The Gambling Culture

G E N E R A L E D I T O R Robert B. Kruschwitz
A rt E di T O R Heidi J. Hornik
R e v ie w E ditor Norman Wirzba
p ro c la m ation E D I T O R William D. Shiell

A s s i s tant E ditor Heather Hughes

Prod u c tion A s s i s tant Elizabeth Sands Wise
D e s igner Eric Yarbrough

P u b li s h er The Center for Christian Ethics

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 Contents

Introduction 8
Robert B. Kruschwitz
Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble? 11
Kevin Moore
The Hidden Social Costs of Gambling 19
Earl L. Grinols
State Lotteries: Gambling with the Common Good 29
Julia Fleming
Investment vs. Gambling 37
Mike A. Stegemoller
Other Voices 45
The Gambling Culture in Art 48
Heidi J. Hornik
The Crucifixion
Andrea Mantegna
Madonna and Child Enthroned with Saints, San Zeno Altarpiece
Andrea Mantegna
The State Lottery
Vincent van Gogh
“Self-sufficient!” Is the Cry 55
Terry W. York and C. David Bolin
Worship Service 58
David G. Miller
Congregational Ministry to Problem Gamblers 65
Deborah G. Haskins
The Harm of Predatory Gambling 73
Suzii Paynter
If Only the Bible Said... 78
Bob Terry
continued
 Problem Gambling 82
Janet E. Jacobs
The History of Gambling 88
Heather Vacek
Editors 94
Contributors 96

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W ould a G ood and F aithful D isciple G amble ?

The Christian tradition has long been wary of gambling, but we live in
a society largely desensitized to its dangers. No wonder we are puzzled
about what to do. How can scriptural teachings about common motivations
for gambling guide us to a more clear and consistent witness?
T he H idden S ocial C osts of G ambling
The social costs of gambling—crime costs, business and employment costs,
bankruptcy, suicide, illness related to pathological gambling, social service
costs, direct regulatory costs, family costs, and abused dollars—are “hidden”
only to the extent that they are often misunderstood or overlooked.
G ambling with the C ommon G ood
While their regressive burden upon the disadvantaged is a strong reason
for rejecting state lotteries, we should also consider the messages that their
promotion conveys to the community. Lotteries, as alternatives to taxation,
undercut the development of civic virtues and social responsibility.
C ongregational M inistry to P roblem G amblers
When Christians experience the effects of problem and pathological gam-
bling, to whom do they turn for help? Congregations speak loudly in oppo-
sition to legalized gambling, but often their voices are muted in responding
with instruction and encouragement to members and their families, or to
others in the community with gambling problems.
I nvesting versus G ambling
Investing in securities that trade on financial markets is very different from
gambling in important ways. Yet these activities share a common thread of
risk. How can investors avoid the imprudence associated with inordinate
risk-bearing that can make capital markets seem more like casinos?
Reliable guidance
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of today’s world

Past Issues:
Prophetic Ethics s Aging
Global Wealth s Consumerism
Parables s Suffering s Children
Marriage s Sabbath s Sports
Apocalyptic Vision s Cloning
The Pornographic Culture
Peace and War s Mysticism
Christianity and Islam
Forgiveness s Immigration
Women and the Church
Prayer s Sermon on the Mount
Where Wisdom Is Found
Moral Landscape of Creation
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Inklings of Glory s Health
Food and Hunger s Vocation
Catechism s Racism s Hospitality
Singing Our Lives s Cities and Towns
Advent Ethics s Heaven and Hell
Schools in a Pluralist Culture
Monasticism Old & New
Freedom s Virtual Lives
The Gambling Culture

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The Letter of James
Caring for Creation
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8 The Gambling Culture

Introduction
B y R obert B . K ruschwit z

We live in a gambling culture in which the dramatic

expansion and new forms of organized gambling—from
private casinos to state lotteries, from sophisticated
slot machines to Internet games—raise challenging
moral issues.

G
ambling has never been a simple moral phenomenon, and never
“just another form of entertainment” as we often hear today.
Gambling games have the power to change us: by focusing on
the quick accumulation of wealth, they may encourage greed and cov-
etousness; by emphasizing chance, they may distort our trust in God’s
providence; and by encouraging a cavalier attitude toward risk, they
may undermine our stewardship of God’s gift of talent and resources.
“We will just be careful!” some have said, and certainly we should be.
But this cannot be the whole of our response, for organized gambling
continues to put vulnerable members of our communities—the poor,
the less educated, the most liable to addiction—at risk of great harm.
Our contributors reflect on the dramatic expansion and new forms
of organized gambling in our society—from private casinos to state lot-
teries, from sophisticated slot machines to Internet games—and the chal-
lenging moral issues that this gambling culture raises.
In a society largely desensitized to the dangers of gambling, we often
stumble to articulate why the Christian tradition has long been wary of
the practice. When we turn to Scripture for insight, Kevin Moore notes
in Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble? (p. 11), we find “there is
no explicit biblical prohibition of the act of gambling.” Yet he discovers
plenty of “relevant counsel and stern warnings, especially regarding
greed, idleness, taking advantage of the vulnerable, and other common
motivations for gambling.” In If Only the Bible Said… (p. 78) Bob Terry
   Introduction 9

develops the theme that “Gambling draws us away from loving God with
our whole hearts.”
After Suzii Paynter began working with the Texas legislature regarding
gambling laws, she realized “it is not the simple personal impulse to wager
that is destructive.” The greater danger, as she explains in The Harm of Pred-
atory Gambling (p. 73), “is the multi-billion dollar business model and its
complicit partner, the state, that have elegantly designed machines and mar-
keting that will without conscience ‘play you to extinction,’ or until all your
money is gone.” The economist Earl Grinols, in The Hidden Social Costs of
Gambling (p. 19), canvases the damage to individuals and society that is
traceable to organized gambling. “The social costs of gambling fall into nine
groups: crime costs, business and employment costs, bankruptcy, suicide,
illness related to pathological gambling, social service costs, direct regula-
tory costs, family costs, and abused dollars,” he notes. “Empirical studies
(which estimate some, but not all, of the implied social costs of gambling)
report that the impact on society of one additional pathological gambler is
about $9,393 per year.”
Most state governments not only regulate gambling, they also promote
it through state lotteries. Julia Fleming questions whether running a lottery
is an appropriate activity for government. In State Lotteries: Gambling With
the Common Good (p. 29) she warns, “While their regressive burden upon the
disadvantaged is a strong reason for rejecting state lotteries, we should also
consider the messages that their promotion conveys to the community. Lot-
teries, as alternatives to taxation, undercut the development of civic virtues
and social responsibility.”
The culture of gambling is so pervasive, Mike Stegemoller notes, that
“Western capital markets have been compared to a large casino, and the
investment in the securities that trade on such markets to gambling.” In
Investment vs. Gambling (p. 37) he carefully distinguishes wise investing
in financial markets from gambling, but he warns how the “marketing of
discontentment” can easily lure us to speculative and risky wagers in the
market.
While biblical scholars like Kevin Moore rightly call attention to impor-
tant differences between modern gambling and the ancient practice of cast-
ing lots, which was a way to guarantee the impartiality of a decision, the
distinction is not always clear in Christian art. In Casting Lots (p. 48) Heidi
Hornik focuses on a detail in Andrea Mantegna’s The Crucifixion where the
Roman soldiers vying for Christ’s tunic appear to be gambling. Clearly they
“are nonchalant and distracted from the grisly torture they are inflicting. To
emphasize this, the artist contrasts the competition among the soldiers cast-
ing lots to the mutual support of the grieving women.” Vincent van Gogh’s
The State Lottery (cover) is Hornik’s subject in Gathered by the Lottery (p. 52),
where she explores the artist’s use of a dark palate and muted tones to
depict citizens in The Hague drawn together by the promise of winning.
10 The Gambling Culture

