are important to its
overall development and have led governments to adopt more comprehensive and
forthright policies with regard to technology. The purpose of a national (science and)
technology policy is defined by UNESCO (1990:9) as "…the development and
fruitful use of national scientific and technological resources in order to promote the
advancement of knowledge, encourage innovation, increase productivity and to attain
the objectives of the country’s economic, social and cultural development more
quickly and surely". Much emphasis is on the structure in terms of methods and
legislation. (Kaplan, 1995). In South Africa’s context technology policy has three
principal concerns, which are:

• to enhance capacities for invention and innovation;

• to ensure access to international technology; and
• to enhance the diffusion of new and appropriate technologies and
technological best practices.

The democratisation process in South Africa has seen the transformation of the
science and technology community. The transformation involved that the government
departments, in particular the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology
(DACTS), had to restructure and transform their structures and implement policies
and programmes. In January 1996 DACTS published a Green Paper on Science and
Technology. This was the result of consultation with stakeholders in the science and
technology community. A further process of consultation culminated in the
publication of the White Paper on Science and Technology in September 1996.

The above process took account of , among other things, the results of two studies of
the science and technology policies of five decentralised states, viz. Belgium, Canada,
Germany, India, and the USA, in which the HSRC (Prinsloo and Pienaar, 1993)
investigated the functioning and implementation of science and technology policy.
The study noted that:

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• In countries where the private sector involvement in science and technology

was less than that of the government, the country’s science and technology
system was generally inadequate. All five countries display systematic and
concerted efforts to encourage the private sector to invest more in science and
technology research so as to achieve a higher level of technological
advancement.
• The creation of a solid and effective education system to provide the required
number and quality of scientists and technologists is a sine qua non of science
and technology development.
• There is a trend to a greater centralisation of science and technology policy.
This trend is mainly the result of worldwide recession and thus economic
constraints, and brings with it the risk of the politicisation of science and
technology policy, generally regarded as undesirable.
• Financial constraints are compelling industrialised nations to actively increase
the pace of international scientific and technological collaboration.

The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) commissioned a study of
science and technology policies in sixteen countries (CSIR, 1991). The sample
included the USA and Canada, countries in Eastern and Western Europe, the former
USSR, some Pacific Rim countries, and Botswana and Kenya. In the process a
number of policy instruments were identified that directly affected science and
technology. These instruments all have a direct influence on science and technology
policies and ultimately on economic prosperity and development in general. From a
national economic development perspective, the study also highlighted the
fundamental importance of the following aspects:

• Distinction between technology and science, and the fact that competence in
the former may not be dependent on, or even related to, competence in the
latter. Indeed it is possible in the short term for a country to be competent in
utilising and adapting technology development elsewhere without itself having
a strong science base.
• The strategic capacity to manage technology effectively at the level of overall
economy as well as that of the individual (and sometimes at sectoral and

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regional levels). The most successful economies are those that use technology
best across a broad spread of industries – as exemplified by Japan and the
former West Germany.
• An efficiently functioning national innovation system properly connected with
outside systems, and in which the science, technology, market and finance
"pole" interact readily with one another. (The market refers not just to regular
commercial markets, but also to all applications opportunities in sectors such
as health, education, environment, and national security where commercial
markets may not exist.)
• The role of government in exercising overall leadership, in creating a macro-
economic and regulatory framework conducive to technological innovation,
and in affecting, within the overall pattern of resource allocation, the
appropriate volume and quality of investment in education and training in
physical infrastructure. In some cases government can become the driving
force for innovation in a particular industry at a particular time.
• The role of the private sector in identifying and responding to applications
opportunities and, especially in the case of large companies, in participating in
the policy process. The private sector is usually, but by no means always, the
principal engine of the technological innovation process.
• A rapport between government and the private sector, which allows each to
play its role appropriate to evolving circumstance of the industry in question.

Developments towards formulating the South African science and technology policy
began by re-examining its science and technology policy with the publication of a
report in 1992 entitled “Towards a science and technology policy for a democratic
South Africa”, which was sponsored by the International Development Research
Centre (IDRC), Canada. Its findings were that:

• There was a crisis in the educational system at all levels and this crisis was at
its worse when it affected the teaching of mathematics, science and
engineering.
• South Africa should see itself as a participant in joint ventures in S & T on the
continent of Africa, but not as an automatic leader.

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• In various individual institutions in South Africa R&D funds tended to be

allocated for inappropriate activities.
• There was vacuum in leadership on issues dealing with science and technology
at ministerial level.

