GLR Selected Works
GLR Selected Works
Selected Works
6. Battle Song...................................................................................36
AN HONEST ECONOMY
We must put an end to both economic freeloading and economic exploitation in America. There must
be no place for parasites who draw their sustenance from society without giving anything in return.
Those who thrive on usury, speculation, money-manipulation, and monopoly form a special class today
whose primary interest is the maintenance of the system which allows their form of parasitism to
flourish in the first place. We must have an economy based on the long-term interests of the man who
works for a living, not the chronic loafer or the man who lives by renting out his capital.
A SPIRITUAL REBIRTH
We must turn our people from their present path of materialism, cynicism, and egoism and inspire them
with a new faith based on racial idealism. Only then can we replace the alienation and isolation of the
individual which exist today with a sense of racial communion. Only through a spiritual rebirth of our
people can we achieve the profound reorientation which is a prerequisite for building a healthy racial
community.
AN ARYAN CULTURE
We must encourage and promote every form of genuine White cultural endeavor—and at the same time
we must break the alien monopoly which exists over our public opinion-forming media and flush down
the drain the poisonous Jewish and negroid degeneracy which today passes for art and music and
literature. We must instill in our youth the appreciation for beauty and order that characterize a genuine
White man’s culture. We must awaken a new understanding of our racial and cultural heritage, so that
the creative instincts of our people can once again find expression in a direction which will continually
renew and enrich that heritage instead of degrading and debasing it.
A HEALTHY ENVIRONMENT
We must make it an imperative duty of our government to protect the gifts which Nature has bestowed
on America and to insure the maintenance of a clean, healthy, wholesome environment for our people.
We must not only eliminate pollution and conserve our resources, but we must gradually bring about a
whole new mode of living in America, a mode with less emphasis on forcing man into a mold
determined by a congested, neon-and-asphalt urban rat race and more emphasis on changing that mold
to fit the racial propensities of Aryan man.
A BETTER RACE
We must make it our most sacred task to ensure the betterment and safeguard the future of our race. We
must learn to place a higher value on the quality of our people than of our gadgets. We must determine
that each generation of our people will be of a higher quality than the one before. We must take
measures to emphasize in our children and grandchildren the best qualities of our people today and to
eliminate their flaws and their weaknesses. To accomplish this aim we must be willing to put our duties
to future generations of our race ahead of the selfish whims of the present.
White Self-Hate: Master-Stroke Of The Enemy
by Commander George Lincoln Rockwell
Last week I penetrated into the "South" for the first time in more than five years of speaking at
colleges. I spoke at Wake Forest University in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. It was a shocking - and
unpleasant-experience!
Since last September, when I spoke at Harvard, I have been having such incredible success speaking all
across the country, everywhere EXCEPT the South, that I was beginning to believe ALL America's
college youth was waking up, especially to the nigger problem.
I had never penetrated the really "deep" South, for what reasons I am still not sure. I have had few
invitations from South of Virginia - and all of them have been cancelled.
Around the rest of the country, this year has been one of immense gratification to me, speaking from
Harvard and Brown in New England, across the nation through Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan, Iowa,
North Dakota, Minnesota, Idaho, Montana, Oregon, Washington, California - just about everywhere
EXCEPT the "deep South." The reaction to my speeches, as those who have heard the record or tapes
of some of them will know, has been FANTASTIC! The violence has almost stopped, even the boos
and the hisses have died down, and the audience reactions have been SO favorable that even the Jew
papers in Minneapolis, for instance, reported I got "thunderous applause"!!!
Not only that, but the INDIVIDUAL reactions have been unbelievable!
Most remarkable of all is the tremendous change which has occurred since last summer in the reactions
of these college kids to NEGROES.
For years, I was plagued by the ignorance of Northerners on the subject of niggers - and the same kind
of ignorance by many Southerners about Jews. They have plenty of niggers in the South, so the
Southerners know about them. But they have few Jews, and the ones they have down South are usually
"tame" Jews, utterly unlike the wild and hateful Hebrews swarming in the streets of the North and
West.
At the same time, the Jew-wise "Yankees" in North and West never got CLOSE to any "coloreds", and
knew almost nothing about them. Until the riots began.
Back in those days, whenever I went to jail in the North, the cops would privately say "You're doing a
great job on the damned Jews, but why do you go after the 'colored'?" - as they used to call them.
Down South, cops would say "God bless you for the way you're fighting the niggers, but what have you
got against the Jews?"
This year, all across the Northern part of America, and all over the West and South West, I found the
people are growing rapidly more alert not only to the Jewish problem, which they always sensed, but
are thoroughly aware - and worried - about the "coloreds", because, of course, the "coloreds" have
finally let the Northerners SEE what they are like, at first hand, in the dozens of riots and the endless
horror of nigger crime and terrorism in the city streets.
The success of my speeches in colleges and universities across most of America has been gratifying -
and spectacular - fantastic! If even the liberal KIDS in these colleges are waking up, you can
IMAGINE the way the working masses are ready to FIGHT!
While I have been speaking sometimes as often as six and seven times per week all over the continent,
I have naturally presumed that when I finally DID get a chance to speak in the real SOUTH - it would
be the best of all - a real triumph!
So I approached Wake Forest in North Carolina with my hopes up - and my guard down!
When I got there, things seemed SUPER relaxed. Usually, the campus where I am to speak is in a state
just short of explosion - with threats, counter-threats, headlines, etc., etc. There are vast crowds outside
the hall, hours before the address, and the hall is always packed to the point where the fire marshall
often takes a hand.
But at Wake Forest, there was no crowd outside, when I came to the hall. And when I got inside,
although they said it was the biggest crowd yet, there were several hundred empty seats!
Believe it or not, I HAVE NOT SEEN AN EMPTY SEAT IN THE LAST FOUR YEARS OF
SPEAKING.
All of this got me "off balance" sufficiently so that I failed to follow my usual routine of insisting on
only WRITTEN questions (to prevent emotional outbursts and speeches from the floor). But I figured
that an audience of SOUTHERN kids would be wild with enthusiasm when I defended the great White
Race and the history and traditions of their own grandparents.
What I ran into was something NEW!
In speeches everywhere else, there are always overtones of threat and violence, heckling and
possibilities of mobs, etc.
All seemed quiet when I began to speak at Wake Forest.
But the minute I opened my mouth, the place busted wide open! American flags started to wave -
HELD BY COONS! A Jew got up with a black armband and began marching up and down the aisles.
Some of the kids acted like a bunch of kooks, whooping and cheering this disorder.
An old Jewess rose and began screaming at me in unintelligible "English". She got a huge round of
cheers and applause!
In spite of all this, I managed to take control of the crowd as I have been forced to learn to do, and
speak for about forty-five minutes. But I never did succeed in getting a train of thought started with the
audience. Always, they managed to bust up any orderly presentation, and I had to keep using shouts
and "tricks" to beat the heckling.
There was no applause at the end of my speech, although a few kids tried feebly, only to be squelched
by their neighbors.
I made the mistake of taking live questions from the audience (being somewhat angered and frustrated
by now, and hoping to beat these hellraisers). That did it!
One huge Negro walked up to the front of the hall just before my platform, held up his hands and
signalled for silence. He got it!
The hall was hushed, FOR THE FIRST TIME, and I knew from experience what came next.
Had that Negro done nothing more than say "abracadabra", he would have been drowned in
enthusiasm. He did a masterful job - whether planned or not, I don't know.
I had pointed out in my speech that ghetto Negroes were often in good physical shape because they
were forced to do menial physical work such as garbage men, etc. This was not to insult Negroes.
(Actually, it makes a lot of my own people mad when I point this out). But it is part of the reason the
blacks think they can whip us because they say we've gotten soft. The big black used my statement to
make appear I had advocated making nothing but garbage men out of all Negroes.
"Maybe all we're good for is garbage men", he said, "but if being garbage men is all the contribution
America will let us make, then we'll make it, we'll BE garbage men!"
The audience rose, first the rabid ones, then more and more, until finally the hall was a sea of hysterical
cheering, as the Negro (who I later learned was the local football hero) led the rest of the football team
in a "walk-out".
None DARED fail to rise for this mad scene, for fear of being branded a "hater", as the arc-lights and
TV cameras swept the audience.
I did my best to plug on, and succeeded to some degree. I even managed to get a good round of
applause at the end, myself.
But I was bitterly disappointed to see all this take place in my FIRST speech in part of the "deep
South"!
I had been winning rabid, liberal "Yankees" over with a "Southern" speech in the North all year. Now
here I was being swamped by a wave of wild, hysterical "nigger-loving" - by SOUTHERNERS! Or so I
thought!
I spent more than ten more hours at banquets and seminars, cocktail parties, and the other usual
accompaniments to these speeches, and then, after I finally got to bed at 2 a.m., I laid awake for two
more hours before I reached any kind of conclusion as to what it was all about.
At the banquet, the speaker was none other than Dick Gregory. I had to sit up at the head table only two
seats away from this coon comedian-turned-revolutionist. I wouldn't have put up with it, except I really
wanted to hear this "cat" (as he calls everybody) and see how he would affect these kids in North
Carolina! He did a pretty smooth job on these kids, and I learned a lot.
First, he told a series of "supper-club" jokes to "warm up" the kids - which he did.
Then he launched into his "You-gotta-give-us-the-country, Baby" approach of the black scum now risen
to glory among us as a result of Yiddish money, Yiddish leadership and Yiddish press-agentry for these
miserable Africans.
I could hardly believe what I saw there. I watched the racially fine faces of the young White boys and
girls who were intently watching the ape-like face of Gregory. They were hypnotized!
He actually went so far as to BOAST to them that the only way they could PROVE they were not full
of "racism" and "hate" was to give our White women to the Negroes, thus showing that we recognize
that there's no difference except color.
He went so far as to use the fact of motherhood, and went into a physical description of the process of
birth, and how you couldn't stop delivery of a baby by crossing a woman's legs, etc.,etc., ad nauseam -
all to "prove" that delivery of our women to the blacks was "inevitable" - and standing in the way was
like crossing the woman's legs, and trying to stop the birth of what he said was "Nature's insistence on
equality"!!!
He got a STANDING OVATION - just as the earlier black ball player had in the audience!
Once more, I watched the fanatic few rise up applauding wildly the moment he was done speaking,
then the guilty looks on the faces of more and more kids who rose up, until all (except me) were
standing to give honor to a man who had just announced he was going to utterly DESTROY them -
women and children and our whole RACE!
I had HEARD about this sort of thing happening - just last month as I was speaking at one college in
Wisconsin, Stokely Carmichael was speaking only a few miles away at another. He got up and hollered,
"BLACK POWER!", and openly announced his intention of leading a "burn-baby-burn" ATTACK on
White people, hollering "Get Whitey!" - and got the same "standing ovation", as I had just seen twice in
one day, and in the "deep South"!! WHY?
In all of history, no people have ever sunk so low they have given cheers and ovations to their own
executioners. Some people have become too rotten to resist, but no people ever before has sunk so low
as have those of our people who stand and cheer when told by arrogant Negroes that the blacks fully
intent to WIPE US OUT AS A RACE!
The blacks holler, "GET WHITEY!" - and WHITEY CHEERS AND APPLAUDS! Surely you, too,
must have tried to figure it all out!
Lying there in bed in the Sheraton Motel in Winston-Salem, in the fancy room they always get for you
on these visits, I think I found the answer: GUILT! - Self HATE!
The South has been BEATEN half to death, over a hundred years ago, now, and it has its psychological
toll.
The approach of the second reconstruction, now under way, has acted precisely like the approach of the
torturer, after a solid year of uninterrupted torture, in a Chinese brainwashing camp.
Sargant, in his magnificent, 'BATTLE FOR THE MIND', describes how the mind reverses itself when
driven past the point of any further "bending" under the stress of physical privation, unbearable mental
tensions and outright torture. He describes how the victim of endless torture, becomes a FANATICAL
WORSHIPPER of his torturers! Like a whipped dog, he crawls up to lick the hand of the brutal master
wielding the stick on him.
Before I turned in for the night, I spent several hours in the room with assorted interested groups who
kept coming and going, once they knew my room number. Usually, I run them off because of the need
to get some rest (I had to fly out next a.m. at 6:30 for the next speech), but in this case, I desperately
wanted to learn as much as I could about these Southern kids who seemed so crazy about coons, and
how they got that way.
First, I learned that MOST of the rabid ones were NOT Southerners. The first ones up in the "standing
ovation" scenes were almost all Jews and similar "liberals" from the NORTH!
When they got into my room, in groups of ten or twenty, and away from the mob scenes, I found the
Southern kids were mostly O.K.
ALMOST TO A MAN - AND GIRL - THEY APOLOGIZED TO ME FOR WHAT HAD HAPPENED
IN THE AUDITORIUM THAT AFTERNOON!
Acting as though they, themselves, had not been part of that standing ovation scene, they all explained
to me that the Negro was the local football hero, that the student body was not what it seemed, that they
were NOT all crazy about coons there, etc., etc.
I asked each one of them why he or she thought it all happened, and most of them came up with the
ANSWER I think is right. They used different terms, of course, but the upshot of it all is GUILT - self
HATE - "embarrassment", etc.
They felt that the poor coons had been insulted when I stood up there and slammed home the list of
horrors happening to our country and White Race as a result of the Black Revolution! Those coon
football heroes were their "friends" - courtesy of our race-mixing politicians, and they all felt as if I had
kicked a poor little dog. When we talked later in the room, many of them admitted that the negroes
were no pitiful little dogs, but rather a pack of wild, savage WOLVES - and that I was telling the simple
truth. Nevertheless, when the black ballplayer was up there, they were helpless in the grip of GUILT
FEELINGS for having participated in a meeting where the TRUTH about his race was mentioned!
Then, when the Northerners and liberals, Jews and race-mixers rose in the "ovation" scene, none of the
rest had the nerve to remain seated, not out of love of the Negro - but FEAR! Fear of being branded a
"bigot", a "hater" and finally a "Nazi".
What does all this mean in terms of the overall battle we must fight to survive as a race and regain
command of our own Destiny as a nation? I think it shows that the battle is going to take place
MOSTLY in the NON-Southern part of the nation.
The South has been so thoroughly beaten on and kicked and filled with guilt feelings that it is no longer
- as an overall population group - capable of responding vigorously and ferociously. The Klan and
various segments of the Southern population will still fight and even take risks to stand against the
black hell closing over us. But today, many of their own fellow Southerners are turning, in fear and
confusion, against the Klan and other fighters.
The AVERAGE Southerner has "had it", just like the average German I have met. The Jews and
conspirators have consciously beaten much of the native fight out of ordinary Southerners and ordinary
Germans, and left them filled with a crazy, suicidal "guilt" feeling for even THINKING about
resistance.
The rest of the country hasn't experienced this terrible psychological reversal. Whites everywhere are
somewhat frightened of the smear-words, "bigot", "hater", etc., but not to the point where they can be
put entirely out of action with such Jewish psychological attack.