The liturgy (p. 58) by David Miller leads us to worship together the God
who is sure and trustworthy. Terry York’s new hymn “‘Self-Sufficient!’ Is
the Cry” (p. 55) draws a vivid contrast between the stances of the gambler
and the disciple. David Bolin has composed a saucy tune for it, “Chance.”
“Congregations speak loudly in opposition to legalized gambling,”
Deborah Haskins observes, “but often their voices are muted in responding
with instruction and encouragement to members, their families, and others
in the community with gambling problems.” In Congregational Ministry to
Problem Gamblers (p. 65) she explains that each year in the United States
about two million people suffer from pathological or compulsive gambling
and another four to six million from problem gambling. She urges churches
to “become more aware of the spiritual and emotional struggles that gam-
blers face [so] they can provide holistic supportive ministries to their mem-
bers and to the wider community.”
Janet Jacob’s review essay Problem Gambling (p. 82) identifies helpful
resources for congregations that provide an overview of compulsive gam-
bling. She praises Nancy M. Petry’s Pathological Gambling: Etiology, Comor-
bidity, and Treatment as “a practical primer for mental health professionals,”
and reports that Robert Ladouceur and Stella Lachance’s Overcoming Patho-
logical Gambling: Workbook is “an excellent resource for pastors and lay per-
sons to navigate the pragmatic aspects of dealing with problem gamblers.”
The contributors to Gambling Problems in Youth: Theoretical and Applied Per-
spectives edited by Jeffrey L. Derevensky and Rina Gupta, focus on the mul-
tiple aspects of adolescent gambling.
“The details of the debate about the costs and benefits of gambling are
complicated,” Heather Vacek admits in The History of Gambling (p. 88), “but
Christians need not remain immobilized in what has become a complex tug
of war between supporters and opponents.” She reviews four books that trace
the recent growth of gambling in the United States. Jokers Wild: Legalized
Gambling in the Twenty-first Century, edited by Thomas Barker and Marjie
Britz, correlates changes in public morality and laws related to gambling,
and David G. Schwartz’s Roll the Bones: The History of Gambling offers an
appreciative survey of gambling games over the centuries. Vacek commends
Gambling: Who Wins? Who Loses? edited by sociologist Gerda Reith and
Gambling: Mapping the American Moral Landscape edited by Alan Wolfe and
Erik C. Owens for their more balanced examination of gambling from the
perspectives of economics, law, public policy, sociology, history, political
science, management, theology, and psychiatry. “Concerned Christians,
informed by the research reported in books like those reviewed here, can
find faithful and productive ways to respond to the growth of the gambling
industry and the lives it affects,” Vacek concludes.
   Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble? 11

Would a Good and Faithful

Disciple Gamble?
B y K evin M oore

The Christian tradition has long been wary of gambling,

but we live in a society largely desensitized to its dangers.
No wonder we are puzzled about what to do. How can
scriptural teachings about common motivations for gam-
bling guide us to a more clear and consistent witness?

T
he New Testament scholar Ben Witherington imagines a puzzled
disciple asking, “What is wrong with a little betting at the office
pool or buying a lottery ticket? What is wrong with going to a casino
and having a little fun? After all—it is ‘our’ money isn’t it?”1 This scenario
mirrors how many Christians think about gambling today. They simply do
not see much harm in it: because they do not risk a lot of money, they do
not lose much. They know their limits and only gamble occasionally.
Only a handful of my Christian friends still consider gambling to be an
inherently evil activity. And even among those who warn about gambling’s
enormous potential for harm and characterize it as a particularly insidious
vice, constancy wanes. When pressed, they admit privately that gambling can
be a rather innocuous form of entertainment as long as a person keeps it with-
in reasonable boundaries. In the interest of full disclosure and transparency,
I admit that I have occasionally succumbed to the lure of the lottery, especially
when the jackpot was high.
Consider how many people the annual spring NCAA college basketball
tournament, dubbed by sports writers as “March Madness,” entices to par-
ticipate in office pools; it is more than almost any other individual sporting
event.2 The wagering involved with horse racing, dog racing, bingo, on-line
gaming, poker tournaments, and on virtually every conceivable sporting
event and even individual player statistics, only serves to confirm that we
12 The Gambling Culture

like to gamble. But does the fact that so many of us participate in some form
of gambling—even if it is only from time to time—justify our behavior?
Looking at how rapidly the gambling industry—or “gaming,” which is
the trade’s “euphemism of choice”3—has grown since the 1980s and at our
own willingness to participate, is it possible for followers of Christ to regard
themselves as a culturally distinct community? Arguably, Christians have
generally tended either to accommodate their culture or be assimilated by it.
Years ago H. Richard Niebuhr
referred to this recurring fail-
Admittedly, there is no explicit biblical pro- ure to be agents of redemp-
tion and transformation as
hibition against gambling. No commandment the “enduring problem.”4
Though the Christian tra-
says, “You shall not gamble or play games of dition has long been wary of
gambling, we live in a society
chance.” Even a clear scriptural reference to that is largely desensitized to
its dangers. It is no wonder,
gambling is elusive. then, that we are puzzled
about what to do. To gain
some moral clarity we would
do well to review biblical teachings on the comprehensive nature of stew-
ardship, trust in God’s providence, and acknowledge the spiritual danger
of the lure of easy money. I will survey a few passages in Scripture and
discuss how we can use them to examine our motives in gambling as well
as our actions. Finally, I will reflect on how we should address morally
suspect practices like gambling when the problems we see are not widely
recognized by our society.
a fir s t loo k at S c ri p t u re
Admittedly, there is no explicit biblical prohibition against gambling. No
commandment says, “You shall not gamble or play games of chance.” Even
a clear scriptural reference to gambling is elusive.
Scripture often mentions the ancient practice of casting lots, and to mod-
ern readers this unusual act may seem similar to gambling. However, the two
activities are quite different. The practice of casting lots was not a way to gain
wealth, but a way to guarantee the impartiality of an important decision. On
one hand, the practice most often occurs in a religious context—for example,
selecting a sacrificial animal (Leviticus 16:8); dividing territories among the
tribes of Israel (Joshua 18:1–10); assigning Temple responsibilities to priests
(1 Chronicles 24:31), musicians (1 Chronicles 25), gatekeepers (1 Chronicles
26:12-16), and people responsible for various offerings (Nehemiah 10:34);
choosing residents for the restored city of Jerusalem (Nehemiah 11:1); iden-
tifying the guilty party (Jonah 1:7, and perhaps Joshua 7:14–18); and select-
ing an apostolic replacement for Judas Iscariot (Acts 1:12-26).
   Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble? 13

On the other hand, there are a few disapproving references to lots

being cast for the spoils of violence (Joel 3:3; Obadiah 1:11; Nahum 3:10).
The most infamous incident involves Roman soldiers casting lots for Jesus’
clothing at his crucifixion (Luke 23:34; John 19:24; cf. Psalm 22: 18).
The practice of casting lots includes a principal element of gambling—
namely, chance—though in certain cases some would say the determining
factor was divine providence. However, an essential element of gambling—
risking one’s assets with the hope of winning a sizable prize—does not
appear to be involved. Since casting of lots is not gambling and there are
no other scriptural passages that specifically address gambling and its
destructive effects, we cannot construct a “proof text” argument against
all acts of gambling.
e x a m ining Moti v e s a s w ell a s a c tion s
A Christian perspective on gambling must consider not just what we
do—roll the dice, lay down the cards, spin the wheel, or mark the Bingo
card—but why we do it.
Modern gambling appeals to a wide array of human interests, needs,
and desires. Some people like to gamble because they have fun with num-
bers or puzzles, and relish the opportunity to take on the mathematical
constructs the various games present. Others gamble as a social activity,
a pastime they enjoy with their friends. Some are drawn to gambling so
they can compete with other players or against “the house” (the casino’s
system), especially when incredible odds are stacked against them. Other
gamblers, if they have attained a level of quantifiable expertise in one or
more of the games, may play to supplement their income. Then again,
many darker and more desperate motivations to gamble drive those who
are vulnerable, naïve, poor, or addicted. Finally, and perhaps ultimately,
there is greed, the insatiable lust for immediate wealth.
This range of possible motives can make it difficult for us to examine
our own hearts. If we gamble, are we motivated by greed, a spirit of healthy
competition, an unhealthy addiction to risk, or a bit of all three? Do we simply
enjoy the company of our friends or crave the distraction from life provided
by a gambling machine? As we know, motivations are complicated because
one motive can mask another. We rarely see ourselves clearly.
Furthermore, even if we know our own hearts, others who observe what
we are doing may not understand why we are doing it. They might imitate
our actions, but with different motives. In the most spiritually dangerous
situation, they might assume our gambling is an endorsement of greed, self-
promotion, and so on. Thus, whatever our position on gambling, we must
take into consideration the wide range of human constitutions that include
individual interests, dispositions, and varying degrees of self-control. In light
of that, we need guidance for those who are knowledgeable and spiritually
strong, but also for the vulnerable members of our communities.
14 The Gambling Culture