The government’s policy approach was intended to meet the challenges of stimulating
development and overcoming the biases and entrenched ideas prevalent about the
nature of science and technology, while on the other hand it was also the
government’s role to promote and develop the science and technology sectors. The
process of implementing government’s policy approach included numerous
programmes, inter alia:

• The formation of the National S&T Forum (NSTF) composed of members

from all sectors, including business, acting as an advisory to the Minister of
Arts, Culture, Science and Technology.
• Appointment of the National Science and Technology Council from
government and private sector.
• The commissioning of the National Research and Technology Audit for South
Africa in late 1995, as a national stocktaking exercise of all science and
technology skills and capabilities resident in South Africa, taking January
1996 as the base date.
• In 1996 the government established the Academy of Science of South Africa,
its purpose being to ensure that leading scientists, acting in concert and across
all disciplines, can promote the advancement of science and technology and
provide effective advice, and can facilitate appropriate action in relation to the
collective needs, threats, opportunities, and challenges of all South Africans.
(Document circulated by the Facilitating Committee, 28 Nov. 1992).
• A National Research and Technology Foresight programme was completed in
2000.
• Establishment of the National Advisory Council on Innovation (NACI), whose
role will be to support the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology.
• The review of the science councils and related institutions (SETI) in South
Africa was completed.

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• The tabling of the White Paper on Science and Technology, preparing for the
21st century (SA Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology,
1996).

The White Paper on Science and Technology saw the promotion of the effective
distribution of available knowledge as a critical function of a national system of
innovation; a well-functioning process of technology diffusion which could boost
progress in South Africa through appropriate combinations of domestic and imported
technologies. But it was expected that this in turn would be highly dependent on the
ability of South African firms to absorb such technologies (DACTS, 2000-2001).

The White Paper on Science and Technology

As discussed earlier in this chapter, the White Paper on Science and Technology
presents a salient feature, which is its most important aspect. It deals with the concept
of “National System of Innovation (NSI)”, which is concerned with ensuring a
sufficient supply of new knowledge and new technologies, as well as supporting and
promoting the attainment of national objectives. (DACTS, 1996). The concept of a
national system of innovation is an important basis for policy formulation. The use of
this concept as a framework for policy was influenced by the 1994 Report of the
Auditor General of Canada, which highlights South Africa’s courage which she would
like to see spread through the science and technology policy. (DACTS, 1996). The
government introduced a new view of the role and status of the sciences, engineering
and technology in the context of socio-economic development. Many countries have
accepted that technological change is the primary source of economic growth, which
means that economic and science and technology policies have to recognise that
innovation and technology diffusion are central concerns as they are the agents
driving that technological change.

The national system of innovation is described as a set of functioning institutions,

organisations and policies that interact constructively in the pursuit of a common set
of social and economic goals and objectives.

There are three key interests that the government described in the White Paper:

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• to ensure that South Africa has in place a set of institutions, organisations and
policies which give effect to the various functions of a national system of
innovation;
• to ensure that there is a constructive set of interactions among those
institutions, organisations and policies; and
• to ensure that there is a set of goals and objectives which are consonant with
an articulated vision of the future which is being sought.

The White Paper is the result of five basic requirements that are in line with a vision
for innovation in South Africa intended to achieve excellence in serving the national
objectives. These basic requirements are priority areas that a sound science and
technology policy needed to cover:

• Promoting competitiveness and creating employment.

• Enhancing the quality of life.
• Developing human resources.
• Working towards environmental sustainability.
• Promoting an information society.

There are also crucially important dimensions of science and technology that inform
South Africa’s strategies:

• The importance of knowledge generation.

• The role of the human sciences in innovation.
• Finance, management and performance.
• Promoting competitiveness and creation of employment.

Promoting competitiveness and creating employment

These are the most important requirements that recognise that, in the face of the

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growing globalisation of the world economy, technological innovation and support for
South African enterprises need to be encouraged; that business is the driving force
behind the economy, and that government must provide the leadership, incentives and
support that the business sector needs to meet the new challenges posed by highly
competitive markets. This will involve developing a shared vision of South African
innovation, and its support structure for creating and sustaining micro-enterprises and
small businesses will require a strong technology component. Public investment in
R&D needs to be redistributed away from the support of activities within the
government's own facilities and towards more comprehensive support of R&D
executed in the private sector.

This long-term need must be seen in the light of the government's current
responsibilities, namely to take a lead in pre-competitive research, until a culture
develops in the private sector where such research is seen as a business imperative
where entry barriers relating to equipment and human resources are high in areas
where the activity is considered to be a service which the government has a duty to
provide, and in areas of public good in which, to achieve the greatest benefit, the
research results and technology transfer need to be placed in the public sector.

A prime objective of the NSI is to enhance the rate and quality of technology transfer
and diffusion from the science, engineering and technology (SET) sector by the
provision of quality human resources, effective hard technology transfer mechanisms
and the creation of more effective and efficient users of technology in the business
and governmental sectors.