As an example of what I mean, take Cicero, in Chicago. There's no "Klan" in Cicero.
Instead, EVERY citizen of Cicero is ready, willing and EAGER to fight the FIRST nigger who tries to
move in.
Remember the full color picture in LIFE last summer of the brave kid from Chicago who had been
actually bayonetted, standing there bleeding, sticking out his chest in magnificent defiance of the
Guardsman?
While they have been successful in ramming niggers in all over the South, I truly believe the whole
Federal Government, the Army, Navy, Air Force and nuclear bombs won't get one nigger into Cicero.
They haven't dared even TRY, yet. They might get ONE nigger into a house in Cicero, but he'd get right
back OUT again - either with his black feet going as fast as they could - or not moving at all.
In the North, where they are relatively "fresh" in this fight, the little KIDS in every White working-
class neighborhood are full of the most vigorous kind of FIGHT against the black invaders of their
neighborhoods. The South, after battling and LOSING for more than a hundred years, is getting
discouraged. But let the South take heart!
Remember Thomas Dixon's inspiring novel, "The Klansman", which was made into one of the world's
all-time great pictures, "The Birth of a Nation"?
Captain Forbes, our Los Angeles leader, has a copy of that film at the headquarters there, and I was
able to see most of it on my last visit a few months ago.
For those who may have forgotten, it is the story of how the Ku Klux Klan saved the South - and the
White Race - from black terrorism after the Civil War.
The Klan did a heroic job. Had I been born one hundred years ago I would have been a Klansman.
Terrorism WORKED beautifully, a hundred years ago. Today, it won't, because the politicians have
available such total "legal" power to penetrate, capture and hound the few brave men who try to stop
the black terrorism with counter terror.
But in the eighteen sixties and seventies, brave Klansmen were able to make a real start on saving the
White South from the nigger beasts installed by carpetbaggers, scalawags and scum - most of them
Jews and perverts.
They still couldn't REALLY save the South, however, because there was always the threat of
FEDERAL TROOPS. Whenever the Klan began to get strong somewhere, heavily armed Federal
troops would be sent in to protect and back up nigger-rule, and the Klan would have to shift operations
elsewhere.
Remember the stirring scenes in "Birth of a Nation", when the White family in the little cabin is
surrounded by nigger troops, and niggers have the old men, kids and women pinned down? Only a few
more rounds of ammunition remain to protect the White women from the lust-filled black savages,
when suddenly, at the last moment, the nigger troops are ROUTED - by FEDERAL TROOPS OF THE
NORTH WHO HAVE FINALLY SEEN AND UNDERSTOOD THAT IT WAS THEIR OWN WHITE
PEOPLE THEY WERE TURNING OVER TO THE BLACKS!
Today, the same thing is happening right before our eyes.
The South has been under siege year after year, for a CENTURY!
The defenses are crumbling everywhere in the South. Many good Southerners are losing heart, as they
see one barrier after another fall before the terrible power of the Federal politicians.
"It's GOT to come" they rationalize. "We might as well try to accept it with a good grace and at least
make it peaceful and prevent any more bloodshed."
Nobody can blame these good people too savagely for saying that today, any more than I can blame the
Germans who put up THEIR fight for the White Race only to have fellow White Men (like me) come,
at the behest of the Jews, and murder and torture them by the millions.
Last-minute rescue came in "Birth of a Nation" from White Federal troops who had been on the Jew-
nigger Federal side, and switched when they understood, and finally stood shoulder-to-shoulder with
their White brothers and sisters of the South against nigger terror - and it STOPPED.
Today, the SAME THING IS HAPPENING!
White Men and Women of the South, I can tell you surely and proudly, that my fellow "Yankees" are
finally WAKING UP, like the Federal White troops in "Birth of a Nation", and are beginning to fight
for you - for ALL of us! And when the White Men, North and South, have finally had ENOUGH of
these arrogant niggers and their even more arrogant and vicious Jew leaders, we will put an END to the
black horror and insanity, and the Jew Communist treason which spawned it in one hell of a hurry!
And this time, we will never again let them divide us against each other!
The Jews and race-mixing fanatics got the North hating the South, the South hating the North, so they
could plunder and dominate both, as they have.
The moment White troops in the South refused to keep their White Southern brothers under nigger
terrorism, the terrorism ended, and the carpetbaggers, scalawags and scum were DRIVEN OUT.
This time, the moment White men in all of the North and West are sufficiently disgusted with being
used to impose nigger terror not only on the South, but the whole nation, the terror will STOP, and the
nightmare army of black and white scum, led by the Jews will be seen and heard with their chants and
insults no more!
But the re-unification of the White Race will not only be national, local and temporary, this time.
This time, there at last exists in this world an organization not dedicated to saving just one PART of the
White Race - as the Klan tried and succeeded for a time in saving the South, and the German Nazis
tried and succeeded for a while in saving Germany - THIS TIME, the American Nazi Party and the
World Union of National Socialists, of which the American Nazi Party is a part, will see to it that the
White Race never again lays itself open to brainwashing and defeat by DIVIDING ITSELF and by
being taught to HATE ITSELF and PARTS OF ITSELF - the way Yankees and "rebels" were taught to
hate each other, and Americans and "Nazis" were taught to hate each other.
This time we'll hate, alright - but we'll hate the ENEMY - the vicious gang of colored scum attackers
and Jewish-Communist traitors - rather than one part of our own people hating another part for the
benefit of the Jews and their army of SCUM!
And the reason we'll "hate" and do such a bang-up job of it, is not that we are some kind of a monstrous
"haters", "bigots", etc., but that WE LOVE OUR PEOPLE - the White Race of people given by the
Great Spirit to civilize and dominate this earth and prevent it from becoming the filthy, crazy jungle of
darkness and bloodshed which now threatens.
Last week, in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, I had to watch the results of a hundred years of Jewish
brainwashing on our beloved South. White kids, taught to hate "Yankees" first, "Nazis", and finally
THEMSELVES, because of all the propaganda against the FACT that WHITES ARE, INDEED, A
"MASTER RACE". I watched them stand up and give an ovation to an arrogant nigger who boasted he
would take our lovely White girls for his nigger mobs!
Thank God, before this process can proceed much further, the White Men of the North will come
"galloping" to the rescue of their hard-pressed Southern brothers and sisters and smash ANYbody or
ANYthing which threatens ANY White man or woman, ANYWHERE whether he or she be called a
"rebel", a "Yankee", a "Nazi", a "Christian", a "Britisher", a "Catholic" or even a "Russian".
We are living in the last days of the Great White Race, and cannot afford self-hate or division,
regardless of the propaganda they pour on us as the reason.
WHITE MAN! If you are WHITE - you are my BROTHER!
I care not what religion, club, area or class you come from, nor what bit of colored cloth you wave as a
flag. WE are ALL under deadly attack by colored hordes which outnumber us more than seven to one,
led by a filthy Jewish, Communist conspiracy!
Stand with me and SMASH the enemy fist, TOGETHER!
Then, if you want to argue politics, economics, sociology, religion, nationality or other things with me,
you can. I will even fight you, if I must.
But, FIRST, White Man, let us stand TOGETHER to secure the survival of your people and my people,
for they are one and the same - they are our beloved, miraculous, wonderful, blessed and
MASTERFUL WHITE RACE!
From Ivory Tower To Privy Wall: On The Art Of Propaganda
by George Lincoln Rockwell (circa 1966)
If each of the men in the fable about the blind men and the elephant were required to construct a model
of an elephant, there would be three very different models. The blind man who felt only the tail would
build a model as he described an elephant in the fable -- as "a sort of rope." The blind man who felt the
leg and said an elephant was like a tree would produce a tree-like "elephant," while the man who felt
only the trunk would construct his "elephant" like a snake.
Most men I have met in politics consider themselves automatically experts in the field of propaganda.
But almost all of them make the same type of basic error in their propaganda as did the blind men in
describing and reconstructing an elephant; both suffer from insufficient experience with the subject. A
right-wing businessman, when he gets sick, doesn't try to doctor himself, nor does he try to practice law
himself, nor does he even try to do his own advertising. He hires professional experts to do these highly
technical jobs for him. But when that same right-wing businessman wants to move the people of a
whole nation to an understanding of our national peril, he doesn't hesitate to spend relatively huge sums
trying to write and produce his own amateur propaganda. In almost every case he produces propaganda
which he likes, completely forgetting in his political excitement that the art of propaganda (and
advertising) is not in producing that which one likes and admires one's self, but that which will produce
the effect desired -- sales in the case of advertising and political conviction in the case of propaganda.
Because he is able to think, he presumes that his audience is also able to think – a completely
unwarranted assumption. Because he himself is repelled by crudeness and exaggeration, he makes his
pitch factual, logical, and usually subtle. In addition to this foolishness, he also forgets that the average
man in the street is emotionally assaulted during all his waking hours by advertising brilliantly
designed by experts to capture attention through the most powerful kind of psychological impact. The
average right wing piece, crowded onto a page, verbose, and dull, is not only not able to win the
attention of the average man amid all this competition, but positively repels him.
Even worse propaganda mistakes are made by both those at the top and those at the bottom of the right-
wing intellectual spectrum. Because they can't read and understand "them big words," the Klan types
are "agin'" anything other than the crudest and most brutal of approaches. "Hit 'em 'longside the haid
with a two-by-four," is the motto of these boys, and any attempt to produce anything else is likely to
get you called a "Communist-Jew spy," or get you hit "'longside the haid" yourself. This type loves the
American Nazi Party's "Boat Ticket to Africa" and the Stormtrooper, for instance, but rages that the
Rockwell Report is too "long" and "dull."
At the other extreme is the Ph.D. right-winger who hurriedly claps his hand over his mouth and gulps
in nausea when one shows him something like our all-time most popular propaganda piece, our "Boat
Ticket to Africa," full of expressions such as "nigger-armpit stench" and the like. Because this refined
gentleman prefers to read Spengler or Gobineau, he can't imagine that the ideas of these men might be
gotten across to a semi- literate farmer better with a "boat ticket" than with a volume of Houston
Stewart Chamberlain.
In the middle group are the Birch-type blind men who produce millions and millions of dollars worth
of wasted propaganda; wasted because it is not designed to do the job they really want and need done,
but is instead what they like to hear. These people have never yet stopped to reflect that in order to win
they need not just the thinkers -- the right-wingers, the bourgeois, rich folks, and the rest of the elite
minority – but the vast masses of the people who support demagogues like Johnson, FDR, and
Kennedy. Goldwater's catastrophe was the result of producing propaganda and campaigns designed to
win thinkers instead of masses. The result was that twenty-seven million Goldwater thinkers were
swamped at the polls by some forty-three million Johnson wishers and hopers, who can never, never,
never be reached by "conservative" logic, facts, and boring, sissy tea parties.
The worst waste of money I have ever seen in the whole field of propaganda was the special Sunday
supplement the Birch Society put out not so long ago in newspapers all over America. It cost as much
as a quarter of a million dollars in some cities. Had it been designed to appeal to the mass, the "average
man," the man who votes with his heart instead of his head, it could have been worth the millions it
took to publish. But it was foolishly aimed at a relatively tiny minority. On the front cover, in full color,
it showed a typical Birch Society meeting, in the home of a man obviously wealthy – in the kind of
living room which would make the average, working-class, overalled American uncomfortable. The
Birchers were sitting around sipping tea with their pinkies daintily extended, and the whole atmosphere
was foreign, ridiculous, and even painful to the man in overalls -- to America's millions of "ordinary
Joes." There might have been some sense in printing that piece in Fortune. But to spend money to put
that advertisement (which could reach only the rich and the sophisticated) in a mass medium, at the
cost of a mass medium, was the kind of thoughtlessness which keeps the right wing powerless,
eternally defeated, and discouraged.
Does this mean that the Birch Society's high-level appeal is a total waste? Should all their propaganda
be like that of the Klan? An elephant is neither all leg nor all tail nor all trunk. A complete, whole
elephant needs all of these parts to live. The Jews, masters of the art of propaganda that they are (unlike
the right wing), have understood this fundamental truth and have organized their "pitch" to appeal to all
levels.
For the kids and the primitives -- for the "masses" -- the Jews produce comic books and comic strips;
crude, apparently "obvious" television programs, movies, and radio presentations; and the sort of
printed material one can find in True Confessions and similar magazines - or on privy walls.
For the lower-middle classes, they provide pseudo-"objective" and thoughtful television
"documentaries," which flatter the unthinking bourgeois into imagining that they are participating in a
scholarly and high-level "study" of a controversial subject, while actually the Jews are pumping into
their smug, ego-blinded minds massive doses of raw lies and hatred. They also provide this kind of
"intellectual" pap in Look, Life, and other mass-circulation periodicals.
For the upper-middle classes -- the college graduates, professionals, and business executives -- the Jews
produce their Harper's Magazine and Atlantic Monthly "think-pieces," which are genuinely intellectual
but nevertheless so subtly poisoned by false basic assumptions and misdirections that all the thinking in
the world is bound to lead only to error. This is the sort of thing one finds among the sincere race-
mixers and liberals, who have been taught, as religious dogmata, that anything other than democracy is
unthinkable, that black men are only white men with dark skins, and that all opponents of liberalism are
"fascists" who seek to murder almost everybody and who have no ideas other than bloodshed and
tyranny. Starting with these as unquestionable premises, the most sincere and well-intentioned
"thinking" in the world can produce nothing but the race-mixers, liberals, beatniks, rebels, and lost
souls who are swarming like maggots in every intellectual center of our civilization.
Finally, there is the devilishly clever, ivory-tower propaganda designed for the truly intellectual and
highly sophisticated academic community, which actually does examine even basic premises. For this
latter, elite class, even though it is tiny, the Jews spare no effort or money. For were the intellectual
leaders of a nation to see through all the propaganda on the lower levels, it would sooner or later be
disastrous to the Jews, when the elite had warned the masses. For this minute, top group, the Jews
actually produce manufactured "facts" of the most basic nature.
To give an example of this incredible process, let me cite the method they have used to make it a
dogmatic "fact" that there are no measurable, scientific differences between races and, therefore, no
races at all! The Jews first got a few of their boys into top university spots (Columbia University being
an outstanding, but by no means unique, example) with the express purpose of giving academic
respectability to their "there-is-no-such-thing-as-race" lie. One of the first and most important of these
was Franz Boas, a Jew heavily involved in communist causes, who sent congratulations to Stalin on his
birthdays {Jewish Voice, January, 1942} and whose red record cannot be doubted by any objective
observer. This communistic Jew began teaching anthropology at Columbia University in 1896 and
dominated the anthropology department there until his death in 1942. Meanwhile he produced one
book after another "proving" that there were no such things as racial differences among men {Kultur
und Rasse (Leipzig, 1914); Anthropology and Modern Life (New York, 1928); Aryans and non-Aryans
(New York, 1934); General Anthropology (Boston, 1938), The Question of Race: Aryans and non-
Aryans. Are They Distinctive Types? (New York. 1940); Race, Language, and Culture (New York,
1940): Race and Democratic Society, a post-mortem collection of his writings (New York, 1945), to
name but a few.} The whole of Jewry pitched in to boost their boy. Boas was praised in every Jewish-
owned newspaper and periodical and given every academic prize they could promote. Little by little,
Boas gained such "stature" by this Jewish mutual-admiration society technique that he became an
"acknowledged authority" in social anthropology and ethnology. His students and colleagues at
Columbia -- Herskovits, Klineberg, Ashley Montagu, Weltfish -- as unsavory a collection of left-wing
Jews as one might hope for -- spread his doctrines far and wide, deliberately poisoning the minds of
two generations of American students at many of our largest universities {Carleton Putnam, Race and
Reason (Washington, 1961), pp. 18, 47}.