A S E C O N D loo k at S c ri p t u re
Even though there is no explicit scriptural condemnation of gambling,
there is a great deal of relevant counsel and stern warnings, especially
regarding greed, idleness, taking advantage of the vulnerable, and other
common motivations for gambling.
Consider, for instance, Jesus’ parable about the rich fool who, after
amassing great wealth, rashly believed he could “relax, eat, drink, [and]
be merry” (Luke 12:16–21).
The man failed to keep in
In Scripture we find a great deal of relevant mind that life is a fleeting
gift and that he was only
counsel and stern warnings, especially an interim trustee of his
possessions. Jesus’ intro-
regarding greed, idleness, taking advantage duction to the parable—
“Take care! Be on your
of the vulnerable, and other common guard against all kinds of
greed; for one’s life does
motivations for gambling. not consist in the abundance
of possessions” (12:15)—is
an unwelcome warning for
anyone with an inclination to gamble. It is also worth mentioning that Luke
deftly juxtaposes this parable with Jesus’ exhortation that his disciples should
not worry about life’s necessities, what they will eat and what they will wear,
but “strive for his kingdom” (Luke 12:22-31).
Several narratives in the book of Acts explore the base motives that may
drive us to seek wealth. Ananias and Sapphira publicly pretend to embrace
the early Jerusalem church practice in which “no one claimed private own-
ership of any possessions, but everything they owned was held in common”
(Acts 4:32), but then foolishly keep some of the proceeds from a land sale
for themselves (Acts 5:1–11). Although their desire for recognition certainly
plays a role in their scheme, I suspect greed is also a contributing factor in
their deception of the community.
Likewise, mixed motives are present in Simon who “had previously
practiced magic…and amazed the people of Samaria, saying that he was
someone great” (Acts 8:9). He attempts to purchase from the Apostles Peter
and John the ability to convey the Spirit through the laying on of hands
(8:18-19). Peter strongly disapproves of Simon’s request with the following
curse: “May your silver perish with you, because you thought you could
obtain God’s gift with money!” (8:20). Without realizing it, Simon the sor-
cerer had become a quintessential realization of the biblical warning: “You
ask and do not receive, because you ask wrongly, in order to spend what
you get on your own pleasures” (James 4:3).
In the Pauline letters we read that “greed must not even be mentioned
among you” (Ephesians 5:3), and that saints in Christ are called to “Put to
   Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble? 15

death, therefore, whatever in you is earthly: fornication, impurity, passion,

evil desire, and greed (which is idolatry)” (Colossians 3:5). Timothy is exhort-
ed concerning the “love of money.” Disciples with modest wealth should
value godliness and contentment with necessities rather than clamoring after
riches. “Those who want to be rich” risk being “trapped by many senseless
and harmful desires that plunge people into ruin and destruction,” including
the possibility of wandering “away from the faith” (1 Timothy 6:6-10). People
who are rich should be instructed “not to be haughty, or to set their hopes
on the uncertainty of riches, but rather on God…. They are to do good, to
be rich in good works, generous, and ready to share” (1 Timothy 6:17–18).
This guidance to Timothy is especially helpful in offering advice not only
to those who seek wealth, but also to those who have it. It addresses com-
munal obligations as well as individual responsibilities.
Though this survey has been cursory, it indicates that Scripture holds
a consistent view of greed: it is a sin to be avoided by rich and poor alike.
Greed is closely allied with narcissism, idolatrous self-sufficiency, and tak-
ing advantage of the vulnerable. Furthermore, those who are rich are to use
their wealth for the good of others.
In view of these scriptural principles—along with responsible and gen-
erous stewardship of our resources—we should, at a minimum, reconsider
our presuppositions about gambling and may even decide not to participate
…ever. For, as we noted above, our motives in gambling are often mixed
and may be hidden from ourselves. Surely we can be honest enough to admit
that greed is one of the primary reasons we gamble. Even if it is not, others
may misinterpret our actions and believe that we are endorsing greed. All
of this makes gambling morally suspect.
Crafting 0 u r w itne s s on ga m b ling
The itinerant Quaker preacher John Woolman (1720-1772) records in his
journal how he responded when a magic show was performed in a nearby
“public-house” during the summer of 1763. Concerned that his neighbors
were going to see the drifter’s enchanting performance, Woolman posi-
tioned himself at the entrance to the pub in order to speak to patrons as
they entered. He wanted to “convince them that their thus assembling to
see these sleight-of-hand tricks, and bestowing their money to support
men who, in that capacity, were of no use to the world, was contrary to
the nature of the Christian religion.” Woolman reports that after an hour-
long debate one of the show’s supporters conceded to his position.5
Woolman was no quack. He lived a simple, quiet life and supported
himself as a tailor and dry goods shopkeeper. He is remembered for an
exemplary life of service on behalf of the poor. Believing that slavery was
an egregious offense, he worked tirelessly to end the evil scourge, even
refusing to draft wills until the testators agreed to free their slaves at death.
To the extent that we do not share Woolman’s deep misgivings about
16 The Gambling Culture

magic, his attempt to warn his neighbors at the pub entrance strikes us as
quaint and misguided. His moral conscience was sensitized to an issue that
no longer disturbs us.6 Nevertheless this anecdote is instructive because it
exemplifies the proper deportment when opposing gambling. Like Woolman,
we should show consideration for our conversation partners by speaking
with clarity, being gentle, remaining patient, and avoiding character attacks
at all costs.
Finally, Woolman’s life
and ministry remind us how
When a practice like gambling becomes difficult it is to change the
ethos of a culture. Woolman,
part of everyday life, participants develop who opposed slavery
throughout his life, fully
a taken-for-granted mindset that avoids recognized that “Deep-
rooted customs, though
reflection and ignores important questions wrong, are not easily altered,
but it is the duty of all to be
that might lead them to change their ways. firm in that which they cer-
tainly know is right for
them.”7 When a practice
has become part of everyday life, participants develop a taken-for-granted
mindset that avoids reflection and ignores important questions that might
lead them to change their ways.
The physicist Max Planck famously bemoaned the inertia that keeps us
from changing our beliefs: “a new scientific truth does not triumph by con-
vincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its
opponents eventually die and a new generation grows up that is familiar
with it.”8 Such is the case with cultural beliefs about gambling. Disciples
from the previous generation who unequivocally opposed gambling have
died and the new generation of disciples lives in a world that is all too
familiar with organized gambling as a means of funding public works like
schools and parks. We struggle to see its dangers because we have become
desensitized to gambling’s ubiquitous cultural manifestations. Any attempt
to transform our gambling culture will be met with smug condescension.
Even to submit questions about the practice would probably invite well-
funded opposition and some personal risk.
Perhaps, a place to start is to focus on our own faith communities and
endeavor to create in them an ethos that is more faithful to the biblical wit-
ness. Such communities would be transformative because in them we would
be drawn to follow the God:
who executes justice for the oppressed;
who gives food to the hungry.
The Lord sets the prisoners free;
the Lord opens the eyes of the blind.
   Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble? 17

The Lord lifts up those who are bowed down;

the Lord loves the righteous.
Psalm 146:7–8
As followers of the Lord who watches over the disenfranchised and the vul-
nerable, should not we do this as well?
The biblical call to social justice is deeply at odds with our society’s rad-
ical individualism: recall that Witherington imagines the puzzled disciple
asking, “After all—it is ‘our’ money isn’t it?” However, in Scripture “social
justice, like love, seeks the welfare of all persons in community,” E. Claude
Gardner has noted. “It aims directly at the good of the group and indirectly
at the good of each person in the group.”9 Thus, we have not acted with justice
when we merely mind our own business and spend our money prudently.
We are stewards not only of our resources, but also of one other; and because
of that, we cannot blindly pursue our own pleasure, especially if it comes at
the expense of others.
As good and faithful disciples, then, it is critical to reexamine our gambling
presuppositions and practices by means of civil, engaging, and persuasive
discourse whenever possible without sounding like an alarmist or triggering
a reactionary response. Like the seventeenth century French philosopher
Blaise Pascal, let us encourage one another and our neighbors to place our
bets on God and his providence rather than on the lure of instant wealth via
risky wagers where the odds are truly against us.10

NOTES
1 Ben Witherington, “God and Gambling—the Latest Scourge” (February 8, 2006), accessed
April 20, 2011, [Link]
html. Reader comments on this blog and Witherington’s responses offer an accessible
introduction to the gambling debate among Christians. Another good entry point is the
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America “Gambling Study” ([Link]/socialstate-
ments/economiclife/gambling/), accessed April 20, 2011.
2 Edward H. Kaplan and Stanley J. Garstka, “March Madness and the Office Pool,”
Management Science 47 (March 2001): 369–382. “March Madness” was coined in 1939 by
Henry V. Porter to describe the Illinois High School Association basketball tournament,
and it is a registered trade mark of the IHSA. More recently the term has been used across
the country for season-end basketball tournaments, especially the popular NCAA-sponsored
college tournaments. See “A Brief History of March Madness” online at [Link]/
marchmadness/[Link], accessed April 26, 2011.
3 For a disturbing investigative report on the human costs of gambling, see Maura J.
Casey, “Gambling with Lives,” First Things (November 2009), available online at www.
[Link]/article/2009/10/gambling-with-lives, accessed April 26, 2011.
4 In Christ and Culture (New York: Harper & Row, 1951), H. Richard Niebuhr famously
analyzes the long-standing tension between Christian discipleship and cultural assimila-
tion. He identifies those Christians who adhere to the principle of cultural separation as
“anticultural radicals” who stand “against culture.” Other factions in the Church see Christ
as being part “of culture” (the “accommodators”), “above culture” (the “synthesizers”), or
in paradox with culture. Niebuhr’s last and preferred category of disciples views Christ as
18 The Gambling Culture