The development of entrepreneurship needs to be fostered throughout South African

society, particularly among those historically excluded from the formal economic
sector, and this entrepreneurship needs to be linked to the promotion of innovation.
Government, via the Growth and Development Strategy and the Macroeconomic
Strategy, is seeking to achieve an annual economic growth rate of 6%. In a country
which is currently under-investing in science and technology and innovation, this
target will require a greater than 6% per annum growth rate in the national investment
in these activities. In particular, those sectors destined for export growth will not
achieve their targets if this investment does not occur (DACTS, 2000-2001).

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Enhancing quality of life

The means must be established to ensure that the governmental research portfolio
gives due attention to those areas of R&D with the capacity to affect quality of life,
and specifically in domains where market failure is high, such as environmental
sustainability, provision of health care, meeting basic needs at community level,
reducing the total cost of infrastructure provision and providing safety and security to
all who live and work in South Africa.

It is imperative for the government to ensure that an appropriate portion of the money
it spends on science is utilised in these areas. Urban and rural communities need to be
assisted and encouraged to adopt social and technological innovations to assist them
in decision-making and to enhance their ability to make informed choices.

Developing human resources

In line with a dynamic vision for innovation-assisted economic growth, greater

equalisation of income and economic opportunities need to be facilitated and the
legacy of apartheid-based disempowerment of individuals and institutions needs to be
addressed within a national system of innovation.
The lifelong processes of scientific and technical education, training and learning
among the workforce and among South Africans in general need to be promoted as an
essential response to the forces created by the dynamic changes of the global
economy. This is a necessary response to enable those made redundant in one
circumstance by these changes to continue making an active and creative contribution
to the economy, their own wellbeing and that of society.
New approaches to education and training need to be developed that will equip
researchers to work more effectively in an innovative society. This will require new
curricula and training programmes that are comprehensive, holistic and flexible,
rather than narrowly discipline-based. Education and training in an innovative society
should not trap people within constraining specialities, but enable them to participate
and adopt a problem-solving approach to social and economic issues within and
across discipline boundaries.

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Working towards environmental sustainability

South Africa's economic growth must be reconciled with considerations of

environmental impact, resource constraints and conservation, and must further be
determined by human needs and safety. Sound regulatory mechanisms are necessary
to ensure that the positive aspects of technology introduction, transfer and diffusion
are maximised and the negative aspects minimised.
Environmental research, monitoring and control require ongoing support and
encouragement, as do the development and improved availability of environmental
technologies. Economic and environmental efficiencies are interrelated, thus
innovative practice needs to include environmental management. It is important that
South African enterprises are able to adopt and implement best-practice technologies
for environmental management and waste minimisation.
A national strategy is required to implement the terms of agreement on environmental
sustainability adopted at the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1994 (Agenda 21), and specifically to develop an
understanding of the problems of climatic change, desertification and loss of
biodiversity.

Promoting an information society

Development of the South African vision of the information society is necessary and
should seek to ensure that the advantages offered by the information revolution reach
down to every level of society and achieve as best a balance between individuals and
social groups, communities and societies as is practically possible. The vision would
seek to ensure that there is the creation of an equitable information order nationally,
regionally and internationally. It should take into account the potential of
communities at various levels to cooperate, to bridge differences, to work for mutual
upliftment and meeting basic needs, and to redress the social imbalances of
underdevelopment. The development of such a perspective would aim to ensure that
the information revolution benefits society as a whole.
The potential of information technology (IT) needs to be captured to serve people
issues such as supporting education, providing household services and enabling social

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development. As a developing country, South Africa needs to determine what should

be done to prevent it from being marginalised by the accelerating rate of innovation in
information technology. How can she participate globally without merely throwing
open her markets to foreign products, thus increasing her dependency on the
developed world? How can she empower herself with a capacity for technology
innovation?

The importance of knowledge generation

The wellbeing of scientific activity in South Africa is intimately linked to material

factors. There is a clear trend worldwide for curiosity-driven research to increase as a
function of national per capita income. There is also a danger of adopting too
economistic a viewpoint. Currently though, there is a need to recognise the
importance of the knowledge-generating function of research, particularly in the
higher education sector. Human curiosity and the ability to recognise unexpected
discovery account for much of scientific progress. Basic enquiry, as opposed to a
formula-driven approach, is absolutely essential, particularly at the universities and
technikons. It is important that fundamental research activity not to be regarded as
impractical, because it is the preserver of standards without which, in the long term,
the applied sciences will also die. Scientific endeavour is not purely utilitarian in its
objectives and has important associated cultural and social values.

The role of the human sciences in innovation

The importance of the human sciences in South African society needs to be

documented. The four important roles in the context of innovation that need to be
highlighted are human resources in understanding the social processes and problems
as a source of social innovation, in facilitating appropriate technological change
within society and within the economy, in providing the basis of policy analysis, and
as a source of new knowledge and informed critique of the transformation of South
African society and its economy.