Meanwhile, honest race researchers were given the opposite treatment, full use being made of
economic boycott and unlimited intellectual smear. Honest anthropologists couldn't get their books
published or, if published, distributed {Ibid., pp. 19, 49}. As just one instance, at the time when Boas
was at the height of his destructive activity, Madison Grant, president of the New York Zoological
Society and a trustee of the American Museum of Natural History, wrote a study of the racial situation
in America, entitled The Conquest of a Continent, or the Expansion of Races in America (New York,
1933). The book was flatly contradictory to the Boas-Jewish racial propaganda and sounded a clear
warning of the impending danger of serious racial degeneration in the United States. Whereupon the
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith issued a circular letter to publishers, dated December 13, 1933,
in which they blatantly stated that Grant's book was "antagonistic to Jewish interests" and demanded
that it be "stifled" - as it has been! Copies of this book -- and any honest book about race -- are very
hard to find. They are almost nonexistent in the university community -- in such places as college
bookstores and all but a few of the largest university libraries.
This whole intellectual fraud would never work if our side had sense enough to understand it and
courage enough to stand up to it. But our side can never understand, let alone fight, this vicious Jewish
perversion of our people and their minds as long as our side, like the aforementioned blind men,
remains utterly mulish in its insistence on amateur and one-level propaganda efforts. The left wing has
its organizations and its propaganda at all levels. And the whole left aims the same way -- right at your
heart! They have their Dean Achesons, their Harvard professors, their White House presidential aides.
But they also have their brutal goon squads in the streets of the steel towns, ready to crack the legs of
their opponents over a curbstone, as is their quaint custom. In between, they have their "soldiers" at all
levels, and they are all part of the same army of hate against the white man and Western civilization.
Let one of my supercilious, intellectual critics just spend an evening watching television or reading a
teenage magazine -- not for pleasure, but to analyze the masterful methods of the Jewish brainwashers,
and he will see that they do not use intellectual propaganda exclusively to do their devilish work, but
also the most stupid, obvious, and brutal anti-intellectual stuff imaginable. At the same time, let him
examine the explosion of scatology on any big newsstand and see just what primitive, rough
propaganda the Jew produces for the mass mind. Even the pornographic, illegal "comic books"
smuggled from kid to kid and man to man are loaded with propaganda for race-mixing and degeneracy.
And there is nothing subtle about the disgusting magazines openly sold for queers.
The Jews do not confine their attack on us only to gutter propaganda or only to goon squads; God
knows, they certainly have flooded America with their filthy and degenerate "literature," "art," and
"poetry," with their "comedians," their warped stage plays, and their savage, jungle "music," while
there are still plenty of communist muscle squads to break your head open if they can't pervert it. In
short the enemy has brought about a "black miracle" of subversion of our people with his multi-level
propaganda, while the reply of the leaders of our people has been almost entirely an attempt to "prove,"
with facts and arguments, that all this is "wrong." Right and wrong in propaganda have no meaning.
There are only effective and ineffective. Jewish propaganda couldn't be more wrong, objectively
speaking, but it is almost always right, psychologically. It is carefully aimed; it is designed for a
specific audience; it is not concerned with what the producers think and feel, but with what the
audience thinks and feels; and it is uniformly excellent and successful in doing the job for which it is
intended.
Right-wing propaganda, to choose a contrary example, is almost always wrong. It is invariable, single-
level material -- usually aimed at the upper middle class. It is utterly disdainful of the audience and
endlessly insists that "the truth will make us free," if we just get out enough "literature" (almost none of
which is read by prospective converts). Almost all right-wing literature is read by other right-wingers
who do not need it. It is basically reactionary, concerned almost wholly with money, taxes, and
protection of wealth and vested interests (masked, of course, with "deep concern" for the Constitution,
"our American way of life," and the like). It is incredibly snobbish and contemptuous toward the kind
of horny-handed, working, hard-pressed "ordinary Joe" who, in his millions, makes up the masses
which have kept FDR, Truman, Ike, JFK, and now LBJ in office.
Surely we need the truth and facts and arguments -- but only to win over the officers and noncoms of
our counter-revolutionary forces and then to educate and train them for intellectual combat with the
well-trained forces of the enemy, not to convert the masses. To try to use the "facts and arguments"
method with the masses of the people is the eternal stumbling block of the right wing. By insisting on
only this method, in its pure (and dull) form, not only the right wing, but any movement of national
regeneration, insures that its material is read only by itself and the few Jews whose professional job it is
to study and neutralize its material.
Hitler's National Socialist movement not only did not make that stupid mistake, but brilliantly exploited
every field of propaganda with inspired material, scientifically designed not only to appeal to a few
stuffy professors -- but to move people, to move millions of people in the direction desired. Hitler had
Julius Streicher's Der Stuermer, full of the wildest and wooliest sensationalism, designed to smash its
way into the consciousness of the masses, as it did. He also had the regular party press, designed to
reach and convince the great middle class. And, for the university community, he had the esoteric
material of Alfred Rosenberg, Gottfried Feder, et al.
Again I stress that, whereas the academic scholar is most powerfully influenced by a logical, heavily
footnoted dissertation at the highest intellectual level, the simple farmer or worker is utterly perplexed
and repelled by "them big words" and is moved most effectively by a brutal and earthy presentation of
a thoroughly subjective, grossly exaggerated picture of any situation. Only the latter class of
propaganda can yield the sheer weight of numbers of persuaded people needed to sweep into legal
political office. The major propaganda of a mass movement, therefore, must be of the elementary,
direct, and emotional kind which alone can win honest hearts (and empty heads) -- "boat tickets" and
the Stormtrooper.
When I began, I purposely made my propaganda as brutal and shockingly rough as I could, simply to
force attention. And I have kept everlastingly at the business of building a simple and direct image of
all-out hostility to "Jews and niggers" in the minds of millions of Americans, regardless of the costs in
other respects. (And when I have the rare opportunity to use some mass medium, as was recently the
case when I gave a long interview to Playboy, I am forced to walk a careful line between what I should
like to say and what the enemy would like to hear me say. Unless I deliberately sound at least halfway
like a raving illiterate with three loose screws, such an interview would never be printed. This is
another thing that most people fail to understand about my "Nazi" technique.) After I had become
known to most Americans, I published the Rockwell Report at a somewhat higher level than my
previous material to begin to recruit some of the brains and funds we needed to proceed. When this had
begun to bear fruit, I used the talents obtained with the Rockwell Report to get back down to the
people's level and produce a publication designed for the masses, for the "average" man, the comic
book reader, kids: the Stormtrooper. As planned, this is now our most popular and largest-circulation
publication. And were it not for the Jewish ownership of the news distribution business, we could sell
Stormtroopers literally by the millions.
My Ph.D. critics regularly berate me for the vulgar and brutal material in the Stormtrooper. Because
these gentlemen don't like to see the word "nigger" in print, or crude drawings of Jews, they often insist
that I am a damned fool, a hoodlum, or an agent provocateur, trying to ruin the whole movement by
printing such rough stuff. These sincere but pitifully blind men are going to have to understand that one
can't win elections with Ph.D. votes. As Goldwater proved, one can't win elections even with all the
upper classes. It is the vast masses of the lower classes, the beer-and-dirty-joke-loving workers, on
whom we must depend finally for survival. The Stormtrooper with its pages full of cartoons, violence,
insults, jokes, and general hell is exciting and readable to men who would never, in a million years,
pick up and read a right-wing tract.
With a base of operations established and with successful publications directed at both the lowest and
the middle-class levels, the movement is finally in a position to afford the relative luxury of a
publication directed exclusively at the academic intellectual-professional class. The National Socialist
World, now in your hands, is designed not only to reach but to move people in that category. Perhaps
our material is not what you, personally, enjoy most. But our aim, and the aim of the World Union of
National Socialists, is not to produce material to please our friends -- but to win over millions of those
who are now our enemies or who are oblivious to both sides. The years of success with the
Stormtrooper and the Rockwell Report give me confidence that the new National Socialist World will
also do what it has been carefully designed to do -- that National Socialist World will beat its way into
the highest intellectual circles just as the Stormtrooper smashed its way into the minds of the juveniles
and working folks.
Finally, if you'll permit me, I'd like to drive my principal point home with one more analogy. If you
own a grocery store, and a man comes in from a painter's truck in overalls to buy groceries, you don't
try to sell him a one-ounce jar of Russian caviar at two bucks a throw. You offer him beef, potatoes, and
bread. If a French diplomat comes in, you don't offer him hawg jowl; you might try the caviar. It is the
same with propaganda. If you wish to win the "trade" of all potential "customers," as we must do if we
are to survive, you must have in stock a complete line of goods, especially the kind of goods most
desired by the majority of your potential customers -- and that means bread, potatoes, and beef, not
caviar and truffles. If you can open a special store to peddle only caviar and truffles, do it in the silk-
stocking district. Conversely, if you want to open another branch to sell only chitterlings, hawg jowls,
and the like, then do it in the "nigger" section of town. And if you want a mass grocery business, in the
name of sanity, stock up on something besides caviar and truffles. We intend to win enough
"customers" to become masters of the grocery business, against the competition of the greatest and
most complete "chain" operation the world has ever seen: "The Sheeney Supermarket," which stocks
something for everybody. To do it, we have designed some great products to appeal to specific
customers: the "hawg-jowl" Stormtrooper, the "Delmonico steak" Rockwell Report -- and now the
"Cherries Jubilee" which you hold in your hand – National Socialist World.
The Fable Of The Ducks And Hens
by George Lincoln Rockwell
Many, many years ago,
When animals could speak.
A wondrous thing the ducks befell,
Their tale is quite unique.
Down by a pond dwelt all these ducks,
Ten thousand at the least.
Their duckish joys were undisturbed
By any man or any beast.
One day down near the entrance gate,
There was an awful din.
A hundred hens all out of breath
Were begging to come in.
Oh let us in! these poor birds cried,
Before we do expire!
Tis only by the merest inch
That we escaped the fire!
Their feathers burned, their combs a droop,
They were the saddest sight.
They’d run a hundred miles or more,
All day and then all night.
Come, come in! the ducks all quacked,
For you our hearts do bleed!
We’ll share our happy lot with you,
Just tell us what you need!
And so these poor bedraggled hens
Amongst the ducks moved in.
For, after all, the ducks declared,
We’re sisters ‘neath the skin.
Before too many months had passed,
The hens were good as new.
They sent for all their rooster friends,
And these were welcomed too.
To please their host, these chickens tried
To waddle and to quack.
To simulate the duckish ways
They quickly learned the knack.
This pleased the flock of ducks because
It gratified their pride.
....But hear my tale and learn how they
Got taken for a ride.
The ducks, it seemed, spent all their time
In fixing up their place,
In growing food and building homes
And cleaning every space.
They asked the hens what they would do
To earn their daily bread.
We’ll teach and write and entertain,
And buy and sell, they said.
And so these hens began to teach
The baby ducks and chicks.
They traded food and eggs and things,
With many clever tricks.
They wrote great books & put on shows,
Of genius they’d no lack.
It wasn’t long till chickens owned
The Duckville Daily Quack.
One day a mother duck who took
Her ducklings to the lake,
Was flabbergasted when one said,
A swim I will not take!
Why ducklings always swim! she gasped,
It’s what you’re built to do!
Like bunnies hop, and crickets chirp,
And cows most always moo!
Your just old fashioned, a fuddy duck,
That stuff is all old hat!
It’s wrong for birds to swim; ...besides,
It’s too cold on my little pratt!
Oh fie! the mother duck exclaimed,
You’re talking like a fool!
Up quacked the other ducks and said,
He’s right! Ms. Hen taught us that in school!
Such things must stop! the mother cried,
Those hens can’t teach such lies!
For sheer ingratitude and nerve,
I’m sure this takes the prize!
....But she was wrong, for even then
The hens did thump the tub.
Demanding they be let into,
The Duckville Swimming Club.
But you don’t swim! the ducks all cried,
To join, why should you care?
That’s not the point! the hens replied,
To exclude us isn’t fair!
The younger ducks, who’d been to school,
Agreed right there and then,
To keep them out is bigotry!
T’would just be ANTI-HEN...!
Outnumbered by the younger ducks,
The old ducks soon did loose;
They agreed to let the hens all in,
If they would pay the dues.
That night the Duckville Daily Quack
Contained this banner spread:
Reactionary Ducks Are Licked!
DUCKVILLE MOVES AHEAD!
Down at the Duckville Gaiety,
The younger set laughed with glee,
At cracks about Old Fuddy’ Ducks
In burlesque repartee.
Next day the hens were at the club,
A petition they’d sent around.
They objected to the swimming fund
With fury and with sound.
You use our dues to fix the pond,
to keep it neat and trim.
And this is wrong, they said, Because
You know we do not swim!
God help us! cried a wise old duck,
These chickens have gone mad!
We’ll take this to the court, by George,
And justice will be had!
But when they went up to the judge,
Imagine their dismay!
A CHICKEN-JUDGE decreed that they
Had a heavy fine to pay!
Minorities must have their rights!
The judge declared right then.
To use hen’s dues to fix the pond
Is very ANTI-HEN...!
Once more the Duckville Daily Quack
Emblazoned across the page:
Old Foggy Ducks Refuse to See
The Great New Coming Age!
In Duckville church on Sunday morn,
The preacher spoke these words,
Discrimination’s got to stop!
Remember we’re all birds!
The wisest duck in all the town
Sat down in black despair.
I’ll write a book, he thought, and then
This madness I will bare!
Let Swimmers Swim, let Hoppers Hop,
Let Each One Go His Way.
Let No One Coerce a Fellow Bird!
Was what he had to say.
Twas wrong to force the hens to swim
So here’s the problem’s crux;
It’s just as bad for hens to try
To chicken-ize our ducks!
I can’t print that, the printer said,
Twill put me in a mess!
My shop is mortgaged to the hens,
The chickens own my press!
This worried duck then tried to warn
His friends by speech and pen.
Young ducks fresh from school just jeered
He’s one of those vicious Anti-Hens...!
Now up the stream a little way
Was Gooseville, on the lake.