“the transformer of culture.” For a helpful critique and development of Niebuhr’s typology,
see Glen H. Stassen, D. M. Yeager, and John Howard Yoder, Authentic Transformation: A
New Vision of Christ and Culture (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1966).
5 John Woolman, The Journal of John Woolman and A Plea for the Poor: The Spiritual
Autobiography of the Great Colonial Quaker, introduced by Frederick B. Tolles (New York:
Corinth Books, 1961), 158–159.
6 This story illustrates the width of the cultural chasm between us and the eighteenth
century. Rather than diminishing the value of Woolman’s Journal, however, it reminds us
why reading such “old books” is vital for our common life: they get us out of our own
time and force us to reexamine our assumptions. C. S. Lewis makes this point nicely in
“On the Reading of Old Books,” God in the Dock: Essays on Theology and Ethics, edited by
Walter Hooper (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1970), 200–207.
7 Woolman, Journal, 37.
8 Max Planck, Scientific Autobiography and Other Papers, translated by Frank Gaynor
(New York: Philosophical Library, 1949), 33-34.
9 E. Claude Gardner, Biblical Faith and Social Ethics (New York: Harper & Row, 1960),
263. This book continues to be a valuable articulation of God’s expectations for social
justice.
10 For an interpretation of Blaise Pascal’s famous “wager on God,” see Peter Kreeft,
Christianity for Modern Pagans: Pascal’s Pensees Edited, Outlined, & Explained (San Francisco,
CA: Ignatius, 1993), 291–307.

Ke v in Moore
is an instructor and freelance writer in Waco, Texas.
   The Hidden Social Costs of Gambling 19

The Hidden Social Costs

of Gambling
B y E arl L . G rinols

The social costs of gambling are “hidden” only to the

extent that they are often misunderstood or overlooked.
Empirical studies (which estimate some, but not all, of
the implied social costs of gambling) report that the
impact on society of one additional pathological gambler
is about $9,393 per year.

E
stablishing a valid working concept of social costs and benefits is
a priority for social policy. A cost is something we give up or pay,
lowering our well-being; whereas a benefit is an increase to our
well-being. Utility is the term we use to refer to the total cost and benefit
we experience at some moment. When we engage in a wise trade—paying
a cost to acquire a benefit—it raises our utility; otherwise we would refuse
to make the trade.
We can extend this kind of analysis to social changes (by thinking of
them as transactions that involve a number of households). Cost-benefit
analysis is the process of valuing all of the implications of a social change
and adding the elements in a common unit, generally dollars. Thus, a social
benefit is any component in a cost-benefit analysis that reflects a rise in the
total utility of the households involved. Likewise, a social cost is any com-
ponent in a cost-benefit analysis that reflects a decline in the utility of those
households.
How can costs and benefits be compared across individuals and house-
holds? Markets are valuable for measuring changes in well-being because
goods and services that are traded in markets generate prices that place a
natural number on the cost or benefit. They also confer the impression of
20 The Gambling Culture

greater reality. However, anything that raises or lowers an individual’s well-

being is equally tangible. Market prices simply make it easier to assign a
number. Fortunately, markets are quite extensive so that a large proportion
of the things that matter to raising or lowering an individual’s well-being
can be assigned a common monetary value.
I will briefly discuss how to measure the social costs and benefits of
impacts that are tied to markets and those that are not. Then I will apply
the analysis to the social costs of gambling, explain why the social costs of
gambling are sometimes considered “hidden costs,” and summarize the
evidence on their size.
Co s t Cal c u l u s c on c e p t s
In order to measure the costs and benefits of siting gambling operations
in a community, we need concepts of the utility produced for individuals
and groups (e.g., for problem gamblers and for others). Some of the things
that influence these utilities are directly associated with market prices, but
others are not. Both sorts of influences can be defined and measured. Here I
will sketch how this is done; for the mathematical definitions and formulas
for these measurements, please see the appendix.
Consider, for example, the government’s decision to create a scenic nation-
al park that provides recreational opportunities for citizens. We can assume
that an individual’s well-being in relation to this decision will depend on
three sorts of things: the amenity value, positive or negative, of the park in
relation to the individual (which involves the many ways, times, and amounts
that the individual enjoys or is harmed by the park); the advantages and
cost of various public goods (like the public highway that makes the park
accessible);1 and the availability and cost of purchased commodities and
services (like food, clothing, and camping gear) the individual requires over
a year to enjoy the park.
Let us assume we can combine these three items—amenities, public
goods, and traded goods—into a “utility” for the individual. Next, consider
the least expenditure that the individual would need to achieve that utility.
We now have a dollar measure for the individual’s well-being understood as
a function of amenities, public goods, and marketed commodities: presuming
unchanging market prices, an individual’s level of well-being is measured
by the number of dollars it takes to achieve it. Because the expenditure level
rises and falls in a monotonic way as the target utility level increases or
decreases, we have a consistent dollar measure of changes in well-being.
Social welfare would be the sum of all such expenditures over the members
of society, and the change in social welfare would be its change. The same
reasoning can be applied to other sorts of changes in the economic environ-
ment—like the decision about where to locate a casino. We could compare
the welfare for individuals and groups before the casino is built and after it
has been operating.
   The Hidden Social Costs of Gambling 21

T h e So c ial Co s t s of G a m b ling
In literature on gambling, the social costs fall into nine groups.2 First
are the crime costs that relate to police, apprehension, adjudication, and
incarceration expenditures. There is a connection between gambling and
crime through pathological gambling, which is defined by the American
Psychiatric Association in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM IV) as
“persistent and recurrent mal-adaptive gambling behavior as indicated by
five (or more) of” ten items. Among these behaviors are committing illegal
acts such as forgery, fraud, and theft to finance one’s gambling.3
Business and employment costs include lost productivity on the job, lost
work time, and unemployment-related employer costs (such as retraining
workers or searching for replacement workers).
Bankruptcy imposes costs on society in the form of legal and other resourc-
es expended.
Suicide imposes costs on families and the wider society as well as ending
the life of despondent gamblers.
Illness related to pathological gambling has been reported to include stress-
related sickness, cardiovascular disorders, anxiety, depression, and cognitive
disorders.
Social service costs are unemployment, treatment costs, and other social
services and payments related to gambling.
Direct regulatory costs relate to government oversight of gambling and
the gambling industry.
Family costs include
divorce, separation, child
abuse and neglect.4 Domes- The social costs of gambling fall into nine
tic violence is also related
to gambling disorders. groups: crime costs, business and employ-
Abused dollars are dollars
obtained improperly but not ment costs, bankruptcy, suicide, illness
reported as a crime. Often
this is the case because the
related to pathological gambling, social
money or property is stolen
by a relative or friend.
service costs, direct regulatory costs,
The table on page 22 family costs, and abused dollars.
shows the social costs col-
lected from seven studies.
The cost figures are arranged
according to the classification above and adjusted to April 2011 dollars
using the CPI-U price index published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Notice that no figures are available for suicide and no numbers are reported
for government direct regulatory costs. The average for the studies shown
is $9,393 in annual social costs per pathological gambler. For example, intro-
ducing gambling into a society of 100 adults which results in one additional
 22

S OCIAL C OSTS P ER P ATHOLOGICAL WI CT SD LA US SC NV ADJUSTED

SD Leg. Ryan Gerstein Thompson Schwer Row
G AMBLER (A PRIL 2011 $) † Thompson Thompson
Research, et al., et al., and Quinn, et al., Averages,
et al., 1996 et al., 1998
1998-99 1999 1999 1999 2002 1996-2002
CRIME
Apprehension and Increased Police
Costs $32 $50 $1,380 $42 $79 $63 $274
Adjudication (Criminal and Civil
Justice Costs) $896 $695 $37 $514 $325 $56 $421
The Gambling Culture