Finance, management and performance

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The limitations imposed on research, technology development and technology transfer

by the fiscal problems of the day need to be addressed. This will require a co-
ordinated approach, which recognises in general the less wasteful nature of a simpler
fiscal policy, while appreciating the absolute necessity of encouraging innovation in
the private sector.
There is also a need to identify a framework to promote linkages between universities,
science, engineering and technology institutions (SETIs) and the private sector, with a
view to sharing risks, resources and insights with respect to pre-competitive research.
There is also a need to meet the internal challenges of governing a healthy science and
technology system. This includes managing the problems of big science, fundamental
research and service-oriented science and their relationship with technology
development, infrastructure, the provision of basic needs and human resource
development. It also includes the comprehensive measurement of the inputs and
outputs of science and technology research and development, and its impact on the
goals of national policy objectives, both in science and technology and in other fields.

International cooperation, interaction and institutional

arrangements

Since 1993 South Africa has on a regular basis entered into bilateral agreements with
foreign countries in the fields of science and technology, as well as agreements that
include cooperation in science and technology. A policy framework to guide South
Africa’s participation and cooperation was to formalise and promote bilateral co-
operation so as to derive maximum benefit from such interaction. The policy
framework proceeds from the basic view that science and technology cooperation is
crucial in the age of globalisation and that its impact on South Africa’s democracy
would be positive for the development of science and technology human resources,
socio-economic development and the optimisation of financial and other resources for
research and development.

By the end of 1993 bilateral scientific and technological agreements had been
concluded with most countries in the world. Science and technology cooperation with
these countries are being pursued in a wide range of fields that include material
science, manufacturing technology, biotechnology, information technology and

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systems, sustainable management of the environment, exploitation of natural

resources and minerals, medical research, and public health, engineering science and
advancement of technologies, water supply projects, agriculture, mathematics and
science education, amongst others.

International cooperation, in science and technology, is enhanced by the funding of

lead programmes that reflect national priorities. South Africa identified five priority
fields:
Biotechnology – food production, agriculture, health;
Development of new materials and manufacturing;
Information technology and systems and the information society;
The sustainable management of environmental issues and of natural resources; and
Mapping and exploitation of natural resources and minerals.

The first, multilateral, meeting of the European Commission-South African Joint

Science and Technology Cooperation Committee was held in Brussels on 3 June
1998. Co-operative ventures were highlighted and included the participation of South
African scientists in projects under the Fifth Framework Programme, and the
involvement of European researchers in South African science and technology
programmes. Multilateral and multinational cooperation was promoted as well, inter
alia with UNESCO in the areas pertaining to regional policy development and co-
operation in science and technology within the context of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC). Science and technology cooperation was also
under discussion at the Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) held in
Durban from 29 to 3 September 1998. South Africa has been afforded observer status
in the Committee for Scientific and Technological Policy of the Organisation for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Observer status gives South
Africa access to a considerable pool of expertise in S&T policy development,
implementation and evaluation.

Institutional arrangements: In support of the NSI the following institutional initiatives

were undertaken by government: the National Advisory Council on Innovation Act no
55 of 1997 (NACI Act), in terms of which the Council would advise the Minister on
issues of science and technology policy. The members of the Council comprise

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individuals from industry, academia and science councils. The human resources
capacity has clearly been identified as one of the key constraints in South Africa’s
goal of establishing a truly democratic country based on equity and human rights
(DACTS, 2001-2002).

The National Research Foundation (NRF) was established, which will promote
research through funding, human resource development and the provision of the
necessary research facilities in order to facilitate the creation of knowledge,
innovation and development in all fields of science and technology, including
indigenous knowledge, and thereby to contribute to the improvement of the quality of
life of all the people of South Africa. It was created by bringing together institutions
and programmes that dealt with scientific human resource development along
interdisciplinary structures. It is believed that the most important innovations occur at
the confluence of and interface between disciplines.

With regard to the funding of the science councils, over the past years the government
has been able to redirect and redistribute approximately 49% of the Parliamentary
research grant funding to science councils, approximately 10% of which has been re-
directed to the broader science and technology community. The framework within
which science councils secure funding, both from the state and private sources, is set
out in terms of a three-stream funding approach in the White Paper on Science and
Technology, September 1996. This approach was later incorporated into the
Financing and Reporting System (FRS) for science councils and was adopted by
Cabinet in April 1998. In addition, the Ministers Committee on Science and
Technology, chaired by the Deputy President, accepted the phasing in of the proposed
approach of the White Paper. In terms of this, councils receive support for core
responsibilities and have to compete for support of programmes that could be
undertaken by other research bodies with the same competency. (White Paper 1996.)

In terms of the funding framework, the science councils can access parliamentary
grant funding for their mandated core activities. The framework requires that the core
activities for funding be identified and subjected to a medium term, cyclical review by
the peer-research and technology development and user/stakeholder communities,
while at the same time the institution is subjected to a management efficiency

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assessment.