The hens had come to Gooseville too,
But the Geese were more awake.
When the hens began to spoil the young
And Gooseville’s laws to flout,
The Geese Rose Up in Righteous Wrath
And Simply Threw Them Out...!!!
Of course, you know where they all ran;
On Duckville they converged.
We’ve got to take these refugees.
Was all Duckville’s hens had urged.
The Duckville Daily Quack declared:
These Geese Will Stop at Naught!
They Plan to Conquer all the World!
Atrocities They’ve Wrought!
That’s right! the young ducks agreed,
We’ll help our fellow birds!
These Geese have plans to conquer us!
....We’ve read the Quack’s own words!
They let the hens from Gooseville in,
The whole bedraggled pack.
.... And every hen took up a job
on the Duckville Daily Quack!!
When the Duckville mayor’s term was up,
The Quack put up it’s Duck;
A vain and stupid duck was he,
A veritable ... cluck!
But when he praised the wild young ducks,
And cursed the evil Geese,
The Quack declared he was all wise,
His praise would never cease.
The hens chipped in to help this cluck
Give grain away for free.
The old ducks sadly shook their heads,
The writing they could see.
And sure enough, this stupid duck,
He was elected mayor.
From this point on, The Duckville ducks,
They never had a prayer.
The Mayor said, Gooseville must GO!
We’ll wipe them off the map!
While Duckville slept, the scheming hens
For Gooseville set the trap.
They called the Geese by filthy names;
They filled their pond with sticks.
They helped the weasels catch the Geese,
and other hennish tricks.
The Geese got mad and threw the sticks,
It’s WAR! the Quack announced.
We ducks must Fight those evil Geese,
Till they’ve been soundly trounced!
The ducks (who knew not of the tricks
Indulged in by the mayor),
Were filled with patriotic zeal,
And pitched right in for fair!
So when the ducks whipped the Geese,
The Mayor called Retreat!!
Our HENVILLE friends should really take
Gooseville’s big main street!
The hens were back in Gooseville now;
They starved and beat the Geese.
They prayed for Peace — but organized
The HENVILLE ARMED POLICE!!!
They drained the Geese’s swimming pond,
They De-Goose-ified their schools;
They wrung the Gooseville mayor’s neck
On lately made-up rules.
They formed a council of the hens;
UNITED BIRDS the name.
The other birds who joined the thing
Did not perceive the game.
No sooner had they set this up,
Than they announced their hennish plan:
To seize up Swanville as a home
For all their hennish clan.
They took a vote among the hens,
And everyone approved!
Swanville was for HENS! they said,
Way back, before we moved,
And so they kicked the swans all out,
With Duckville’s help and power
And Duckville couldn’t understand
Why swans, on them turned sour.
By this time, Duckville was a mess,
The young ducks had all gone mad.
They stole and laughed at Truth and Law;
They went completely bad.
The hens were selling Loco Weed
in every nasty den.
But ducks who dared to mention this,
Were labeled ANTI-HEN...!
The hens all preached of Tolerance,
They invoked the Golden Rule,
But they subsidized the indigent,
The greedy and the fool.
At last the very dumbest ducks
Began to smell a rat.
This mayor is no good! they cried,
And we will soon fix that!
But the hens had planned for even this
A candidate they had,
Whom even wise old ducks believed
Just never could be bad.
This Hen-tool duck whipped the Geese,
A soldier Duck was he.
Although the hens had set him up,
The Ducks all thought him free.
This Hen-tool got elected,
Through ignorance and greed,
Through hennish lies in Press & Speech,
Through Bribes of Chicken Feed.
The hens now kicked the ducks around
Without a blush of shame,
Until the mayor ran the town
In nothing else but name.
They pumped the Duck’s pond all dry;
They taught the ducks to crow,
While duckish numbers dwindled,
The hens began to grow.
The hens stirred up the happy crows
From out of the piney wood,
To Fight to Mix and Marry ducks
in the name of Brotherhood.
Things got so bad that fifty ducks,
Who knew the days gone by;
Took up their wives and children
And decided that they’d fly.
They flew through storms and tempest;
They froze, and many died.
But on they drove, until, at last,
A lovely lake they spied.
They settle down exhausted,
But soon went straight to work;
To build and clear and cultivate,
No danger did they shirk.
Now after many years of toil,
This little band had grown.
The fields around were full of grain
From seeds that they had sown.
The first ducks were long since dead;
Their struggles long had ceased.
Through hard work and suffering,
Their joys had been increased.
One day down near the entrance gate
There was an awful din;
A hundred hens, all out of breath,
Were begging to come in.
Oh, let us in! these poor birds cried,
Before we do expire!
Tis only by the merest inch....
... ... ... ...
....This epic really has no end,
Because No matter how you fight em,
Those HENS’ll show up Every Time.
And So, ...Ad Infinitum ...!!!
Battle Song
by George Lincoln Rockwell
We march and fight, to death or on to victory
Our might is right, no traitors shall prevail
Our hearts are steeled against the fiery gates of hell
No shot or shell, can still our mighty song.
Our sword is truth, our shield is faith and honor
In age or youth, our hearts and minds we pledge
Though we may die, to save our people and our land
This cause will stand, our millions marching on.
We close our ranks, in loyalty and courage
To god our thanks, for comrades tried and true
Let traitors quail, and fear the wrath of honest men
Who rise again, to smash the devil's throng.
We march and fight, to death or on to victory
Our might is right, no traitors shall prevail
Our hearts are steeled against the fiery gates of hell
No shot or shell, can still our mighty song.
Rockwell: A National Socialist Life
by [Link] Pierce
George Lincoln Rockwell was born on March 9, 1918, in Bloomington, a small coal-mining and
farming town in central Illinois. Both his parents were theatrical performers. His father, George
Lovejoy Rockwell, was a twenty-eight-year-old vaudeville comedian of English and Scotch ancestry.
His mother, born Claire Schade, was a young German-French toe-dancer, part of a family dance team.
His parents were divorced when he was six years old, and he and a younger brother and sister lived
alternately with their mother and their father during the next few years.
The young Rockwell passed the greater part of his boyhood days in Maine, Rhode Island, and New
Jersey. His father settled in a small coastal town in Maine, and Rockwell spent his summers there;
attending school in Atlantic City and, later, in Providence during the winters. Some of his fondest
memories in later years were of summer days spent on the Maine beaches, or hiking in the Maine
woods, or exploring the coves and inlets of the Maine coast in his sailboat, which he built himself,
starting from an old skiff. Rockwell acquired what was to be a lifelong love of sailing and the sea
during those early years spent with his father in Maine.
Aside from a bit more traveling about than the average child, it is difficult to find anything
extraordinary in his childhood environment. He lived in the midst neither great poverty nor great
wealth; he had an affectionate relationship with both his parents, despite their divorce; he was a sound
and healthy child, and there seems to be no evidence of prolonged unhappiness or turmoil in his
childhood. If he later recalled with greater pleasure the times spent with his father than those spent with
his mother, this can be attributed either to the greater opportunities to satisfy his youthful longing for
adventure that life on the Maine coast offered relative to that in the city, or to the fact that his mother
lived with a domineering sister of whom young Rockwell was not fond.
And yet, even as a boy he displayed those qualities of character which were later to set him off from the
common run of men. His most remarkable quality was his responsiveness to challenge. To tell the boy
Rockwell that a thing was impossible, that it simply could not be done, was to awaken in him the
irresistible determination to do it. He has described an experience he had at the age of ten which
illustrates this aspect of his character.
A juvenile gang of some of the tougher elements at the grammar school he was attending in an Atlantic
City coastal suburb had singled him out for hazing. He was informed that he was to be given a cold
dunking in the ocean, and that he should relax and submit gracefully, as resistance would be futile.
Instead of submitting, he ferociously fought off the entire gang of his attackers on the beach, wildly
striking out with his fists and feet, clawing, biting, and gouging until the other boys finally abandoned
their aim of throwing him in the water and retire to nurse their wounds.
Later, as a teenager, he found that the challenge of a stormy sea affected him in much the same way as
had the challenge of the juvenile gang. When other boys brought their boats into dock because the
water was too rough, young Rockwell found his greatest pleasure in sailing. He loved nothing better
than to pit his strength and his skill against the wild elements. As the wind and the waves rose so did
his spirits Wrestling with tiller and rigging in a tossing boat, drenched with spray and blasted by fierce
gusts, he would howl back at the wind in sheer animal joy.
This peculiar stubbornness of his nature–call it a combative spirit, if you will-coupled with an absolute
physical fearlessness, which led him into many a dangerous and harebrained escapade as a boy, gave
him the willpower as a man to undertake without hesitation ventures at which ordinary men quailed;
throughout his life it led him to choose the course of action which his reason and his sensibility told
him to be the right course regardless of the course those about him were taking; ultimately it provided
the driving force which led him to issue a challenge and stand alone against a whole world, when it
became apparent to him that that world was on the wrong course. This trait provides the key to the
man.
Two other characteristics he displayed as a boy were an omnivorous curiosity and a stark objectivity.
He attributed his curiosity, as well as the artistic talents which he early displayed, to his father, who
also exhibited these traits, but the source of his rebellious spirit and his indomitable will is harder to
assign. They seem to have been the product of a rare and fortuitous combination of genes, giving rise to
a nature markedly different from that of his immediate forebears.
He entered Brown University in the fall of 1938, as a freshman. His major course of study was
philosophy, but he was also very interested in the sciences. He used the opportunity of staff work on
student periodicals to exercise his talents in drawing and creative writing. In addition to his curricular,
journalistic, and artistic activities, he also found time for a substantial amount of skirt chasing and other
collegiate sports, including skiing and fencing; he became a member of the Brown University fencing
team.
While at Brown he had his first head-on encounter with modern liberalism. He enrolled in a sociology
course with the naive expectation that, just as in his geology and psychology courses he would learn the
scientific principles underlying those two areas of human knowledge, so in sociology would he learn
some of the basic principles underlying human social behavior.
He was disappointed and confused, however, when it gradually became apparent to him that there was
a profound difference in the attitudes of sociologists and, say, geologists toward their subjects. Whereas
the authors of his geology textbooks were careful to point out there were many things about the history
and the structure of the earth which were as yet unknown, or only imperfectly known, it was clear that
there were indeed fundamental ideas and well-established facts upon which the science was based and
that both his geology professor and the authors of geology textbooks were sincerely interested in
presenting these ideas and facts to the student in an orderly manner, with the hope that he would
thereby gain a better understanding of the nature of the planet on which he lived.
In sociology, he found the basic principles far more elusive. What was particularly disturbing to him,
though, was not so much the complexity of the concepts as the gnawing suspicion the waters had been
deliberately muddied. He redoubled his efforts to get to the roots of the subject or, at least, to
understand where the hints, innuendoes, and roundabout promptings led: “I buried myself in my
sociology books, absolutely determined to find why I was missing the kernel of the thing.”
The equalitarian idea that the manifest differences between the capabilities of individuals and between
the evolutionary development of various races can be accounted for almost wholly by contemporary
environmental effects–that there really are no inborn differences in quality worth mentioning among
human beings–was certainly one of the places his sociology textbooks were leading:
I was bold enough to ask Professor Bucklin if this were the idea, and he turned red in anger.
I was told it was impossible to make any generalizations, although all I was asking for was
the fundamental idea, if any, of sociology. I began to see that sociology was different from
any other course I had ever taken. Certain ideas produced apoplexy in the teacher,
particularly the suggestion that perhaps some people were no-good biological slobs from
the day they were born. Certain other ideas, although they were never formulated and
stated frankly, were fostered and encouraged-and these were always ideas revolving around
the total power of environment.
Although he did not clearly recognize it for what it was at that time, young Rockwell had partially
uncovered one of the most widely used tactics of the modern liberals. When the clever liberal has as his
goal miscegenation, say, he certainly does not just blurt this right out. Instead he will write novels,
produce television shows, and film motion pictures which, subtly at first and then more and more
boldly, suggest that those who engage in sexual affairs with Negroes are braver, better, more attractive
people than those who don’t; and that opposition to miscegenation is a vulgar and loutish perversion,
certain evidence of being a ridiculous square at best and a drooling, violent redneck at worst. But if one
tries to pin him down and asks him why he is in favor of miscegenation, he will reply in a huff that that
is not what he is aiming at at all, but only “justice, or fairness,” or “better understanding between the
races.”
And so when Rockwell naively went right to the heart of the matter in Professor Bucklin’s sociology
class, he got an angry reprimand. The racial equalitarians have gotten much bolder in the last thirty
years, but at that time Rockwell was merely aware that they wanted him to accept certain ideas without
actually those ideas out into the open arena of free discussion where they would be subject to attack:
I still knew little or nothing about communism or its pimping little sister, liberalism, but I
could not avoid the steady pressure, everywhere in the University, to accept the ideas of
massive human equality and the supremacy of environment.
Typically, this pressure resulted not in acquiescence but in his determination to stand up for what
seemed to him to be reasonable and natural. He satirized the equalitarian point of view, not only in his
column in the student newspaper, but also in one of his sociology examination papers! The nearly
catastrophic consequences of this bit of insolence taught him the prudence of holding his tongue under
certain circumstances.
As he began his junior year at Brown, the alien conspiracy to use America as a tool to make the world
safe for Jewry was shifting its propaganda machine into high gear. National Socialist Germany was
portrayed as a nation of depraved criminals whose goal was the enslavement of the world-including
America. Hollywood, the big newspapers, and his liberal professors — always the most noisily vocal
faction at any university — all pushed the same line, unabashedly appealing to the naive idealism of
their audience: “Hitler must be stopped!”
And, like millions of other American patriots, Lincoln Rockwell fell for the smooth lies and the clever
swindle, backed as they were by the authority of the head of the American government. Neither he nor
his millions of compatriots realized that the conspiracy had reached into the White House, and that its
occupant had sold his services to the conspirators:
It is typical of my political naivete of that time that when the propaganda about Hitler
began to be pushed upon us in large doses, I swallowed it all, unable even to suspect that
somebody might have an interest in all this, and that it might not be the interest of the
United States or our people. . . . It became obvious that we would have to get into the war
to stop this ‘horrible ogre’ who planned to conquer America so we were told, and so I
believed.
Thus, in March, 1941, convinced that America was in mortal danger from “the Nazi aggressors,”
Rockwell left his comfortable life at the university and offered his services to his country’s armed
forces. Shortly after enlisting in the United States Navy, he received an appointment as an Aviation
Cadet and began flight training at Squantum, Massachusetts. He received his first naval commission, as
an ensign, on December 9, 1941 — two days after the Pearl Harbor attack. He served as a naval aviator
throughout World War II, advancing from the rank of ensign to lieutenant and winning several
decorations. He commanded the naval air support during the American invasion of Guam, in July and
August, 1944. He was promoted to lieutenant commander in October, 1945, and shortly thereafter
returned to civilian life, where he hoped to make a career for himself as an artist.