Incarceration and Supervision Costs $550 $621 $527 $546 $308 $211 $461
BUSINESS AND EMPLOYMENT
COSTS
Lost Job Productivity $101 $740 $1,781 $874
Lost Time and Unemployment $1,840 $2,241 $4,292 $432 $1,376 $1,869 $2,008
BANKRUPTCY $374 $81 $465 $307
SUICIDE
ILLNESS $945 $945
SOCIAL SERVICE COSTS
Therapy and Treatment Costs $317 $80 $104 $314 $40 $57 $181 $156
Unemployment and Other Social
Services (Including Welfare and $440 $678 $758 $48 $196 $217 $121 $351
Food Stamps)
GOVERNMENT DIRECT REGULATORY
COSTS
FAMILY COSTS
Divorce/Separation $76 $76
ABUSED DOLLARS $2,760 $6,651 $331 $2,514 $1,665 $7,202 $3,520
† A complete reference list for this chart can be found on page 27. $9,393
   The Hidden Social Costs of Gambling 23

pathological gambler implies that $9,393 will have to be paid by the group
each year.
The two primary ways that social cost numbers are estimated is through
the study of pathological gamblers’ histories and through statistical analysis
of crime and other social cost statistics. Making conservative adjustments to
reported costs—e.g., for the possibility that problem gamblers in treatment
are not representative of problem gamblers in the population and for the
issue of multi-causality (an alcoholic pathological gambler may incur higher
social costs than a non-alcoholic pathological gambler)—reduces some of
the numbers, but the reported social costs per pathological gambler remain.
W h y G a m b ling ’ s So c ial Co s t s are “ Hidden ”
After testifying to a state legislative finance committee on the East Coast
about the social costs of gambling, I was challenged by its chairman regarding
the costs I had just enumerated. “I have been to Las Vegas and other gambling
areas,” he said, “and I did not see anything.” My response was, “What did
you expect to see?” Even the social costs of crime are usually hidden, as
with silent embezzlement by an employee that goes on for years until it is
discovered. But there are other reasons that the social costs of gambling—
all quite real—might seem hidden.
For example, gambling industry representatives are fond of advertising
the amount of taxes that their proposed casino or gambling project will pay.
They treat this as a social benefit, and typically calculate their numbers from
projected revenues. Never, or almost never, do they project the lost taxes
that public coffers will experience when demand dollars are shifted away
from other businesses. However, (as the calculation in the appendix shows)
the taxes of all business matter to social costs and benefits. The lost taxes
from other businesses become a de facto hidden cost.
A similar story applies to the other eight components of social costs.
For example, the category of direct payments to problem gamblers appears
second in the list of social costs and benefits. An addicted gambler who is
subsequently fired and collects unemployment benefits or other social ser-
vice payments imposes a cost on society that would not be present except
for gambling. Since the budget that makes the outlay is relatively far removed
from the cause, the social cost becomes another de facto hidden cost. The
value of stolen assets would certainly be considered a social cost to the non-
gambling public from which the assets might be taken, but no simple or reli-
able tabulation exists, making them hidden costs from the social perspective.
Being hidden obscures the true value of more than just costs. For exam-
ple, what is the benefit of gambling? The second equation in the appendix
says that the direct amenity value is the benefit of gambling. It is the amount
of money that individuals would be willing to pay, if making payment pro-
vided them with the opportunity to gamble. This is not the amount of money
that they would gamble away if given the opportunity, but rather the amount
24 The Gambling Culture

they would pay for the opportunity.

The gambling industry often suggests that a benefit of gambling is the
number of jobs that it creates. There are serious problems with this erroneous
view. First, reporting the number of employees that a casino hires does not
take into account the lost jobs at competing businesses to which gambling
revenues would have gone. Worse, as the calculations in the appendix show,
jobs nowhere appear in the list of social costs and benefits. They are a means
to an end, but not an end itself. In other words, jobs matter to creating taxes
paid, firm profits, and the other components of the second equation, but
listing jobs as a benefit is double counting. The temporary exception might
be a situation where the introduction of gambling reduced unemployment.
However, because unemployment is a temporary phenomenon dependent
on the business cycle, such a benefit would also be temporary.
No gambling industry document of which I am aware has estimated
the effect of its proposal on prices and the profits of all businesses. Since
the effect of casinos is often harmful to competing businesses—this has
been especially true of restaurants in the vicinity of casinos, for example—
these overlooked costs are effectively hidden costs.
Con c l u s ion
Contrary to assertions often made by proponents of the gambling indus-
try that the social costs of gambling cannot be identified and measured, it is
possible to do both. The social costs of gambling are “hidden” only to the
extent that they are misunderstood or overlooked. However, a framework
grounded on the well-being and utility of members of society is available
that produces an exhaustive and mutually exclusive listing of consequences.
Working just from the list of social costs that have been empirically studied,
one additional pathological gambler costs society $9,393 annually.

A p p endi x : c o s t c al c u l u s for m u la s
This formula represents an individual’s well-being as a function of three
components—amenities, public goods, and traded goods:

where ui is the utility for an individual i, is the value of the amenity a for i,
is the value of the public goods g for i, and measures the individual’s
consumption of purchased commodities and services over a period time,
typically a year.
Next, consider the least expenditure that the individual would need to
achieve utility ui when the amounts of the amenity and public goods are
and respectively, and is the list of prices facing individual i for the traded
goods. We can represent the amount of money for this expenditure as:

because it is a function of the amenity, the public goods, the cost of the traded
   The Hidden Social Costs of Gambling 25

goods, and the utility for the individual. The primary understanding is that
the amount an individual is willing to pay is directly related to the utility;
that is, for fixed amounts of amenities, public goods, and prices for traded
goods, this expenditure will rise or fall in a monotonic way with ui. Given
these assumptions, we therefore have a consistent dollar measure of changes
in well-being that include amenities, public goods, and market commodities:
an individual’s level of well-being is measured by the number of dollars
that it takes to achieve it. Social welfare is the sum of all such expenditures
over the members of society and the change of social welfare from a change
in question (e.g., the creation of a national park, or the introduction of a
gambling operation) is:

Equation (1)

The superscripts “0”and “1” refer to situations before and after the change
in question. The key point is that all the superscripts are “1,” except for the
superscripts relating to utility, the change that we are measuring to define
social costs and benefits.
Having progressed this far, it is a mechanical matter to rewrite equation
(1) by keeping track of expenditures and budget constraints. Social costs and
benefits can be written as a sum of terms that add to the total impact of a
change in the economic environment. In most cases the terms are familiar,
such as the effect on the profits of all businesses or the value that individuals
place on the presence of the amenity. In cases where they are not, however,
the terms are precisely described and have economic meanings that can be
interpreted. Importantly, the terms are mutually exclusive and exhaustive
of the impacts. They are listed below for the non-problem-gambling group
A (i A). The problem-gambling group is group B (i B). Variables identi-
fied with a superscript 0 are associated with the pre-gambling situation,
and those with a superscript 1 with the post-gambling situation that applies
after a casino (the amenity xa) has been sited. Once these are explained, we
are ready to discuss the hidden costs.

Equation (2)

= Taxes Paid + Direct Payments to Group B
+ Value of Stolen Assets + Public Good Value
+ Direct Amenity Value + Consumer Surplus
+ Transaction Constraints + Firms’ Profits
and Capital Gains Accruing to Group A

This equation shows us that the social costs of gambling can be fully
explained in eight terms and tells us what they are. The change in taxes
26 The Gambling Culture

paid by the non-problem gambling public, for example, should be balanced

against the direct amenity value they may receive from the introduction
of a casino and any change in the level of public good (perhaps a road is
improved or lengthened because of the casino). Possibly some of the impact
of gambling takes the form of crime. If assets are stolen from group A mem-
bers, their value is a social cost to the group. Likewise, if gambling leads to
social payments (treatment costs, unemployment benefits, and related types
of expenditures) caused by the introduction of gambling, these also enter.
The mathematics tells us we must also account for changes in the profits
and capital gains caused by gambling. If prices are altered in a favorable or
unfavorable direction due to the introduction of gambling, this is picked up
in the consumer surplus term that measures the social value of a change in
prices. Finally, if gambling were to lead to unemployment—a failure of mar-
ket clearing—this would appear in the transactions constraints term.
Consider the transactions constraint term; it takes the form:

Equation (3) )
— )
Consuming ( ) achieves utility u1. If the purchased bundle is
not the cheapest way to achieve this utility, the difference is non-zero and
the consumer’s choice must have been constrained. How could this happen?
For example, if the constraint is unemployment, the term says to measure the
social cost of increased unemployment as the amount of money the individ-
ual would be willing to pay to remove the constraint. It is as if the consumer
has been told to achieve the utility level , but must work fewer hours than
they normally would choose, or they must work only at their second-best
job. If there is no transaction constraint, the term is zero.
Likewise, equation (2) provides valuable guidance about how to measure
the value of gambling. The direct amenity value term is

where the only change between the differenced components is the quantity
xa. The value of the closer location would show up as a lower value for
since it would require fewer dollars spent to achieve the
same utility when the amenity is present. The term therefore measures the
amount of money an individual would be willing to give up in return for
the presence of the amenity. If the amenity is the newfound ability to gamble,
no ability to gamble would be equivalent to a gambling site that is an infinite
number of miles away—the ability to gamble corresponds to situations where
the sites to gamble are closer. In practice, how big this effect is can be inferred
by observing how the amount of gambling varies with distance from the
   The Hidden Social Costs of Gambling 27

service location5 in the same way that the value of reduced pollution has
been inferred through observing how people’s use of a swimming beach
rises when, say, the water quality at the beach is cleaner.6
Amenity values, of course, can be positive or negative. If the social cli-
mate becomes fearful or unpleasant to residents because of increased crime,
affecting their satisfaction from living in the area, the direct amenity value
term says to measure the amount that residents would willingly give up to
have the reduced crime environment. Surveys and other instruments are
sometimes used to determine amenity values in these cases.
Finally, we can verify that the social costs and benefits related to con-
sumer surplus (the advantage to a resident from an improved price system),

take the standard form, helping to validate the approach.