Competitive funding

The White Paper on Science and Technology states: "A national system of innovation
benefits from knowledge practitioners being located in multiple knowledge generating
sites and institutions such as higher education institutions, government and civil
society research organisations, private sector think tanks and laboratories." (White
Paper 1996.) A major initiative introduced through the White Paper is the
establishment of the Innovation Fund. It promotes large-scale projects, involving
participation from throughout the National System of Innovation, and focuses
attention on the major themes of competitiveness, quality of life and environmental
sustainability.

The third stream of funding from the public takes the form of "contract income".
Government departments from time to time put out to tender projects that are essential
for the fulfilment of their organisational objectives but for which they do not require
long-term capacity. The nature of the contracts is typically short term with a highly
specific performance contract, and the performance capability is not confined to the
science council community. Science councils therefore have to compete for this
source of funding and are expected to adopt a “full-cost-recovery” approach when
tendering.

The White Paper emphasises the need for policy instruments to give effect to the
concept of innovation. The Innovation Fund offers a new lead in encouraging and
enabling longer-term solutions to problems that are serious enough to impede socio-
economic development or that affect our ability to compete in products and services.

The principle objectives of the Innovation Fund are to permit a reallocation of

resources from the historical patterns of government science towards the key issues of
competitiveness, quality of life, environmental sustainability and the harnessing of
information technology, to increase the extent to which funds for the activities of
government science, engineering and technology institutions are obtained via
competitiveness processes, and to promote increased networking and cross-sectoral

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collaboration within South Africa’s national system of innovation.

An annual call is made for proposals to be submitted for support from the Fund. The
proposals must involve projects that generate products/processes for
commercialisation or new methodologies for development programmes orientated
towards service delivery (DACTS, 2000-2001).

The Innovation Fund was first piloted in the area of Crime Prevention in 1997/98 after
it was officially launched with a limited amount of R30-million in 1998/99 in support
of the three focal areas of crime prevention, promotion of an information society and
value-adding for products and processes. An amount of R10-million was used for the
pilot programme. The end results of some of those projects were very useful. For
example, in KwaZulu-Natal the police utilised entomology techniques to provide an
accurate time of death of a badly decomposing corpse that was found in a sugar-cane
field. The accurate time of the crime was vital to the police in solving the case.

In the second term the Innovation Fund has been increased to an amount of R75-
million. The thrust areas for round two are the promotion of an information society,
biotechnology; and advanced technology for materials and manufacturing(DACTS,
2000-2001).

The South African technology approach also ensured that, in addition to making
funding resources available, the government also makes provision for institutional
support, which will enhance democracy. Such enhancement should be through the
involvement of these institutions that have been created by government, which are
also intended to enhance South Africa’s democratic aspirations.

Enhancing democracy through technological involvement

Technology diffusion programme: The South African Government expressed a strong

commitment towards strengthening the capacity and capability of the small, medium
and micro enterprises (SMME) sector to contribute to higher economic growth rates.
Access to technology and an innovative mindset are crucial for small and medium

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enterprises to become more competitive and to shape out niche areas. One of the
concerns expressed in the White Paper was the poor capacity of small, medium and
micro enterprises in technology assimilation. Efforts to promote a culture of research
and development through other programmes such as the Innovation Fund will be
bolstered if the market has the technically absorptive capacity for application of
research results.

Technology stations programme (TSP): The government has established a TSP

involving a shared-use cooperative arrangement with technikons, in terms of which
the technikon’s facilities are used for the diffusion of technology through
demonstration and other stimulation techniques. For management of the programme, a
Technology Advisor works with the technikon, with shared-use aspects as regards the
equipment and arrangements for students to acquire hands-on experience in the
selected SMME sector. The following technikons were selected in SMME sector
specific areas: The Technikon Free State for metal works/value-adding;
Mangosuthu/North West for chemicals, and Technikon Pretoria for electronics.

The German experience in technology transfer programmes was drawn on to refine

the TSP concept and operational framework. It is anticipated that the German
Economic Co-operative Development Programme will be making technical assistance
available during the life of the pilot TSPs.

Innovation centre, technology demonstration centre & technology incubator: As part

of its wider strategy of technology diffusion, government has secured support from
the European Union (EU) for testing the feasibility, sustainability and replicability of
SMME-targeted technology transfer models such as Innovation Centres, Technology
Demonstration Centres and Incubators. The Innovation Centre will be established
with the focus on optimising and commercialising newly developed technologies.

The Technology Demonstration Centre will be established in a particular

manufacturing area. It will accommodate the dual purpose of training students in the
practical applications of courses for which they are registered and providing SMMEs
with levied access to equipment in cases where they intend moving into new markets
and need to do market testing first.