While still in the navy, he had married a girl he had known as a student at Brown University. The
marriage was not a particularly happy one, although it was destined to last more than ten years.
The first five years after leaving the navy were spent as an art student, a commercial photographer, a
painter, an advertising executive, and a publisher, in Maine and in New York. Then in 1950, with the
outbreak of war in Korea, Lieutenant Commander Rockwell returned to active duty with the United
States Navy and was assigned to train fighter pilots in southern California. There almost by chance, the
political education of thirty-two-year-old Lincoln Rockwell began.
It was in 1950 that Senator Joseph McCarthy’s investigations into subversive activities and treasonous
behavior on the part of a number of United States government employees and officials began to receive
wide public notice. Rockwell, like every honest citizen, was horrified and angered by these disclosures
of treachery. But he was puzzled as much as he was shocked by the violent, hysterical, and vicious
reaction to these disclosures which came from a certain segment of the population. Why were so many
persons — and, especially, so many in the public-opinion-forming media — frantically determined to
silence McCarthy and, failing that, to smear and discredit him?
McCarthy was an American with a distinguished record. A war hero, like Rockwell he had entered his
country’s armed forces as an enlisted man and emerged as a much-decorated officer. He had won the
Distinguished Flying Cross for his combat performance in World War II. Now that he was flushing
from cover the rats who had sold out the vital interests of the country for which he had fought,
Rockwell could not understand why any responsible and loyal citizen should seek to defame the man or
block his courageous efforts:
I began to pay attention, in my spare time, to what it was all about. I read McCarthy
speeches and pamphlets and found them factual, instead of the wild nonsense which the
papers charged was his stock-in-trade. I became aware of a terrific slant in all the papers
against Joe McCarthy, although I still couldn’t imagine why.
At this time an acquaintance gave Rockwell some anti-Communist tracts to read. One of the things he
immediately noticed about them was their strongly anti-Semitic tone. Although manifest public
evidence obliged him to agree with some of the charges made by the authors of these tracts — for
example, that there were extraordinarily disproportionate numbers of Jews both among McCarthy’s
attackers and among the subversives his investigations were unearthing — he found many of their
claims too far-fetched to be credible. In particular, the charge that communism was a Jewish, not a
Russian, movement seemed ridiculous when Rockwell considered the fact that Jews were so firmly
entrenched in capitalistic enterprises and always had been; capitalism, supposedly the deadly enemy of
communism, was the traditional Jewish sphere of influence.
One anti-Communist tabloid went so far as to cite various items of documentary evidence in support of
its seemingly wild claims, and Rockwell decided to call its bluff by looking into this “evidence” for
himself. On his next off-duty day he went to the public library in San Diego, and what he found there
changed the course of his life-and will yet change the course of world history. In his own words:
“Down there in the dark stacks of the San Diego Public Library, I got my awakening from thirty years
of stupid political sleep….”
Rockwell was staggered by the evidence he uncovered in the library; it left no doubt, for instance, that
what had been described in his school textbooks as the “Russian” Revolution was instead a Jewish orgy
of genocide against the Russian people. He even found that in their own books and periodicals the Jews
boasted more-or-less openly of the fact! In a Jewish biographical reference work entitled Who’s Who in
American Jewry he found a number of prominent Bolsheviks proudly listed, although by no stretch of
the imagination could they be considered Americans. Among them were Lazar Kaganovitch, the
Butcher of the Ukraine, and Leon Trotsky (Lev Bronstein), the bloodthirsty Commissar of the Red
Army, who was given credit in the book for liquidating “counter-revolutionary forces” in Russia.
Another book, written by a prominent “English” Jew, boasted that “the Jews to a greater degree
than . . . any other ethnic group . . . have been the artisans of the Revolution of 1917.” An estimate was
given in the book that “80% of the revolutionaries in Russia were Jews.”
Musty back issues of Jewish newspapers told the same story, and they were backed up by official U.S.
government records. One volume of such records, which had been published twenty years previously,
contained ministerial reports from Russia of brutal frankness. Typical of the material in these records
was the following sentence written by the Dutch diplomatic official, Oudendyk, in a 1918 report to his
government from Russia:
I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before
the World, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated
Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread in one form or another
over Europe and the whole world as it is organized and worked by Jews who have no
nationality; and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of
things.
Shocking as were these revelations, Rockwell was even more disturbed by the fact that the general
public was oblivious to them. Why were these things not in school history text? Why was he told over
and over again by the radio and newspapers and magazines of Adolf Hitler’s “awful crime” in killing
so many Jews, but never told that the Jews in Russia were responsible for the murder of a vastly larger
number of Gentiles?
Other questions presented themselves. He had been told that England’s attack on Germany was
justified by Hitler’s attack on Poland. But what of the Soviet Union, which had invaded Poland at the
same time? Why no English declaration of war against the Soviet Union? Could it be because the
government there was in Jewish hands? Who was responsible for the conspiracy of silence on these and
other questions? He grimly resolved to find out. And, later, as the facts gradually fitted into place and
the whole, sordid picture began to emerge, he saw before him an inescapable obligation.
An honest man, when he becomes aware that some dirty work is afoot in his community, will speak out
against it and attempt to rouse his neighbors into doing the same. What if he finds, though, that most of
his neighbors do not want to be bothered; that many of his neighbors are already aware of what is afoot
but prefer to ignore it because to oppose it might jeopardize their private affairs; that some of his
neighbors — some of his wealthiest and most influential neighbors, the leaders of the community —
are themselves engaged in the dirty work? If he is an ordinary man, he may grumble for a while about
such a sorry state of affairs, but he will adapt himself as best he can to it. He will soon see there is
nothing to be gained by sticking his neck out, and he will go on about his business.
Human nature being what it is, he will very likely ease his conscience by trying to forget as rapidly as
possible what he has learned; perhaps he will even convince himself eventually that there is really
nothing wrong after all, that his initial judgement was in error, and that the dirty work was really not
dirty work but merely “progress.” If, on the other hand, he is an extraordinary man with a particularly
strong sense of duty, he will continue to oppose what he knows to be wrong and bound to work evil for
the community in the long run. He may continue to point out to his neighbors, even after they have
made it clear that they are not interested, that the dirty work should be stopped; he may write pamphlets
and deliver speeches; he may even run for public office on a “reform” ticket.
But even so, being a reasonable man and no “extremist,” he will feel himself obliged to give the
malefactors the benefit of the doubt which must surely exist as to their motives. And perhaps their
position is, indeed, not wholly wrong? Surely, some sort of reasonable compromise which will be fair
to all concerned is the best solution. If the evildoer had been working alone when discovered, hanging
would, of course, be the only admissible solution to the problem: a fitting and total repudiation by the
community of his evil deeds. But when so many criminals, with so many accomplices, have been
engaged for so long in such an extensive undertaking and have already done such profound damage,
surely the most reasonable solution must be just to admonish the criminals — if, indeed, it is fair to call
them criminals — try to install a few safeguards against their renewed activity — safeguards which, to
be sure, would not be too grossly inconsistent with the “progress” (or was it damage?) already wrought
— and then, letting bygones be bygones, try to live with things as they are.
But, it is only one man out of tens of millions — the rare and lonely world-historical figure — who has,
first, the objectivity to evaluate such a situation in terms of absolute and timeless standards and,
unswayed by popular and contemporary considerations of “reasonableness,” to draw the ultimate
conclusions which those standards dictate; and who then has the strength of will and character to insist
that there must be no compromise with evil, that it must be rooted out and utterly destroyed, that right
and health and sanity must again prevail, regardless of the commotion and temporary unpleasantness
involved in restoring them.
Rockwell had seen the facts. To him, it was unthinkable to attempt to wriggle away from the conclusion
they implied. And, as he realized the frightening magnitude of the task before him, instead of
attempting to excuse himself from the responsibility which his new knowledge carried with it, he felt
rising within him his characteristic response to a seemingly impossible challenge.
It was a straightforward sense of commitment which had led him to volunteer for military service in
March, 1941, as soon as he had been tricked into believing that Adolf Hitler was a threat to his country,
instead of waiting for Pearl Harbor. And in early 1951, when he began to understand that he had been
tricked in 1941 and when he began to see who had tricked him and what they were up to and the
terrible damage they had done to his people and were yet planning to do, that same sense of
commitment left only one course open to him, namely, to fight! He did not stop to ask whether others
were also willing to shoulder their responsibility; his own was perfectly clear to him.
But how to fight? Where to begin? What to do? The name of one man who had done something
naturally came to his mind: Adolf Hitler. Rockwell has described what happened next:
I hunted around the San Diego bookshops and finally found a copy of Mein Kampf hidden
away in the rear. I bought it, took it home, and sat down to read. And that was the end of one
Lincoln Rockwell . . . and the beginning of an entirely different person.
He had not, of course, spent nearly thirty-three years completely oblivious to world events. Many
things had bothered him deeply, and he had spent years of frustrating effort trying to fathom the
apparently meaningless chaos into which the world seemed to be descending. It seemed to him that
there must be some logical relationship between the events of the preceding few decades, but he could
not find the key to the puzzle:
I simply suffered from the vague, unhappy feeling that things were wrong — I didn’t know
exactly how — and that there must be a way of diagnosing the disease and its causes and making
intelligent, organized efforts to correct that something wrong.
Adolf Hitler’s message in Mein Kampf gave him the key he had been seeking, and more:
In Mein Kampf I found abundant mental sunshine, which bathed all the gray world
suddenly in the clear light of reason and understanding. Word after word, sentence after sentence
stabbed into the darkness like thunderclaps and lightning bolts of revelation, tearing and ripping
away the cobwebs of more than thirty years of darkness, brilliantly illuminating the mysteries of
the heretofore impenetrable murk in a world gone mad.
I was transfixed, hypnotized. I could not lay the book down without agonies of impatience
to get back to it. I read it walking to the squadron; I took it into the air and read it lying on the
chart board while I automatically gave the instructions to the other planes circling over the desert.
I read it crossing the Coronado ferry. I read it into the night and the next morning. When I had
finished I started again and reread every word, underlining and marking especially magnificent
passages. I studied it; I thought about it; I wondered at the utter, indescribable genius of it . . .
I reread and studied it some more. Slowly, bit by bit, I began to understand. I realized that
National Socialism, the iconoclastic world view of Adolf Hitler; was the doctrine of scientific
racial idealism–actually a new religion. . . .
And thus Lincoln Rockwell became a National Socialist. But his conversion to the new religion still did
not answer his question, “What can be done?” Eight long years of struggle and defeat lay ahead of him
before he would gain the knowledge he needed to effectively translate his new faith into action and
begin to carry on Adolf Hitler’s great work once again. While he still lacked the wisdom that could
only come in the years ahead, he lacked nothing in energy and determination. For a year he continued
to explore the ramifications of the new world view he had adopted and also continued his self-
education in several other areas, including the Jewish question.
Then, in November, 1952, the Navy assigned him to a year of duty at the American base at Keflavik in
Iceland, where he was executive officer and, later, commanding officer of the Fleet Aircraft Service
Squadron there, “Fasron” 107. His promotion to commander came in October, 1953, after he had
requested an extension of his Icelandic assignment for another year. He also met and fell in love with
an Icelandic girl, who became his second wife in the same month he was promoted. This marriage was
far happier than his first. The relative isolation and solitude he enjoyed in Iceland gave him a further
opportunity to consolidate his thoughts and to plan a campaign of political action based on his National
Socialist philosophy. Feeling that his most urgent need was some medium for the dissemination of his
political message, he considered various ways in which he might enter the publishing business. He
needed to establish a bridgehead in this industry which would provide him with operational funds and
living expenses as well as give him a vehicle for political expression.
He finally decided to begin his career with the publication of a monthly magazine for the wives of
American servicemen, primarily because the complete absence of any competing publication in the
field seemed to offer an excellent business advantage. He felt that he could not only capture this
market, thus assuring himself a steady income, but that service families would provide a particularly
receptive audience for his political ideas. His idea was to employ the utmost subtlety, disguising his
propaganda so carefully that he would not jeopardize any Jewish advertising accounts the magazine
might acquire. He naively thought that he would deceive the Jews and move the hearts and minds of his
readers in the desired direction simultaneously.
Rough plans had been laid by the time his service in Iceland was over. His return to civilian life came
on December 15, 1954. Nine months of more planning, hard work, fund-raising, and promotion led to
the realization of his ideas with the publication of his new magazine, for which he chose the name U.S.
Lady, in Washington, in September, 1955.
At the same time he was getting his magazine underway, he began making personal contacts in right-
wing circles in the Washington area. He attended the meetings of various groups and then began to
organize meetings of his own. Before he could put his magazine to use as a medium for disguised
propaganda, however, he found himself in serious financial difficulties, due to his lack of capital, and
he was forced to sell the magazine in order to avoid bankruptcy.
With undiminished enthusiasm, he continued his organizing efforts among the right wing. Making the
same mistake that nearly every other beginner makes, he assumed that the proper way to proceed lay in
coordinating the numerous right-wing and conservative organizations and individuals-bringing them
together into a right-wing superstructure where they could work effectively for their common goals. He
felt that such a coordination could make an almost miraculous transformation in the strength of the
right-wing position in America.
To this end he bought radio advertisements, spoke at dozens of meetings, wrote numberless letters, and
devoted every waking hour to the promotion of his plan for unity. He created a paper organization, the
American Federation of Conservative Organizations, and continued his tireless efforts to inspire and
mobilize even a few of the hundreds of right-wing groups and individuals with whom he had
established contact, but to no avail: “Our meetings were better and better attended, but there was no
result at all — nothing accomplished.”
He sadly learned that all the right-wing groups had one weakness in common: their members loved to
talk but were incapable of action. A substantial portion of them were hobbyists — escapists obsessed
with various pet projects and absolutely invulnerable to reason, or masochists who delighted in
moaning endlessly about treason and decay but who were shocked at the suggestion that they should
help put an end to it. Many were so neurotic that the idea of engaging them in any prolonged
cooperative effort was untenable. Some were simply insane. Virtually all were cowards. Years of
inaction or ineffectiveness had drained the ranks of the right-wing of the type of human material
essential for any serious undertaking. Very little was left but the sort of dregs with which nothing could
be done.
Unfortunately, he had failed to heed the Leader’s warning that eight cripples who join arms do not yield
even one gladiator as a result:
And if there were indeed one healthy man among the cripples, he would expend all his
strength just keeping the others on their feet and in this way become a cripple himself.
By the formation of a federation, weak organizations are never transformed into strong
ones, but a strong organization can and often will be weakened. The opinion that strength must
result from the association of weak groups is incorrect. . . .
. . . Great, truly world-shaking revolutions of a spiritual nature are not even conceivable
and realizable except as the titanic struggles of individual formations, never as the undertakings
of coalitions.
It has been said that experience keeps a dear school, and in Rockwell’s case it was dear indeed. He had
exhausted all the money left from the sale of U.S. Lady by the time the last meeting of his American
Federation of Conservative Organizations, on July 4, 1956, failed to produce any concrete results. He
had to find a new source of income and considered himself fortunate to obtain a temporary position as a
television scriptwriter.