R eferen c e s for t h e C h art on p age 2 2

William N. Thompson, Ricardo Gazel, and Dan Rickman, “The Social Costs of Gambling
in Wisconsin,” Wisconsin Policy Research Institute Report, 9:6 (July, 1996), available online at
[Link]/Reports/Volume9/[Link], accessed May 13, 2011.
William N. Thompson, Ricardo Gazel, and Dan Rickman, “Social Costs of Gambling: A
Comparative Study of Nutmeg and Cheese State Gamblers,” Gaming Research & Review
Journal, 5:1 (1999), 1-15.
South Dakota Legislative Research Council, “Economic and Fiscal Impacts of the South
Dakota Gaming Industry” (December 8, 1998) and attachment: Letter of January 7, 1999 to
Mr. Terry Anderson, Director, South Dakota Legislative Research Council, Table “South
Dakota Total Estimated Incremental Social Costs.”
Timothy P. Ryan, et al., “Gambling in Louisiana: A Benefit/Cost Analysis,” prepared for
the Louisiana Gaming Control Board (April, 1999), available online at [Link].
edu/dber/gambling1998/[Link], accessed April 21, 2011.
Dean Gerstein, et al., “Gambling Impact and Behavior Study: Report to the National
Gambling Impact Study Commission” (April 1, 1999), available online at [Link].
[Link]/dlib/[Link], accessed April 21, 2011.
William N. Thompson and Frank L. Quinn, “An Economic Analysis of Machine Gam-
bling in South Carolina,” presented to The Education Foundation of the South Carolina
Policy Council (May 18, 1999), available online at [Link]/images/pdf/
eLibrary/[Link], accessed April 21, 2011.
R. Keith Schwer, William N. Thompson, and Daryl Nakamuro, “Beyond the Limits of
Recreation: Social Costs of Gambling in Southern Nevada,” (2003), available online at
[Link]
[Link], accessed May 13, 2011.

NOTES
1 A public good, as opposed to a private good, is any good in which one individual’s
consumption does not limit the ability of other individuals to consume the same good. Of
course, the degree of publicness varies, as when congestion effects (like a traffic jam on the
narrow highway leading to the park) partially limit others from consuming the good.
28 The Gambling Culture

2 For a more in depth treatment of these social costs, see Earl L. Grinols, Gambling in
America: Costs and Benefits (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 24-26 and 136.
Some researchers have added a tenth social cost called political costs which they define
as disproportionate political influence resulting from the increasing concentration of
economic power.
3 Other mal-adaptive gambling behaviors include repeated unsuccessful attempts to
stop gambling, returning another day to win back losses (“chasing” one’s losses), lying
to family members or others to conceal the extent of one’s gambling, and damaging
significant personal relationships over one’s gambling.
4 For example, from 1978 to 1988 Nevada ranked first in child death from neglect and
abuse.
5 See Grinols, Gambling in America, and Earl L. Grinols, “Distance Effects in Consump-
tion,” Review of Regional Studies, 29:1 (1999), 63-76.
6 N. E. Bockstael and K. E. McConnell, “Public Goods as Characteristics of Non-Market
Commodities,” Economic Journal, 103 (September, 1993), 1244-1257.

E arl L . G rinol s
is Distinguished Professor of Economics at Baylor University in Waco,
Texas.
   State Lotteries: Gambling with the Common Good 29

State Lotteries: Gambling

With the Common Good
B y J ulia F leming

While their regressive burden upon the disadvantaged is

a strong ethical reason for rejecting state lotteries, we
should also consider the messages that their promotion
conveys to the community as a whole. Lotteries, as
alternatives to taxation, undercut the development of
civic virtues and social responsibility.

W
ithin the last fifty years, state governments in the United States
have made a radical change in their policies towards gambling, as
evidenced especially in their sponsorship of lotteries. Today, ninety
percent of the U.S. population lives in lottery states; in 1960 no Americans
did. As Erik Owens has observed, “Every action the government takes, every
policy the government makes, conveys certain values to its citizens.”1 So,
what values are state governments indirectly endorsing, or at least tolerating,
in their new reliance upon lotteries as a source of revenue? Does govern-
mental promotion of lotteries exploit the weaknesses of problem gamblers,
prey upon the disadvantaged, and encourage a superstitious belief in lucky
numbers? In a broader sense, do lotteries, as alternatives to taxation, under-
cut citizens’ development of civic virtues and social responsibility?
Roman Catholic social thought provides a helpful vantage point from
which to consider the ethics of state lotteries as a regular revenue source. The
tradition’s general principles, especially its emphasis upon civic responsibil-
ity and the importance of social virtues, suggest that reliance on the lottery
poses a risk both to vulnerable citizens and to the character of the community
as a whole. Because of this, one might accurately describe state lotteries as a
gamble with the common good.2
30 The Gambling Culture

G a m b ling and Cat h oli c So c ial T h o u g h t

The Roman Catholic tradition does not provide a simple yes or no answer
to questions about the morality of gambling. Some forms of gambling (e.g.,
Russian roulette) are certainly wrong, as are some gambling practices, such
as cheating. But in these cases it is the risk to life or the defrauding of others
that is objectionable rather than gambling as such. The 1994 Catechism of the
Catholic Church points out the dangers of a gambling passion without con-
cluding that it is always wrong to participate in games of chance. Instead,
the Catechism explains that gambling becomes wrong when the gamblers
risk money that they need to provide for themselves or others. Illegitimate
gambling misdirects money needed for necessities into a discretionary pur-
chase. In principle, buying lottery tickets with one’s grocery money is no
different from buying movie tickets, baseball tickets, cruise tickets, or any
other luxury items under similar circumstances. Thus, the rightness or
wrongness of playing the lottery often depends upon the intentions and
the financial resources of the purchaser.3
Beyond the level of the individual participant, however, we encounter
other ethical questions regarding how the government should respond to
gambling. These questions involve complex judgments about what policies
will best serve the common good under particular circumstances, especially
since public resources are limited. Because of differences in culture and in
local economic conditions, not all communities will adopt the same policies
about the legalization, regulation, or taxation of various games of chance.
Thus, it is not surprising that there is no official Catholic teaching on specif-
ic governmental policies regarding gambling (although individual bishops
or groups of bishops have sometimes responded publicly to gambling pro-
posals within their dioceses). Instead, Catholics must usually evaluate these
policies by applying a more general principle—the responsibility of govern-
ment to pursue the common good, which includes the welfare of all individ-
uals and groups within the community. This emphasis upon the common
good provides a criterion for evaluating civic choices about gambling.
However, in America today state lotteries are not only regulated by state
governments, but also sponsored by state governments. This distinguishes
lotteries from other types of activities that communities try to regulate and
limit by imposing levies (colloquially known as “sin taxes”) on their pur-
chasers. While it is true that governments use both lotteries and sin taxes to
raise money, states do not create products such as Wyoming Wine Coolers
or Massachusetts Menthols; nor do they issue public service announcements
designed to encourage drinking and smoking. By contrast, lotteries require
the ongoing development of games and promotional strategies, in addition
to the administrative costs associated with any governmental activity.4 For
this reason, ethical questions about lotteries in the United States today are
necessarily questions about government and its role in promoting the com-
mon good. Is running a lottery an appropriate activity for government? Do
   State Lotteries: Gambling with the Common Good 31

state lotteries discourage the development of civic virtue by funding public

enterprises with an invisible tax upon lottery players instead of asking all
citizens to take financial responsibility for their community’s needs?
T h e R ole of G o v ern m ent
Establishing priorities, especially under today’s economic conditions,
is one of the most important ways in which state governments serve the
common good. When resources are limited, public servants must make
difficult and often painful decisions about where to spend state revenues.
Given that government cannot do everything, is running a lottery an appro-
priate use of public funds? (People often think of lotteries as a way to raise
money, but it is important to remember much of that income disappears
into prizes, promotions, and administrative costs). Ironically, with their
lotteries, most state governments now exercise a monopoly on a product
that was illegal only fifty years ago. At a time when communities must
trim, eliminate, or privatize traditional services, should state governments
remain in the gambling business?5
The question of state lotteries, therefore, fits quite logically into the
ongoing American debate about the appropriate role for government. Yet
whatever our personal conclusions about that subject, surely we can all
agree on one thing: government should not harm or take advantage of the
people that it exists to serve. By encouraging citizens to play the lottery, is
a state government promot-
ing or undermining their
interests? There are several
strong reasons to conclude State lotteries are not only regulated by
that the impact is negative
rather than positive. state governments, but also sponsored by
First, in any lottery, one
or a few ticket buyers will them. This raises questions about govern-
win only because most of
the game’s other players
ment and its role in promoting the common
have lost. In promoting lot- good. Is running a lottery an appropriate
teries, state governments are
encouraging people to risk activity for government?
money, with the understand-
ing that the wager will prob-
ably bring them no direct
return, and that any success will come at the expense of their fellow partici-
pants. Why should a state-sponsored lottery compete for money that citi-
zens could use to reduce their debts, build their savings, support charitable
causes, or spend in other community businesses?
Moreover, research indicates that lottery losses are not evenly distributed
among the population, or even among lottery players. A relatively small group
32 The Gambling Culture