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The Technology Incubator will provide a protected environment for an industry-

focused cluster of new technology-based start-up entrepreneurs and enterprises.
Tenant enterprises will be nurtured for a definite period by way of easier access to
technical assistance and training and support services such as assistance with market
development. In addition, communal facilities will mean lower overheads, which in
turn will improve cash flow in these enterprises.

CAD/CAM/CAE facility: An initiative in this area involves providing seeding support

to a pilot computer-aided design/computer-aided manufacturing/computer-aided
engineering (CAD/CAM/CAE) facility established by the “Make-it South Africa”
initiative. This will enable the development of technical expertise, infrastructure and
capacity for rapid prototyping. As a follow-up of the workshop, a market survey was
conducted amongst a number of companies within the South African automotive
industry in response to a question as to what the companies perceived in 1997.
Companies in the automotive industry identified the CAD/CAM as their most urgent
technology requirement.
The CAD/CAM/CAE facility will provide a range of services, aimed at addressing the
needs of the South African manufacturing and design industry. In particular, through
the establishment of a number of regional resource centres, the initiative will focus on
assisting the industry to develop world-class computerised product design,
engineering and manufacturing expertise. A “hub” operation is located at the CSIR
Manufacturing Excellence Centre. Regional outreach centres are located at:
Technikon Witwatersrand; Eastern Cape Technikon or Port Elizabeth Technikon; and
Mangosuthu Technikon.

Establishment of a satellite laser ranging (SLR) system: The National Aeronautics and
Space Administration (NASA) in the United States offered to provide an SLR system
to South Africa, including initial training support and ongoing maintenance. South
Africa will have to provide and fund the personnel to operate the SLR station
(approximately R1-million per annum). It was decided to accept the offer of NASA
and the SLR system will be established at the Hartebeesthoek Radio Astronomical
Observatory National. An SLR is used, inter alia, for mapping changes in global
ocean levels. Such data are vital in following the potential effects of global climatic

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change and for long-term weather predictions (e.g. with regard to El Niño events).

Southern African large telescope (SALT): To fully exploit our advantage of being in
the Southern hemisphere, the building of a new large telescope was commenced at
Sutherland. Owing to substantial developments in the field of astronomy, South
Africa’s capacity, previously on the forefront, is lagging behind. The government
committed R50-million over 5 years to the establishment of a 10-m class Hobby-
Eberly telescope. A further R50-million will be raised internationally. Both South
Africans and international researchers from the Northern Hemisphere will utilise the
facility.

Pro-active approach to international S&T cooperation: With a view to effectively

targeting specific countries or regions for possible S&T cooperation, a survey was
initiated in 1998 to establish the potential for such cooperation. An understanding of
the S&T strengths and weaknesses of these countries or regions will be of assistance
in making strategic decisions on new areas of cooperation or redirecting areas of
cooperation.

Automotive manufacturing initiative: In 1997 a workshop on the automotive

engineering sector was held with South Africa and international partners, industry,
institutions from research, technology transfer and automotive manufacturing
companies from Germany.

Public understanding of science, engineering and technology (PUSET): The public

understanding of science, engineering and technology (PUSET) is identified in the
White Paper on Science and Technology as a fundamental requirement and a key
thrust for establishing a successful National System of Innovation in South Africa.
To kick-start the programme for public understanding of science, engineering and
technology, the government declared 1998 the Year of Science and Technology. This
involved running a major national awareness campaign involving all stakeholders in
order to generate the nation's interest in science, engineering and technology.

The Year of Science and Technology: This project was an initiative of the
Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Science and Technology, Language, Arts and

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Culture. The year was launched on 5 February 1998 and on this day the then Deputy
President, Mr Thabo Mbeki, accepted patronage of the project. A focus week of
activities in a particular month was dedicated to each of the nine provinces, during
which close to 200 000 learners, teachers, families and individuals were reached.
These activities were kick-started in the Western Cape and concluded in Gauteng.
Various stakeholders, science councils, the Science Councils Communication Forum
and embassies formed partnerships and assisted the Department of Science and
Technology to realise the Vision of the Year, which was to create a special period
during which much of the attention of the nation and the media focused on science
and technology.

The Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, in addition to provincial

activities funded four major initiatives to celebrate the Year of Science and
Technology. These ranged from television and radio programmes to the conference
on Women in Science and Technology, the second national conference on PUSET and
the science journalism awards. Details of the above initiatives were captured in TV
and radio programmes. A major publicity and promotional campaign was also
undertaken through radio programmes on science and technology in partnership with
the SABC. The main focus was on community radio stations, while others were also
taken on board. The aim of these programmes was to reach the wider community,
especially women, rural communities and people previously excluded from science,
engineering and technology activities.