This lasted only a few months, however, and then he took a position on the staff of the New York-based
conservative magazine, American Mercury, as assistant to the publisher. He had learned the futility of
trying to achieve effective cooperation between the various right-wing groups and had resigned himself
to forming a new organization.
Rockwell still had two bitter lessons to learn in the school of experience, however — lessons which the
Leader had set forth clearly in his immortal book, but which Rockwell, for all his careful study, had
failed to take to heart, just as with the admonition against hoping to gain strength by uniting
weaknesses. He still believed that the enemies of our people could be fought effectively by the
“respectable” means to which conservatives have always restricted themselves. He thought to avoid the
“stigma” of anti-Semitism by working silently and indirectly against treason and racial subversion. This
method had the great advantage of not provoking the enemy, so that one could proceed peacefully and
safely with one’s “silent” work.
Thus, while working at American Mercury he began to formulate plans for an underground, “hard-core”
National Socialist organization, with a right-wing front and financing by wealthy conservatives. Since
the organization was to be, in effect, National Socialist, with National Socialists at the helm and
carrying out the significant activities, and the conservative front only a disguise, he happily thought he
had a plan which would not be subject to all the flaws of those of his conservative efforts of the past.
His new project rapidly foundered on the shoals of reality, however. First he found that wealthy
conservatives suffered from most of the character defects that he had already observed in not-so-
wealthy conservatives. Money could be gotten from them for “pet” projects — but not for any serious
effort which smacked of danger, particularly danger of exposure. A more fundamental weakness of the
“secret” approach, however, lay in the fact that it is the surface disguise, the front — not the hidden
core — which determines the quality of the personnel attracted to an organization. Thus, when his
anticipated source of funds balked and his one National Socialist recruit became discouraged and left,
Rockwell was faced with the prospect of scrapping his new idea and starting again from nothing.
Sadly he re-read the words the Leader had written more than thirty years previously: “A man who
knows a thing, recognizes a given danger, and sees with his own eyes the possibility of a remedy,
damned well has the duty and the obligation not to work ‘silently’, but to stand up openly against the
evil and for its cure. If he does not do so then he is a faithless, miserable weakling who fails either from
cowardice or from laziness and incompetence. . . . Every last agitator who possesses the courage to
defend his opinions with manly forth-rightness, standing on a tavern table among his adversaries,
accomplishes more than a thousand of these lying, treacherous sneaks.”
It had taken two years of repeated discouragements and failures to bring this lesson home to him, but
now he understood it. He had finally seen the fallacy underlying the conservative premise. In his own
words:
Although it is made to appear so, the battle between the conservatives and liberals is not a
battle of ideas or even of Political organizations. It is a battle of terror, and power. The Jews
and their accomplices and dupes are not running our country and its people because of the
excellence of their ideas or the merit of their work or the genuine majority of people behind
them. They are in power in spite of the lack of these things, and only because they have
driven their way into power by daring minority tactics. They can stay in power only
because people are afraid to oppose them — afraid they will be socially ostracized, afraid
they will be smeared in the press, afraid they will lose their jobs, afraid they will not be
able to run their businesses, afraid they will lose political offices. It is fear and fear alone,
which keeps these filthy left-wing sneaks in power — not ignorance on the part of the
American people, as the conservatives keep telling each other.
Beyond this however, he was coming to an even more fundamental conclusion: Not only were
conservatives wrong in their evaluation of the nature of the conflict between themselves and liberals
and wrong in their choice of tactics, but their motives were also wrong; at least, he was beginning to
see that their motives differed fundamentally from his own. Basically, the conservatives are aracial.
Their primary concerns are economic: taxes, government spending, fiscal responsibility; and social:
law and order, honest government, morality. At worst, their sole interest is the protection of their
standard of living from the encroachments of the welfare state; at best, they are genuinely concerned
about the general decay of standards and the trend toward mobocracy and chaos. But, as a whole, they
show very little concern for the biological problem of which all these other problems are only
manifestations.
Certainly the right wing was preferable to the left wing in this respect. At least conservatives tended to
have a healthy anti-Semitic instinct. But as long as their inner orientation was economic-materialistic
rather than racial-idealistic, they would remain primarily interested in the defense of a system rather
than a race, they would continue to look for easy and superficial solutions rather than fundamental
ones, and they would continue to lack that spirit of selfless idealism essential to ultimate victory. Thus,
as the year 1956 drew to a close, Rockwell was certain of one thing: Conservatives would never, by
any stretch of the imagination, be able to offer any effective opposition to the forces of degeneration
and death. As he wrote later, anyone, when he first discovers what is going on, might be forgiven a
certain period of nourishing the delusion and hope that there is a safe, easy, and “nice” solution to the
problem. But to pursue the same fruitless tactics year after year is evidence of something else:
Conservatives are the world’s champion ostriches, muttering to each other down under the sand “in
secret”, while their plumed bottoms wave in the breeze for the Jews to kick at their leisure. They are
fooling nobody but themselves.
The answer would have to be found elsewhere-but where, how?
The years 1957 and 1958 were difficult ones. As a representative of a New York management-
consultant firm, he spent most of 1957 traveling in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, writing
and consolidating his thoughts whenever he could find time. The winter of 1957–58 saw a brief
interlude in Atlanta, where he sold advertising.
During this period, Rockwell had an experience about which he has never written and which he related
to only a few people. Always a skeptic where the supernatural was concerned, he was certainly not a
man to be easily influenced by omens. Yet there can be no doubt that he attached special significance to
a series of dreams that he had then. The dreams — actually all variations of a single dream — occurred
nearly every night for a period of several weeks and were of such intensity that he could recall them
vividly upon waking. In each dream he saw himself in some everyday situation: sitting in a crowded
theater, eating at a counter in a diner, walking through the busy lobby of an office building, or
inspecting the airplanes of his squadron at an airfield hangar.
And in each dream a man would approach him — theater usher, diner cook, office clerk, or mechanic
— and say something to the effect, “Mr. Rockwell, there is someone to see you.” And then he would be
led off to some back room or side office in the building or hangar, as the case may have been. He would
open the door and find waiting for him inside, always alone — Adolf Hitler. Then the dream would
end.
One can most easily interpret these dreams as a case of autosuggestion, but in the light of later
developments Rockwell considered them as a symbolic summons, a beckoning onto the path for which
he was then still groping, whether that beckoning was the consequence of an internal or an external
stimulus.
Early in 1958 he returned to Virginia. His first effort there was in Newport News, where he produced
political cartoons in collaboration with the publisher of a small racist magazine which shortly went
bankrupt. In Newport News, however, he met a man who was to play a critical role in changing the
course of his political career: Harold N. Arrowsmith, Jr.
Arrowsmith was a wealthy conservative with a “pet” project — but he was not like any other wealthy
conservative Rockwell had met. Independently wealthy as the result of an inheritance, he had formerly
been a physical anthropologist. He had stumbled into politics rather by accident when a friend on the
research staff of a Congressional investigating committee had asked him for some help with some
library research connected with a case under investigation. In the course of this work he had, to his
surprise, come upon some of the documentary material that had so startled Rockwell a few years earlier
in San Diego.
Being a trained scholar, a linguist with a dozen languages at his disposal, having access to all the major
libraries and archives of the Western world — and with unlimited time and money — he was able to
follow up his initial discoveries and soon had unearthed literally thousands of items of evidence. The
story they told was a shocking and frightening one: world wars and revolutions, famines and massacres
— not the caprices of history, but the results of deliberate and cold-blooded scheming.
Although he had filing cabinets bulging with military intelligence reports, court records, photostats of
diplomatic correspondence, and other material, he had not been able to publicize any of his finds.
Scholarly journals returned his carefully written and documented papers with rejection slips, and it
soon became apparent that no publisher of general periodicals would accept them either. He
approached Rockwell with the proposition of printing, publishing, and distributing some of his
documentary material, with full financial backing.
They formed the “National Committee to Free America from Jewish Domination,” and Rockwell
moved to Arlington, Virginia, where Arrowsmith provided him with a house and printing equipment.
Rockwell had already reached the conclusion that if any progress were to be made, it was necessary to
break out of the right-wing milieu into fresh territory. Right-wingers had been exchanging and reading
one another’s pamphlets for years, with no noticeable results. They always used the same mailing lists
and sent their propaganda to people who, for the most part, had already heard at least a dozen variations
on the same theme. What was needed was mass publicity, so that some fresh blood could be attracted
into the Movement.
As the normal channels of mass propaganda were closed to most right-wingers — and certainly to
anyone whose propaganda might prove distressing to Jews — Rockwell had decided that radical means
must be used to force open those channels. He placed this objective before all others. For, he reasoned,
if one is to mobilize men into an organization — secret or otherwise — for the purpose of gaining
political power, one must first let those men know of one’s existence and communicate to them at least
a bare outline of one’s program. Until a mass of new raw material — potential recruits — could be
stirred up by making a really significant impact on the public consciousness, there was simply no sense
in proceeding further; he had already spent too much time doing things the old way. He was, in fact,
prepared to take the next-to-last step in his progress from just another goy to the heir to Adolf Hitler’s
mighty legacy. He decided on public agitation of the most provocative sort-agitation of such a blatant
and revolutionary sort that the mass media could not ignore it.
In May, 1958, Eisenhower had sent U.S. marines to Lebanon to help maintain the government of
President Chamoun in power, against the wishes of the Arab citizens of that country. The Lebanese
Arabs desired closer cooperation with the other Arab states, but Chamoun, much to the pleasure of the
Jews, did not. The threat of the overthrow of Chamoun and of a pro-Arab government coming into
power in Lebanon, thus adding another member to the Arab bloc opposing the illegal Jewish
occupation of Palestine, led U.S. Jews to press the course of U.S. intervention upon Eisenhower,
always their willing tool. The issue was much in the public eye during the summer of 1958, and
Rockwell decided to use it as the basis of his first public demonstration — a picket of the White House.
Calling on many of the contacts he had made around the country during the past few years, he was able
to arrange for a busload of young demonstrators to come to Washington and also to organize protest
groups in both Atlanta, Georgia, and Louisville, Kentucky.
Then on Sunday morning, July 29, 1958, Rockwell led his group of pickets to the White House, while
the groups in Atlanta and Louisville began their demonstrations simultaneously. Carrying large signs
which Rockwell had designed and printed himself, these three groups made the first public protest
against Jewish control of the U.S. government since the Jews had silenced their critics in 1941. It was
indeed a momentous occasion: not yet an open National Socialist demonstration, but a vigorous slap in
the face for the enemy — a slap which could not be ignored, as all the “secret” right-wing activity had
been for years.
Ten weeks later, on October 12, a synagogue in Atlanta was mysteriously blown up. Police immediately
swooped on Rockwell’s men in Atlanta who had demonstrated in July. Newspapers around the world
carried front-page stories implicating Rockwell and Arrowsmith in the bombing. Arrowsmith, who felt
he was getting more involved in politics than was comfortable, retrieved his printing equipment and
withdrew Rockwell’s financial support. For the first time, Rockwell began to get a taste of the difficult
times which lay ahead. Hoodlums, instigated by the newspaper publicity, attacked his home. Windows
were broken, and stones and firecrackers were thrown at his house late at night. Both by day and by
night he and his wife received obscene and threatening telephone calls. Finally, for the sake of their
safety, he felt obliged to send his family to Iceland.
With its financial backing gone, the “National Committee to Free America from Jewish Control” was
no more. The last of Rockwell’s conservative friends evaporated in the harsh glare of newspaper hate
propaganda which was heaped upon him. As the new year, 1959, came in, he found himself alone in an
empty house, without friends or money or prospects for the future. He had dared to seize the dragon by
the tail and had survived. Yet, in the bleak, cold days of January and February, 1959, this gave him little
comfort as he faced an uncertain and unpromising future.
. . . As I sat alone in that empty house or lay alone in that even emptier bed in the silent,
hollow darkness, the full realization of what I was about bore in upon me with fearful
urgency. I realized there was no turning back; as long as I lived I was marked with the
stigma of anti-Jewishness . . . I could never again hope to earn a normal living. The Jews
could not survive unless they made an example of me the rest of my life, else too many
others might be tempted to follow my example. My Rubicon had been crossed, and it was
fight and win — or die.
And then something happened which, in its way, was to be as decisive in his life as had been his
finding Adolf Hitler’s message in Mein Kampf, eight years before, in San Diego. Again, it was like a
guiding hand reaching to him from the twilight of the past — from a charred, rubble-filled bunker in
Berlin — and showing him the way. Waiting for him at the post office one morning at the beginning of
March was a large carton. In it, carefully folded, was a huge swastika banner, which had been sent by a
young admirer.
Deeply moved, he carried the banner home and hung it across one end of his living room, completely
covering the wall. He found a small, bronze plaque with a relief bust of Adolf Hitler, which had been
given to him earlier, and mounted it in the center of the swastika. Then he found three candles and
candle holders, which he placed on a small book-case he had arranged just below the bronze plaque. He
closed the blinds and lit the candles:
I stood there in the flickering candlelight, not a sound in the house, not a soul near me or
aware of what I was doing — or caring.
On that cold, March morning, alone before the dimly lit altar, Lincoln Rockwell underwent an
experience of a sort shared by few men in the long history of our race — an experience which comes
seldom to this world but which may radically alter the course of that world when it does. Nearly fifty-
three years before, a similar experience had befallen a man — that time on a cold, November night, on
a hilltop overlooking the Austrian town of Linz.
It was a religious experience that was more than religious. As he stood there he felt an indescribable
torrent of emotions surging through his being, reaching higher and higher in a crescendo with a peak of
unbearable intensity. He felt the awe-inspiring awareness for a few moments, or a few minutes, of
being more than himself, of being in communion with that which is beyond description and beyond
comprehension. Something with the cool, vast feeling of eternity and of infinity — of long ages
spanning the birth and death of suns, and of immense, starry vistas-filled his soul to the bursting point.
One may call that Something by different names — the Great Spirit, perhaps, or Destiny, or the Soul of
the Universe, or God — but once it has brushed the soul of a man, that man can never again be wholly
what he was before. It changes him spiritually in the same way that a mighty earthquake or a
cataclysmic eruption, the subsidence of a continent or the bursting forth of a new mountain range,
changes forever the face of the earth.
Slowly the storm subsided, and Lincoln Rockwell — a new Lincoln Rockwell — became aware once
again of the room about him and of his own thoughts. He has described for us his feeling then:
. . . Where before I had wanted to fight the forces of tyranny and regression, now I HAD to
fight them. But even more, I felt within me the power to prevail — strength beyond my
own strength — the ability to do the right thing even when I was personally overwhelmed
by events. And that strength has not yet failed me. Nor will it fail. . . . I knew with calm
certainty exactly what to do, and I knew, in a hard-to-explain sense, what was ahead. It was
something like looking at a road from the air after seeing only the curve ahead from the
ground. . . . Hitler had shown the way to survival. It would be my task on this earth to carry
his ideas . . . to total, world-wide victory. I knew I would not live to see the victory which I
would make possible. But I would not die before I had made that victory certain.