of hard-core participants purchase most tickets, so that five percent of the

players account for over half of the revenues. When members of this group
are problem gamblers who wager more than they can afford, the results can
be disastrous, not only for themselves, but also for their families. (Ironically,
in recognition of this, some states assign part of their lottery proceeds to the
treatment of problem gamblers). In addition, although people from all eco-
nomic groups play the lottery, poorer people spend a higher percentage of
their income upon tickets than their affluent neighbors. Lottery participa-
tion also decreases with education. This means that a successful state lottery
derives a disproportionate share of its revenue from persons who are already
economically disadvantaged.6 With the lottery, state governments are not
only encouraging their citizens to risk their money, they are also promoting
a product that has proven most attractive to those who have the least to lose.
Such exploitation undermines the covenant that should unite a government
with the citizens it serves.
L otter y L e s s on s
While their regressive burden upon the disadvantaged represents a
strong ethical reason for rejecting state lotteries, we should also consider
the messages that their promotion conveys to the community as a whole.
If, as Owens’s work suggests, a government educates through its policies,
then we should think carefully about what a state-sponsored lottery teaches,
even indirectly. Do we really feel that our society would be better, our fami-
lies would be better, and our individual characters would be better, if only
people gambled more? Charles Clotfelter and Philip Cook have pointed out
that we would never accept a public school textbook that urged our children
to pursue easy money by relying on their hunches.7 Why should we teach
one thing in our schools and another in our lottery advertising?
From a theological perspective we must also ask whether state lottery
promotions encourage a superstitious belief in lucky numbers. (While many
lotteries are random drawings, others allow and encourage participants to
choose numbers that hold special meaning for them). But what could possi-
bly make certain numbers “lucky,” so that birthdates or other numerical
coincidences offer clues about upcoming lottery results? And how do the
operations of luck relate to the workings of Providence? The theological and
philosophical nature of these concerns makes governmental sponsorship of
such advertisements even more troubling. State governments should not
preach the good news of lucky numbers, or exploit people’s superstitions,
even if the message is only the byproduct of an attempt to raise revenue.
What would we think if public service announcements tried to sell us a
map to the end of the rainbow with the promise that a lucky few would
find a pot of gold?
But if a belief in lucky numbers represents one negative lesson from the
lottery—and one that might be avoided by using purely random drawings—
   State Lotteries: Gambling with the Common Good 33

the civics lesson that the lottery provides raises even more troubling ques-
tions. At root, reliance on the lottery is an issue of communal character.
How does a just community balance its budget? How does state sponsor-
ship of a lottery support or undermine the development of civic virtue?
I m p edi m ent to Ci v i c Virt u e
The Catholic ethical tradition assumes that human beings are social by
nature—that individuals and groups flourish only in relationship to one
another. Because human communities require organization, the emergence
of institutions (including government) is a natural development in the history
of human societies, a reflection of the necessary relationship between indi-
vidual and communal welfare. The Second Vatican Council emphasized the
reciprocal character of personal and social growth, pointing out that human
beings develop their potential through social interaction. The Council also
insisted that all entities within society, from individuals and families to cor-
porations and civic organizations, have a responsibility to serve the common
good, which creates the conditions necessary for personal and social devel-
opment. (The public schools that offer access to an education, for example,
also enable their graduates to “give back” to the community, so that the next
generation of children will enjoy the same opportunities). Part of our respon-
sibility to the common good is financial, with individuals contributing goods
and services, and govern-
ment overseeing a just dis-
tribution of benefits and
burdens, including taxes.8 With the lottery, state governments not
But this responsibility to
the common good, far from only encourage citizens to risk money, they
being a sentence to civic
martyrdom, represents such promote a product that is most attractive
a significant benefit to indi-
viduals that Catholic social to the poor. Such exploitation undermines
teaching describes it as a
right. Persons, argued Pope the covenant that should unite a government
John XXIII, have a right to
contribute to the common with the citizens it serves.
welfare.9 The U.S. Catholic
Bishops have insisted upon
society’s “duty to enable
them to participate in this way.”10 Thus, those denied the chance to contrib-
ute to the common good are the victims of a serious injustice.
When it comes to taxes, of course, this claim seems counter-intuitive at
best. Many who cherish their opportunities to vote and to express their views
freely would gladly surrender their “right” to make compulsory financial
contributions to the common good. Even those who acknowledge their debt
34 The Gambling Culture

to publicly funded research, education, fire and police protection, highways,

park services, and so on, may balk at interpreting the chance to pay taxes as
a benefit rather than as a necessary evil. Ironically, however, the standard of
living that a strong tax base can support is not the only reason for identify-
ing such contributions to the common good as benefits. To understand why,
it is helpful to consider Thomas Aquinas’s theory of virtues.
Aquinas (1225-1274)
emphasized the develop-
ment of and connection
Contributions to the common good are not between the virtues. While
some virtues such as faith,
gifts to be made when we feel generous, hope, and love are gifts
from God, other virtues
but obligations we owe to our fellow citizens grow through practice as
human beings develop the
as a matter of justice. Fulfilling these various capacities of human
nature. We become honest
obligations helps us not only to improve by telling the truth, for
example, and generous by
our society but also to improve ourselves. sharing our resources with
our neighbors. Through our
actions we shape not only
our world, but also our-
selves as persons with particular virtues and vices. At one level a person may
possess some moral virtues without having others, yet at a deeper level a
defect in one area inevitably affects the person’s character as a whole. While
the individual is virtuous in certain respects, he or she lacks some of the
characteristics that define a truly virtuous personality. This has important
implications for civic life, since we develop virtues through our public as
well as our private relationships and actions. Aquinas argues that a person
cannot be truly good without behaving appropriately toward the common
good. Persons lacking in civic virtues, no matter how developed their pri-
vate virtues, are somehow deficient in the qualities that ground good moral
character.11 Putting it simply: to be a good person and a bad citizen is a con-
tradiction in terms.
Aquinas’s theory of virtue indicates why the right to participate in civic
life, including the “right” to pay taxes, is so important. The chance to partic-
ipate, to contribute to the common good of one’s community, is an opportu-
nity to develop one’s civic virtues. Just as no one becomes a virtuoso pianist
without spending hours in the practice room, no one can become a good citi-
zen without participating in the development of the common good. To rob
persons of this chance strangles a vital element of their character. It hinders
their efforts to become the persons that God is calling them to be.
Such a theory of civic virtue and the common good has important implica-
   State Lotteries: Gambling with the Common Good 35

tions for our assessment of state lotteries. Imagine this scenario: states
develop a new lottery system that appeals primarily to the affluent, does
not foster compulsive gambling or superstition about numbers, flourishes
without advertising, produces stable revenues without need for expansion,
increases the profits of other businesses, encourages charitable donations,
discourages illegal gambling, and avoids or even reverses all of the other
negative consequences commonly mentioned by lottery detractors. Even
under these ideal circumstances, the importance of civic participation ques-
tions the wisdom of recourse to lotteries as a regular fundraising method.
Lotteries circumvent the process by which individuals can develop civic
virtues by contributing directly to the common good.
A governmental request to support the community with taxes acknowl-
edges that the welfare of the community is each person’s concern. Like a
summons for jury duty and the ballot box, a tax bill serves as a physical
reminder of the moral connection that links all human beings. Contributions
to the common good are not gifts to be made when we feel generous, but
obligations that we owe to our fellow citizens as a matter of justice. Yet ful-
filling these obligations (and, thereby, sharing in the development of the
common good) helps us not only to improve our society but also to improve
ourselves. Serving the common good can foster civic virtues. Social beings
require civic virtues if they are to become good persons. Character and com-
mon good thus remain inextricably intertwined.