South Africa's involvement in technology saw her taking initiatives towards the
Conference on Women in Science and Technology in September 1998. The purpose
of the conference was to create an enabling environment for women in the science and
technology fields, to contribute to the promotion and improvement in terms of access,
communication, knowledge transfer, training and quality of life, and to raise
awareness and public understanding of gender issues with regard to science,
engineering and technology. Commissions on Agriculture, Business, Education,
Energy, and Health also focused on issues of access, training, knowledge transfer and
quality of life. The outcomes of the conference informed the Department to develop a
policy framework on gender issues in science, engineering and technology
programmes and opportunities that raise awareness and promote the role of women,

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and to develop a framework and guidelines for implementation. The main

recommendations arising from the Conference focused on policy, strategy and
programme development.

The South African Science Journalism Awards 1998 were another area of
involvement. These awards are in recognition of the pivotal role of the mass media in
promoting public awareness, understanding and appreciation of science, engineering
and technology, and are presented to those journalists who have made outstanding
contributions to this field. Awards in seven categories were presented to journalists on
12 March 1999 for excellence in science, engineering and technology reporting during
1998. This initiative is in keeping with the vision of the Year of Science and
Technology to engage the media in science and technology activities.

The Foundation for Education, Science and Technology (FEST) is an organisation

created to render a vital service to scientific societies by publishing research results in
sixteen widely distributed journals. It contributes in many ways to the goals of
PUSET. It does so by popularising science and technology, especially in
disadvantaged communities, and providing enriching educational material in support
of science education. FEST initiated a process of establishing a comprehensive
national science centre at the existing Museum of Science and Technology, where
enhancing courses are offered for science teachers in the classroom and laboratory
practice.

Conclusion

It is evident that the South African technology approach departs from the premise that
knowledge and development of capacity in science, engineering and technology are
central to promoting social, environmental and economic well-being in a democratic
political system. The vision, the role and contribution of science and technology in
achieving South Africa’s national democratic objectives remain priorities. (DACTS,
1996.) An analysis of the White Paper has highlighted sensible standards for
government and society to consider when investing in technology to meet basic needs,
develop human resources, build the economy and democratise the state and society.
The broad technology policy approach as outlined, presents a clearly defined vision

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for a democratic South Africa. Given the imperatives of the White Paper and in order
to achieve any objective in the approach, it is imperative that South Africa should
ensure that democratic values are prevalent and that citizens have access to
technology with a view to the provision, availability and accessibility of basic services
such as health, education, water, housing, etc. Through technology the availability and
accessibility of these basic services will give South Africa a basic ground to
consolidate its democracy.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction

This chapter deliberates on the framework of technology in a democratic society. The

study drew closely on relevant literature review with emphasis on and relevance to the
South African democratic political system, as well as on the experience of other
countries, with specific lessons to be learned.

In the final analysis, it is necessary to return to the initial research problem and
research objectives as formulated. The aim of the study was to evaluate the
plausibility, viability and feasibility of technology as an approach to enhance
democracy. This aim underpinned three research objectives, namely (1) to review the
technology policy as an approach to a democratic political system by contextualising
it within the framework of other approaches to democratic politics of technology, (2)
tracing the theoretical origins of the democratic itself, and (3) outlining it as a
phenomenon in world politics. Secondly, it aimed to examine the claim that
technology enhances democracy in a political system. Thirdly, it endeavoured to
assess claims, by authors of technology and democracy texts, that there are causal
relations between technology and democracy and between democracy and political
stability, applying deductive logic to reach a conclusion about the correlation between
technology and democracy. Fourthly, the study aimed to recommend ways in which
technology should be employed to harness the political stability and direct it towards
concretising democracy in South Africa. The latter objective is normative in nature
inasmuch as it goes beyond an examination of what is likely to occur in the
technological advancements in order to prescribe concrete steps that would enhance
the probability of sustainable democracy.

The study adopted the working definition of technology as the systematic application
of knowledge to resources to produce goods or services. (Stilwell, 1994).
 University of Pretoria etd, Mokgobu E P (2005)

Since the first democratic elections in 1994, South Africa has simultaneously been
faced with a number of challenges and opportunities. South Africa undertook the
transformation of a divided society and opened the economy to global competition.
The rapidly unfolding global agenda has provided opportunities for direct foreign
investment and technology transfer; it has at the same time introduced challenges
coupled with open markets and trade barriers. Advanced microelectronics-based
information and communication technologies (ICTs) are at the centre of current social
and economic transformation in South Africa. The costs of the ICTs are continuing to
fall. As their capabilities increase, they are being applied throughout all sectors of the
economy and society. The increasing spread of ICT opens up new opportunities for
South Africa to harness these technologies and services to serve their development
goals. In addition to its current transformation, South Africa also has to face a
transition from an industrial society to one that is knowledge-based.

During the industrial revolution, technological developments and industries emerged.