And just as Adolf Hitler had said of his experience on the Freinberg, “In that hour it began,” so in that
hour it began for Lincoln Rockwell also. He did not realize it then, of course, but this climactic event
had come almost exactly in the middle of his political life; he had run just half the course from that fall
day in 1950, in the San Diego Public Library, to a martyr’s death in Arlington in the late summer of
1967.
Before, he had been a right-winger, a conservative, albeit a more and more openly anti-Jewish one;
before, he had felt the need to keep his National Socialism concealed; before, while he had admired
Adolf Hitler as the greatest thinker in the history of the race and Mein Kampf as the most important
book ever written, they had not been wholly real to him — and this attitude had resulted in his failure
so often to apply the Leader’s teachings to his own political efforts. Now, however, he was no longer a
conservative, but a National Socialist, and he would bear witness for his faith before the whole world;
now, at last, he recognized in Adolf Hitler not just an extraordinarily great mind and spirit, but
something immortal, transcendental, more than human; now he saw the Leader as an embodiment, in a
way, of that Universal Soul with which he had briefly communed; now he was prepared to follow the
Leader’s teachings without reservation, in all things.
At the same time that these fundamental changes in his outlook took place, he saw the need for a
fundamental change in his political tactics. He recalled the Leader’s words:
Any man who is not attacked in the Jewish newspapers, not slandered and vilified, is no
true National Socialist. The best measure of the value of his will is the hostility he receives
from the mortal enemy of our people . . .
Every Jewish slander and every Jewish lie is a scar of honor on the body of our warriors.
The man they have most reviled stands closest to us, and the man they hate worst is our
best friend.
Anyone who picks up a Jewish newspaper in the morning and does not see himself
slandered in it has not made profitable use of the previous day; for if he had, he would be
persecuted, reviled, slandered, abused, befouled. And only the man who combats this
mortal enemy of our nation and of all Aryan humanity and culture most effectively may
expect to see the slanders of this race and the efforts of this people directed against him.
And further:
It makes no difference whatever whether they laugh at us or revile us, whether they
represent us as clowns or criminals; the main thing is that they mention us, that they
concern themselves with us again and again, and that we gradually appear to be the only
power that anyone reckons with at the moment. What we really are and what we really
want, we will show the Jewish journalistic rabble when the day comes.
Rockwell had already recognized the need for gaining mass publicity by radical means, but he had
flinched at the thought of the slander and vilification, the misrepresentation and ridicule which must
inevitably accompany any publicity he received through the alien-dominated mass media. He had been
living in the conservative dream world and had shared with other right-wingers the comfortable illusion
that one can keep the enemy fooled — even make him think one is his friend — and fight him
effectively at the same time.
Even as he gradually became more forthright in his statements with respect to the Jewish question, he
retained the feeling that to speak out openly for Adolf Hitler’s National Socialist world view would be
nothing short of suicide.
Thus he had fallen between two stools after his demonstration of July 29, 1958. He had been numbed
by the virulence of the hatred unleashed against him, and at the same time found himself crippled by
self-imposed limitations in his own campaign.
Now, however, he had decided that not only would he never again flinch under the torrent of abuse and
slander which his activities were sure to bring down on him, but he would provoke such attacks by the
enemy, looking upon each one as a “scar of honor” and also as another small step toward his eventual
general recognition as the opponent of everything the enemy stood for, as “the only power with which
[that enemy] reckoned.” And he saw that an open avowal of his National Socialism was not only the
strongest irritant he could bring to bear against his enemy, but it was the only realistic basis for
gathering around himself those elements of the population needed to build a viable and lasting
movement with which eventually to destroy that enemy and restore his own race to the position of
strength and health and honor from which it had abdicated.
Actually, he carried the Leader’s counsel about the use of the enemy’s own propaganda to its logical
extreme. Looking at the task before him realistically for the first time, he saw that the problems he
faced were so severe that, in order to make any progress against them, he would be obliged to
concentrate all his energies upon one aspect of those problems at a time.
The first step was general recognition. His earlier conviction that that goal must be attained at the
expense of every other consideration was now stronger than ever. Thus, instead of following the natural
urge to dissociate National Socialism from the Hollywood image that Jewry had been building for it for
more than three decades, he temporarily threw all hopes of “respectability” — even among other
National Socialists — aside and set about turning to his own advantage all the Jews’ previous efforts.
Toward this end he deliberately pinned on himself the label “Nazi,” rather than “National Socialist,”
using this bit of journalistic jargon which had been coined by the enemy during the early days of
struggle in Germany, a term looked upon by National Socialists with about the same feeling that
convinced Marxists must look upon the designation “commie,” or “pinko.” Behind this step — one
which was to cause much misunderstanding and suspicion in days to come — was the cold-blooded
realization that a strutting, shouting uniform-wearing, Hollywood-style “Nazi” was vastly more
newsworthy, had vastly more “shock value,” than any mere National Socialist.
As he pondered over his soul-stirring experience and began to lay new plans for the future during the
next few days, events began flowing in the new channel marked out for them by the finger of Destiny.
Three men, a right-wing acquaintance and two other men who were strangers to Rockwell, dropped in
to see him one evening. Initially shocked and repelled by the swastika banner in his living room, they
were soon won over by his passionate exposition of the new cause. Two of the three remained to
become his first disciples.
Then he opened the blinds on his windows, making his swastika banner visible from the street. He
issued swastika armbands to his two recruits, and the three of them swaggered about the house wearing
holstered pistols. Later he mounted an illuminated swastika on the roof.
The crowds came to laugh and jeer and throw rocks-but a few remained to listen. His “stormtroopers”
grew in number from two, to four, to ten.
These March days in 1959, which witnessed the first genuine rebirth of National Socialist activity after
nearly fourteen years of terror and total suppression, marked the beginning of the stormiest and most
difficult times Rockwell faced. Harassed by the police with illegal searches and confiscation of his
property and materials, assaulted by thugs and vandals whom the police made no efforts to apprehend,
he and his small group of followers printed and distributed tens of thousands of leaflets and talked to
throngs of curious and hostile visitors who came to see the “American Fuehrer,” as the newspapers
laughingly called him. He first chose the name “American Party” for his embryonic organization, but
soon changed the name to “American Nazi Party.”
Keeping his initial objective foremost in his mind, he concentrated the activities of his small group
primarily on the distribution of inflammatory leaflets, on creating public incidents, on haranguing
crowds under circumstances especially chosen to provoke violent opposition — anything and
everything, in other words, to gain mass publicity, to become generally recognized as the opponent of
the Jews and everything they represented, from Marxism to unprincipled capitalism, from racial
degeneration to cultural Bolshevism.
His first soapbox-style public address was delivered on the Mall, in Washington, on Sunday, April 3,
1960, and became a regular occurrence for some time thereafter.
A letter he wrote to his mother during this early period of public speaking gives an idea of a few of the
difficulties he faced:
7 July, 1960
Dear Mother:
Thank you for the letter and the help. It is much appreciated. . . . Don’t pay too much
attention to what the papers say, Mother they lie unbelievably. Last week they tried to
murder us again on the Mall here and almost killed Major Morgan, whom you met, when
they dragged him out — ten of them — and stomped him and left him for dead. But we
prevailed, and even though the police, much against their will, were forced to arrest us for
“disorderly conduct” (for being attacked by a murderous mob!), the people are with us.
This sort of thing is inevitable, and it will get worse. Now they have tried — yesterday —
to have me heaved in an insane asylum to shut me up, but they were surprised, as I was
relieved, when people rushed forward to offer the huge cash bond they set for me and I will
have a psychiatrist of my own choosing deliver a report, instead of the two Jews they
planned for me. Do not worry about all this. It is dangerous, painful, and bitter when our
own people do not understand what we are doing and suffering for them, but I am sure that
the Lord will not permit liars and villains to win in the end. You will yet be mighty
proud. . . .
Love,
Link
In May, 1960, the National Socialist Bulletin made its appearance as the first periodical published by
the American Nazi Party. It evolved in to the Stormtrooper magazine after eight issues. Meanwhile, on
February 5, 1960, the United States Navy, under pressure from Jewish groups, forced Rockwell to
accept a discharge from the Naval Reserve.
Despite the news quarantine imposed on him, despite beatings and jailings, despite a chronic lack of
funds, despite serious personnel problems, and despite a thousand other troubles and difficulties, his
campaign to gain public recognition made steady progress. Newspapers found it impossible to
completely avoid mentioning his brash and daring exploits; editors and columnists found irresistible the
temptation to denounce or “expose” him. Even radio and television emcees, ever on the prowl for
sensation, yielded to temptation and defied the ban on publicity for Rockwell.
The image of George Lincoln Rockwell and the America Nazi Party created by the mass media for
public consumption was, of course, a grossly distorted one. Rockwell had succeeded in forcing the
media, more or less against their will, to give him publicity. Unfortunately, he could not force them to
be impartial in their treatment, or even to be truthful, An interview with him published in the popular
magazine, Playboy, was prefaced with such editorial remarks as: “Unlike controversial past
interviewees Rockwell could not be called a spokesman for any socially or politically significant
minority. But we felt that the very virulence of Rockwell’s messianic master-racism could transform a
really searching conversation with the 48-year-old Fuhrer into a revealing portrait of both rampant
racism and the pathology of fascism.”
Another commented: “The question of George Lincoln Rockwell boils down, then, to the question of
how far can America let the hate-mongers go. Will an unsound branch on the tree of American
democracy fall off or will it poison the organism?”
The really ambitious writers, editors, and reporters did not restrict themselves to such mildly prejudicial
remarks but vied with one another in concocting outrageous lies about Rockwell. He was accused of
cowardice, sadism, selfish gormandizing, kidnapping: “Like the late Adolf Schickelgruber, on whom he
models himself, he believes in leading from behind — as far behind as possible.” In one magazine, he
was “quoted” as boasting that he had once castrated a heckler with his bare hands,” and another
reported: “George Rockwell’s hysterical raving has already whipped up the lunatic fringe to the
breaking point. Last summer three of his stormtroopers decided to please the Fuehrer by kidnapping a
small Jewish child in Washington, D.C., and holding him at the Party Headquarters for several hours.
How many more innocent citizens will be subjected to harassment before Robert F. Kennedy and the
Justice Department move in?”
Topping them all was the story that “Like a true Nazi top dog, he avails himself of top-dog privileges
and orders private meals served in his room. He partakes of such fancy fare as turtle soup, lobster, and
steak while the men eat hash. Between meals he enjoys sucking kumquats.” This last flight of fancy is
reminiscent of articles published in the German press (before 1933) which portrayed Adolf Hitler as a
drunken profligate (Hitler only drank once in his entire life: the night of his High School Graduation)
and lecher who dissipated the contributions of his followers in high living, champagne parties, and
whoring.
Rockwell accepted these lies and slanders philosophically, for the alternative to this Jew-designed
public image even was no public image at all. As a matter of fact, the Jews-and non-Jewish publicists
anxious to demonstrate their affection for the Jews — cannot be given all the blame for this poor
image. Rockwell himself lent a conscious hand to its creation, as he admitted when he said, “. . . When
I have the rare opportunity to use some mass medium, as was recently the case when I gave an
interview to Playboy, I am forced to walk a careful line between what I should like to say and what the
enemy would like to hear me say. Unless I deliberately sound at least halfway like a raving illiterate
with three loose screws, such an interview would never be printed.”
The price he paid for becoming generally recognized as “Mr. Nazi” was a high one indeed. Other men
with sound racial instincts but without Rockwell’s understanding of political realities were, naturally
enough, appalled by what seemed to be Rockwell’s ridiculous antics. Most people, even relatively
sophisticated ones who talk knowingly about “managed news,”simply find incomprehensible the
Jewish Big Lie technique.
These sound but simple citizens all too often jumped to the not-implausible conclusion that Rockwell
was a kind of agent provocateur, a traitor hired by the enemy to discredit honest racists and patriots.
His correspondence with some of them displays a mixture of impatience with their inability to perceive
the essence of the real problems facing our race, and a sincere desire to evoke understanding. The
following extracts from a letter to a member of a snobbish racist group calling itself the “European
Liberation Front” are typical:
Dear Mr. . . .:
I realize that I am only a stupid, silly American, but I do love this country, in spite of your
denunciation of it. What you hate about it is what the Jews have done to it, and you are like
a man who permits his wife to be debauched by rapists and then tosses her in the garbage
can for it. Shame on you! “American” influence on Europe is not American at all, and you
damned sure should know it. The real American influence was Henry Ford, our West, and
the like.
Europe is a tired old man-more like a tired old lady — and if Western culture is to be saved,
it will be saved by the last Western barbarians, the American barbarians I love. Men like
you, suave, polished, educated, supercilious, and “above” nasty physical violence, cannot
save themselves, let alone a nation, a culture, or a race. You people with your “European
Liberation Front” are going at it backwards. You can’t liberate Europe any more with
Europeans. Hitler gave that effort every bit of holy genius within him, and he was mashed
by the American barbarians. You and your egghead gang of dandies are in love with what is
gone and insist on ignoring what is here. Rome is no more. You keep trying to resurrect it,
and you can’t, because there are no more noble Romans over there, at least not enough to
make a real fight of it, Europe is like one big France — all empty shell, fine words, pretty
songs, and dead men. We helped kill Europe. If you did liberate it, like France was
“liberated,” it would sink into degeneracy again in a century..
There are, of course, good, vigorous fighting men in Europe, but they are swamped by the
human garbage left in the wreckage of two wars promoted by Jews and fought by
Americans. I am building National Socialism here, by such expedients and methods as may
be possible, and I am succeeding, in spite of your looking down your nose at me . . .
Whenever I can get some or the other of you to ditch the “We’re-the-real-National
Socialists” game and start being National Socialists, I give strength to the cause to which I
have given my life, my family, my comfort, and everything else I have to give, no matter
what you may have been told. . . .
Frankness, not diplomacy, was his strong point.
In order to allay hostility and suspicion as much as he could, he was soon obliged to divert some of his
energies from agitation and publicity garnering to a more sober exposition of his ideas. His first major
effort in that direction was the publication of his political autobiography, This Time the World. Written
hastily in the fall of 1960 between speaking engagements, court appearances, street brawls, and
desperate attempts to raise money to sustain his small group, he was not able to publish it until a year
later. The printing and binding of the book were done entirely by his untrained stormtroopers, and their
only machinery was a tiny, office-style duplicator. The absolute sincerity of its tone failed to convince
few of its readers, but the difficulties of distribution, due to the Jewish “quarantine,” limited its
circulation to a few thousand copies.