The main elements of these technology developments included energy, chemicals,
manufacturing and communications. The impact of these technologies in shaping the
South African socio-economy is such that doubts have been articulated with regard to
the notion of “digital divide”, that is the comparison between the “wired” and “non-
wired” communities and the comparison between the poor who may not afford
technology at all and the affluent communities. It is possible that an echelon of highly
mobile knowledge workers who share a global work ethic and perhaps even “global”
values will overlay large numbers of marginalised working class. However,
technology does not stand still and many rural communities may be able to seize the
opportunities that these technologies present and be able to “leapfrog” into the future.

As far as technology is concerned, any definitive claim whether it is utopian or a

Luddite when it comes to democracy, can only succumb to technological
determinism. Based on the evaluation of the relationship between technology and
democracy, though, there is reason to believe that advances in technology provide
favourable opportunities for democracy. There are two sides to this argument.
Firstly, social movements and groups devoted to progressive issues and social change
use technology to improve democracy. Technology does not only divide the haves
 University of Pretoria etd, Mokgobu E P (2005)

and the have-nots, but also is important to facilitate democratic transitions by creating
a more open political culture. Furthermore, technology is increasingly in use to
overcome the crisis in socio-economic development in South Africa, primarily as a
result of a lack of infrastructure. Creating public spheres where citizens can deliberate
on public issues and communicate with their political representatives and make inputs
directly to parliament does this. The phenomenon of public spheres is replicated at a
national level where the civil society engages in deliberation and acts to influence the
outcome of national issues.
The other side of the argument is that new advances in technology can be
distinguished from the media that preceded it as it is relatively cheap, easy to use,
difficult to control and interactive. For example, the Internet user can be both a
sender and receiver of information; the information era provides unprecedented
opportunities for participatory media forms and democratic uses of IT. The threats
posed by state and corporate control and use of IT are duly noted as challenges to
democracy in the information era. However, there have been substantial societal
movements to expose and counter this. The Internet also provides unique ways to
inform and mobilise civil society, which should be of some consolation for political
economists concerned about the expansion of global capitalism in the information era.
Another challenge to democracy in the information era is the extent to which the
digital divide in and between countries can be closed. This is one of the key concerns
for striking a balance between state, market and societal control of IT, where the state
and society emphasise equality of access, while the market emphasises efficient
development of technology and production.
The way in which IT impacts on democracy has a direct and important bearing on the
research problem of the study, inasmuch as the second postulate of the propositional
logical deductive model states that the information revolution is likely to enhance
democracy. Establishing the probability that IT will provide favourable opportunities
for democratisation, the quality of democracy and the globalisation of democracy, is
thus an essential step in inferring that the democratic peace is more likely to exist in
the information era. But, the research problem also probes a normative objective,
namely to propose ways in which IT should be employed to enhance world peace. In
this respect the challenges for democracy in the information era as identified here,
should be key concerns if the democratic peace is to be a plausible, viable and feasible
approach to world peace in the information era.
 University of Pretoria etd, Mokgobu E P (2005)

Technology is ubiquitous within South Africa’s democratic political system. It has

both benefits and disadvantages, and this poses a difficult choice for society and
government in policy approach. The social dichotomy of this nature raises the need
for further inquiry as to the reasoning and application to technology as the systematic
application of knowledge to resources in addressing democratic imperatives.

The review of the literature demonstrated that technology could influence a

democratic political system. It is evident that technology can shape challenges in the
political, social, military and economic environment of the political system. The
review of the literature further made it clear that technology as a systematic
application of knowledge to resources can provide a good tool for sustaining
democracy in South Africa.

It addressed the important question of whether technologies are substantively

democratic, and whether technology policy decisions are compatible with
perpetuating a democratic political system. The review investigated and appraised
democratic theories and analysed approaches and challenges of technology in
democratic politics, which could be applied in South Africa. Specifically the focus
examined the character and crisis in technology and considered what theoretical and
practical resources were available for democratisation in South Africa.

In essence, if democracy is impacted by technology by way of a systematic

application of knowledge to resources to produce goods and services, it will enhance
stability and equality. Therefore, it can shape challenges in the environment of a
democratic political system by maintaining stability and order. It will also deliver
material prosperity, and foster democratic rule.
It is evident that the South African technology approach departs from the premise that
knowledge and development of capacity in technology are central to promoting social,
environmental and economic well-being in a democratic political system. The vision,
the role and contribution of science and technology in achieving SA’s national
democratic objectives remain priorities. (DACTS, 1996). The White Paper
highlighted some practical values for government and society to consider when they
invest in technology to meet basic needs, develop human resources, build the
economy and democratise the state and society. The broad technology policy
 University of Pretoria etd, Mokgobu E P (2005)

approach, as outlined, presents a new vision for the twenty-first century. Given the
imperatives of the White Paper and in order to achieve any objective in the approach,
it is imperative that South Africa should ensure that democratic values are prevalent
and that citizens have ac