In October, 1961, the first of his Rockwell Reports appeared. Varying in length from four to thirty-six
pages, the Rockwell Report appeared semi-monthly at first, then monthly, occasionally lapsing into bi-
monthly publication during particularly difficult periods. The Rockwell Reports contained a lively
mixture of National Socialist ideology, current political analysis, prognostication, political cartoons and
drawings, reproductions of pertinent news clippings, and photographs of Party activities. They all bore
his unique stamp and, more than any other one thing, were responsible for drawing to him the idealistic
young men who formed the cadre of the growing movement.
From the beginning, Rockwell had understood the necessity for the National Socialist movement
eventually to operate from a worldwide basis. For the ultimate political goal of the Movement was the
establishment of an Aryan world order, a pax Aryana, as a prerequisite for the attainment of the long-
term racial goals of the Movement. From the spring of 1959, this concept had existed on paper as the
“World Union of Free-Enterprise National Socialists,” but until the summer of 1962 it was not
implemented beyond an exchange of letters with individual National Socialists in Europe. In early
August, 1962, Rockwell met with National Socialist representatives from four other nations in the
Cotswold Hills, near Cotswold, England, and the World Union of National Socialists formally came
into existence. On the fifth of August the protocol now known as the Cotswold Agreements was drawn
up, pledging the National Socialist movements of the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany
(including Austria), and Belgium to a common effort. Annual meetings of the World Union of National
Socialists were originally envisaged, but Fate and circumstances prevented this. Rockwell was under
increasing pressure in America during the next five years, as the situation there grew steadily more
turbulent.
Rockwell’s original program was divided into three phases. The first phase, beginning in March, 1959,
was to be a phase of provocative but essentially non-constructive activity, intended to generate
publicity and build a public image, no matter how distorted. The second phase was to be a cadre-
building phase, during which a strong, disciplined, effective, professional National Socialist
organization was to be built and capabilities in propaganda and organizing developed to a high degree.
The third phase was to be one of mass organization.
Phase one was masterfully executed. Rockwell proved himself an outstanding tactician in the rough-
and-tumble game of smashing through the Jewish blackout barrier. With cool objectivity, he watched
the press heap bucket after bucket of lies and filth on his image, provoking them to renewed activity
whenever they tired. With keen insight he analyzed the Jewish situation. He understood that though
they occupied the key positions of control in the public-opinion-forming networks, they were
constrained to a large extent by the fact that that control must remain hidden from the public.
Furthermore, he understood the fact that a very substantial portion of the reporters, editors, columnists,
newscasters, and even many individual newspaper and broadcast-station owners are not Jews, and,
barring direct and categorical orders to the contrary from the key Jews, these people can be counted
upon to react in a more-or-less predictable way to a given stimulus. Thus, by taking a position and
making statements which seemed extreme and even ridiculous to the “average citizen,” he could entice
publicists to quote him widely, thinking thus to discredit both the man and the philosophy with these
average citizens. What they failed to understand was that before the Movement could profit from any
mass appeal, it had to appeal to a large number of very un-average citizens — fearless idealists who
could form the National Socialist cadre.
And these men responded in a very different way to Rockwell’s message than did the liberal publicists
or their average audience. They saw beyond the superficial “ridiculousness” of his message to the
kernel of deep truth that it contained. While the average citizen, incapable of thinking beyond the
immediate problems of the day, found Rockwell’s message “too extreme,” just as the publicists
intended, those who could extrapolate in their minds the developments of the present to the
consequences of tomorrow-and of a century hence-saw the compelling necessity of his demands. But
such men are rather sparsely distributed throughout the population, and to reach them Rockwell needed
to cast his net very wide; this the publicists helped him do while they thought to smear him. Rockwell
also understood that the image of him being erected in the minds of the masses, while a liability now,
had a value for the future, when conditions had ripened so that at least some of those masses were
ready for an “extremist.”
Phase two — cadre building and organizational development — in a sense was co-extant with phase
one, for from the very beginning Rockwell’s publicity began to attract a few of the idealists needed for
phase two, and these men began to constitute the skeleton of the organizational structure which was
later to be filled out. Even a bit of phase three entered the picture during the first phase, when Rockwell
conducted a campaign to become governor of the state of Virginia in 1965.
This election campaign proved to be a period of extremely valuable training not only for Rockwell but
for the leadership personnel of his entire Party. Realizing the eventual need to develop proficiency at
mass campaigning, Rockwell decided to begin acquiring experience in that direction soon rather than
late. As he later admitted, after winning less than 1.5% of the votes cast, the campaign also provided a
more fundamental lesson and helped him to realistically re-evaluate the entire status of the Movement.
Before, he had taken overly optimistic view that the Movement would begin to pick up substantial
mass following as soon as it had gained sufficient publicity through his phase-one activities; that is, he
believed that phases two and three would be largely concurrent.
After the Virginia campaign, having been reminded once again of the stupendous inertia of public
opinion, he realized that phase two would be much longer than originally anticipated, and that the
beginning of any substantial success from phase-three activity would have to await two things: a
considerable internal strengthening of the Movement and a considerable worsening of the general
racial-social-economic situation.
With this first thing in mind, he made the decision in 1966 to inaugurate a general activity. As
mentioned before, the first two phases of Party activity overlapped to a large extent, and the transition
between the two was marked primarily by a shift of emphasis. Phase one was the “Nazi” era of the
Movement. Phase two is the beginning of the National Socialist era. In line with this re-emphasis, the
American Nazi Party officially became the National Socialist White People’s Party on January 1, 1967,
and that date can reasonably be considered to mark the transition. Six months earlier, the appearance of
National Socialist World was a major step in this direction. And six months after that date — in June,
1967 — a historic re-organizational conference of the Party leadership was held in Arlington. There
Rockwell set the Movement on its new course, explaining the need for a total professionalization of
every activity, from fund raising to propaganda writing, in order to meet the severe demands to be
expected during the long period of growth and struggle ahead.
He was now forty-nine years old. For the past eight years he had been working an average sixteen
hours a day, seven days a week. The strain on his physical and spiritual resources had been severe.
Usually he was obliged to concentrate on the several tasks simultaneously. There was always a
demonstration to be planned, a speech to be prepared, propaganda to be written, a court case to be
fought, money to be raised, and everything to be done under nearly impossible working conditions,
with incessant interruptions. Only the immense vitality of his rugged, six-foot-four-inch frame and a
deep reserve of spiritual strength had sustained him in the past.
The course that lay ahead would certainly be no easier; on the contrary, in addition to the old tasks
connected with agitation and publicity, there would be many new problems to be faced as the
Movement continued into its new phase of activity.
Other men — strong men — might have yielded to the temptation to remain with a prescription to
which they had become accustomed and not venture from a beaten path into strange and difficult
territory. The slightest trace of subjectivity would allow them to ring forth a hundred reasons for not
changing a modus operandi which they had found successful in the past. And yet it was characteristic
of Rockwell that he did not hesitate for an instant. When he saw that the time had come for the
Movement to change its tactics and accept a different set of challenges, he set himself to the new task
with the same determination that he had shown throughout the first phase.
Now it was necessary to build up a whole new public image for the Party, or, rather, gradually to
transform the grossly distorted image he had induced the enemy to build for him to one closer to the
truth. It was a demanding task, and he spent the summer of 1967 in laying plans for the future and in
finishing his new book, White Power.
In one of his last letters, written in August to two faithful Party comrades, man and wife, he reveals a
little of the introspection which occupied his mind at this decisive time:
Dear
By no means do I get the solid feeling that [you] are clear in your own minds on what has
been done, what should be done now, and what might be done (or not done) in the future.
For this reason, after much of my favorite recent hobby — tossing and turning — I have
arisen as dawn is creeping over this benighted city to set forth on paper some thoughts
which might help. (And often I find that such efforts to help others, help me in the process.)
There is no plan or overall approach in this letter; it’s just jewels, pearls, and clinkers from
a mind which seems to be in a state of near-collapse and rebellion. First let me present an
insoluble problem within me. Doing my best to learn from history, I am aware of a fact of
all great struggles. There have been millions of causes, battles, and so on, almost all of
them lost. History rarely records the losers, except when they get hacked up in a
particularly interesting and dramatic manner. But there are some winners, who do get
recorded in history and I have examined these pretty carefully (wishing someday to join
their exalted ranks) to see if there is any common pattern to their activity on this planet
which might be a key to why they won, when almost everybody loses. There is absolutely
no doubt about it; there is such a pattern, even though the causes and struggles vary in
content or aim from Lenin’s Bolshevism to Adolf Hitler’s National Socialism, from a little
old lady set on running her neighbor out of town to Genghis Khan and his human
hamburger machine. The winners in every case have been more determined, more fanatical
in their ruthless refusal to quit, than their competitors. This would seem to indicate that
victory is given to him who is most persevering. But this has not been true, either. History
abounds with persevering nuts who have repeatedly hopped off hills and buildings wearing
“wings” and just as repeatedly landed on their behinds until there was nothing left. . . .
The conclusion I reach from all this is that it takes three things to make a winner: a good
cause, i.e., a cause which is in time, in phase, and needed; a leader who is unshakeable in
his determination to fight as long as he has a couple of stumps for legs and who can inspire
that same will in his troops; and some plain good luck. As I examine my own cause,
leadership, and luck, I find that it is absolutely impossible for me to make a detached
judgment on whether I am one of the fanatics hopping off a hill with a pair of Woolworth,
glue-and-feathers wings, or whether I am one of the guys who gets modeled into stone
images for the benefit of pigeons. . . . I do not think either of you knows the answer to that
one, either. However, I have the advantage over both of you in that I long, long ago made
up my mind that the best thing I can do with my life — what’s left of it — is to take aim,
do my best to control the inevitable shaking, and never take my eye and heart off the target
until it goes down . . .
ON THE 25th OF AUGUST, 1967, a Friday, at two minutes before noon, near his Arlington
headquarters, an assassin’s bullet struck him down.
The murderer, a man whom Rockwell had expelled from the Party a few months earlier for his repeated
attempts to inject Marxist ideas subtly into Party publications and for publicly expounding a doctrine of
racial Bolshevism, had lain in ambush atop a nearby building and fired into Rockwell’s car as it drove
by. Ironically, Rockwell had rescued this puffed-up little Bolshevik from the gutters of New York City
eight years before, and he had taken an almost fatherly interest in him ever since. He had never given
up his repeated attempts to instill a little decency and sense of honor into him, despite overwhelming
evidence that the man was a compulsive liar and thief and an incurable conspirator. All his well-meant
efforts in this direction were rewarded only with heartache after heartache over the years — and finally
with death, when the vicious little punk he thought he could make into a man found a chance to “get
even” for being expelled from the Party.
Following a denial by the United States government of Commander Rockwell’s right to burial in a
national cemetery, his Party comrades had his body cremated, and a National Socialist memorial
service was held in Arlington on the afternoon of August 30. His eulogy was short but moving.
National Socialist comrades! Fellow White Americans! Today we take upon ourselves the
sorrowful task of laying to rest the mortal remains of our beloved Commander, Lincoln
Rockwell, martyred by the bullet of a cowardly assassin. To those of us who worked with
him every day, to those Party comrades all over America, and to dedicated National
Socialists throughout the world the staggering loss imposed by his death will only be fully
felt in the days and years of struggle which lie ahead of us all. His inspiration and his will,
the depth of his wisdom and the heroism of his spirit — these are the things which gave us
the motivation and the guidance we sorely needed to keep up the fight on so many dark
days in years past.
The stunning suddenness of his departure and the ensuing turmoil of the last few days have
kept us from yet assessing the magnitude of our loss. But even harder to bear than this,
perhaps, has been utterly shabby — the despicably shameful — treatment of our fallen
Commander by a government of the nation he served so faithfully throughout all the years
of his manhood. George Lincoln Rockwell gave his life in the struggle against Bolshevism
at a time when thousands of other American fighting men on the other side of the world are
also falling victims to that same Bolshevism — and yet an American government has
denied his request to be laid to rest in the place of his choice.
George Lincoln Rockwell served America for twenty years and through two wars, risking
his life again and again in defense of the land and the people he loved so well. He was no
armchair soldier, but he chose of his own will that soldierly profession demanding the very
highest order of courage and skill: he was a fighter pilot. His dedication to duty, his daring,
his proficiency led him from the rank of Seaman to that of full Commander, gave him the
leadership of three squadrons, and earned him nine decorations. And an American
government does not hold him fit to be buried beside his fellow fighting men.
George Lincoln Rockwell has sacrificed more and fought harder for the things he held dear
— his native land, his fellow countrymen, and above all his race — than any man now
living. He saw his duty and unflinchingly did it, even when that duty led him into
opposition to nearly all those around him. He saw further than other men, and he fought
harder. Indeed, in this latter regard he cherished the maxim of the great Leader whose
philosophy moulded his own thoughts: Those who want to live, let them fight; and those
who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.
He fought, and he died. And yet Lincoln Rockwell is not really dead, for he built a
Movement and he spread an idea, and that Movement was not destroyed nor that idea
silenced by the bullet that struck him down. And so long as that Movement remains and
that idea continues to fill the hearts and minds of men, the spirit of Lincoln Rockwell lives
on.
The ashes of the martyr lie here before us, and we cannot help but be filled with a solemn
sense of tragedy. Yet we are not really here to mourn him, but to honor him and to
rededicate ourselves to the Cause which he served. In the times ahead we must redouble
our efforts, so that he will not have died in vain. We must let his great sacrifice serve to
inspire us onward in our struggle toward victory — the victory of our people, of our great
White race, over the disease which now afflicts it and the enemies who now oppress it.
Indeed at this moment we must bear in mind that old saying which the Commander
paraphrased for us: ‘The stones and mortar of our Movement are the bones and blood of its
martyrs.’ It is this aspect of his death that he would now want us to keep uppermost in
mind, forgetting our sorrow and filling ourselves with pride at the knowledge we followed
such a leader.
For it was he, Lincoln Rockwell, who again picked up the torch which fell to earth twenty-
two years ago. Adolf Hitler founded our great Movement and will forever fill a unique
position in the saga of our race; but had it not been for Lincoln Rockwell, Adolf Hitler’s
mighty work might well have been in vain. It was Lincoln Rockwell who set us once again
on the upward path when we had faltered and wanted to go back again. It was his example
which inspired us to do what we knew we should do rather than that which was easiest to
do. It was his hand which led us out of the maze of defeat and degeneration and despair,
and pointed the way toward higher things; and his voice which reminded us over and over
again that we must continue the struggle for our race.
As we lay to rest the mortal remains of Lincoln Rockwell, it is appropriate to read once
again that passage from the Leader’s book which he loved best. I shall read from chapter
twelve of the first volume of the Commander’s personal copy of Mein Kampf:
When human hearts break and human souls despair, the great vanquishers of distress
and care, of shame and misery, of spiritual slavery and physical duress look down
upon them from the twilight of the past and hold out their eternal hands to faint-
hearted mortals. Woe to the people that is ashamed to grasp them!