T h e F u t u re of State L otterie s
A primary attraction of state lotteries is that they provide revenue with-
out raising taxes. Given the budget crises facing many local governments
today and the current tax-increase antipathy, it is hard to imagine that our
lottery states will abandon their sponsorship of gambling in the near future.
But this does not mean that Christians should accept such lotteries as a
permanent part of the American landscape. How a community raises the
money to pay its bills is morally significant. If the projects that the lottery
supports are essential to the common good, citizens deserve the chance to
take responsibility for their community’s welfare by funding them directly.
If they are not essential, then the risks associated with the lottery (such as
an increase in problem gambling) outweigh the benefits of whatever lux-
uries it provides.
Admittedly, giving up the proceeds of a lottery represents a risk for
a state government. But this risk—a gamble on civic virtue—respects the
capacity of the community to recognize and embrace its responsibility for
the common good. It is an opportunity for growth in civic virtue with the
potential to benefit individuals and society as a whole. As the U.S. Catholic
bishops explained in their famous pastoral letter on economic justice, “the
virtues of citizenship are an expression of Christian love more crucial in
today’s interdependent world than ever before.”12
36 The Gambling Culture

NOTES
1 Erik C. Owens, “Civic Values and ‘Education Lotteries’: The Irony of Funding Public
Education with Lottery Revenues,” in Gambling: Mapping the American Moral Landscape,
edited by Alan Wolfe and Erik C. Owens (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2009):
323-342, here citing 323 and 341.
2 The original version of this article, entitled “Gambling with the Common Good: State
Lotteries from the Perspective of Roman Catholic Social Thought,” appeared in Practical
Theology: Perspectives from the Plains, edited by Michael G. Lawler and Gail S. Risch
(Omaha, NE: Creighton University Press, 2000), 185-203. I am grateful to Academic Vice
President Patrick Borchers of Creighton University for permission, on behalf of the press,
to publish this shortened and updated adaptation.
3 Libreria Editrice Vaticana/United States Catholic Conference, Catechism of the Catholic
Church, English translation for the United States of America (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press,
1994), 580 (par. 2413). See also Fleming, “Gambling with the Common Good,” 186-188.
4 See Richard McGowan, SJ, “A Tale of Two ‘Sins’: Regulation of Gambling and Tobac-
co,” in Wolfe and Owens, Gambling, 343-371.
5 See Fleming, “Gambling with the Common Good,” 188-189.
6 See Owens, “Civic Values,” 331-332; Fleming, “Gambling with the Common Good,”
190-192; and Eric Dexhelmer, “Texas Lottery Relies Increasingly on the Poor and Less
Educated, Studies Show,” The [Link] (Austin, Texas), Sept. 5, 2010; updated Sept.
7, 2010, online at [Link]/news/texas-politics/texas-lottery-relies-increasingly-on-
[Link]?cxtype=rss_ece_frontpage, accessed May 4, 2011.
7 Charles T. Clotfelter and Philip J. Cook, Selling Hope: State Lotteries in America (Cam-
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 244.
8 Gaudium et Spes: Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World (Second Vatican
Council, 1965), especially paragraphs 12, 25, and 26, available online at [Link]/
archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_cons_19651207_gaudium-et-spes_en.
html, accessed May 5, 2011.
9 Pacem in Terris: On Establishing Universal Peace in Truth, Justice, Charity, and Liberty
(Encyclical of Pope John XXIII, 1963), especially paragraphs 26, 53, and 54, available online
at [Link]/holy_father/john_xxiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_j-xxiii_enc_11041963_
pacem_en.html, accessed May 5, 2011.
10 Economic Justice for All: Pastoral Letter on Catholic Social Teaching and the U.S. Economy
(U.S. Catholic Bishops, 1986), paragraph 71, available online at [Link]/economic_
justice_for_all.aspx, accessed May 5, 2011.
11 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, First Part of the Second Part, Q 62, A 1 and A 3;
Q 65, A 1; and Q 92, A 1, reply to objection 3.
12 Economic Justice for All, paragraph 66.

J u lia F le m ing
is Associate Chair and Professor of Ethics in the Department of Theology at
Creighton University in Omaha, Nebraska.
   Investment vs. Gambling 37

Investment vs. Gambling

B y M ike A . S tegemoller

Investing in financial markets is very different from

gambling in important ways. Yet these activities share
a common thread of risk. How can investors avoid the
imprudence associated with inordinate risk-bearing that
can make capital markets seem more like casinos?

W
estern capital markets have been compared to a large casino,
and the investment in the securities that trade on such markets
to gambling. Full of presidential-candidate fervor, Ralph Nader
has warned us, “Move over Las Vegas. The big time gamblers are on Wall
Street and they are gambling with your money, your pensions, and your
livelihoods.”1 Then after the financial crisis of 2008, President Barack Obama
expressed the sentiment of many market observers when he commented on
the actions of some participants in the derivates markets as “highly leveraged,
loosely monitored gambling.”2
Some people, generalizing from specific instances of irrational, specula-
tive behavior by a few financial intermediaries or investors, have claimed
that “gambling” has become the norm in financial markets. Indeed, the fact
that such behaviors seem to occur with increasing frequency makes such a
comparison between gambling and participation in financial markets not
entirely unwarranted.
Yet, I am reminded of the proverbial warning:
The lazy person says, “There is a lion in the road!
There is a lion in the streets!”
Proverbs 26:13 (cf. 22:13)
The simple will believe the sluggard, but the wise will look to see if there is
a lion. Much of this essay is a bit technical, but it is my intent to see if there
is a lion loose in the streets of western capital markets.
38 The Gambling Culture

D ifferen c e s b et w een ga m b ling and in v e s ting

In its simplest form, gambling is when a person gives money specifically
for the mere chance of receiving more money. Chance is the probability that
a particular outcome will occur—e.g., on a spinning roulette wheel, how
likely it is that a ball lands in a red compartment marked “thirteen.” Notice
that our knowledge about the gamble, about the odds of winning, is irrele-
vant to the outcome of the
gamble. Thus, if we are
asked to guess a number
A financial investment differs from gambling between one and twenty-
four, our knowledge of the
in three important ways: the investor’s odds of guessing correctly
has no influence on whether
knowledge is relevant to the outcome, an our guess is the correct one.
The outcome is solely based
asset is purchased, and both parties plan on probabilities.
Furthermore, there is
to benefit from the transaction. no underlying product or
service exchanged in a
gamble. When we walk
away from a slot machine,
our pockets only contain either more or less money than when we arrived.
So, there is nothing with any inherent value in a gamble.
Finally, in order for organized gambling to exist, the house (the organiz-
ers of a gambling game) must win the vast majority of the time. Put another
way, the sum of gambling winnings must be less than the sum paid to gam-
ble. This certain loss of money is why no rational person goes to the casino
to fund their child’s education or earn money for groceries.
This last point cannot be overstated as it introduces the main problem
with gambling: imprudence. It is imprudent to participate in a venture that
requires the participants to ignore what they know to be true. In the case of
gambling, this knowledge is that the gambler will, on average, lose. So, the
one gambling must willingly believe a lie. Perhaps this is why casinos market
themselves as entertainment (for example, the Harrah, Caesars, and Horse-
shoe casinos are owned by Caesars Entertainment Corporation), categorizing
themselves alongside movies, water parks, and baseball games. Yet casinos
are particularly adept at prostituting leisure, commonly producing despair
and addiction instead of laughter and freedom.
The basic form of investment, on the other hand, consists of an investor
giving money to a business manager in exchange for, at minimum, a claim
on some of the future cash flows of the business. This definition stands in
contrast to that of gambling in three important ways. First, knowledge is
relevant to the outcome of the investment. Investors may be better off if
they understand the business of their investment, and they certainly will
   Investment vs. Gambling 39

be better off if the manager of the business knows what he is doing. For
example, one might think twice about patronizing a barbershop in which
the barber claims that though he does not know how to cut hair, one out
of ten haircuts turn out alright. Knowledge matters in investment, though
it by no means assures monetary gain, nor does it preclude either party
from being wasteful or foolish. Nevertheless, unlike gambling, investment
depends upon knowledge.
The second way in which investment contrasts with gambling is that an
asset is purchased in an investment. Financial assets derive value from their
claim on future cash flows from a particular real asset or groups of assets. A
share of Starbucks stock is an ownership claim on the cash flows of Starbucks
after they pay all of their debt obligations, and the holder has the right to vote
on certain issues at Starbucks’ annual shareholder meetings. So when we
purchase stock, we are obtaining partial ownership in a business. Similarly,
a bond (or a loan) is a specific claim on the future cash flows of a firm, and
if the principal or interest payments are not made, then the debtholder can
force the firm into bankruptcy, thereby laying claim to the firm’s real assets.
Even the more complex financial assets, which are often the target of claims
that investment involves gambling-like behavior, depend upon the value of
some underlying asset. These derivative securities (e.g., options and futures)
derive their value from an underlying asset—e.g., a farmer can sell a futures
contract today that allows him to sell his cotton crop at some future date for
a price agreed upon today. Therefore, when we invest we purchase the claim
on an asset, but when we gamble no such underlying asset exists.
Furthermore, the intention of the investment is for both the businessper-
son and the investor to gain from the transaction. Both parties agree to the
transaction because it is mutually beneficial. The businessperson will have
the money needed to invest in some useful piece of equipment and the inves-
tor will share in the success of the business through money received in the
form of interest, dividends, or appreciation in the value of the business. Capi-
tal markets depend on this arrangement. Thus, the proliferation of investment
depends upon both parties gaining, while the existence of gambling depends
upon one party winning at the other party’s expense.
A c o m m on t h read of R i s k
Though gambling and investing are dissimilar in many important ways,
there is a common thread in both: risk. It is the imprudence associated with
inordinate risk-bearing that makes some aspects of capital markets like casinos.
A good working definition of risk is the uncertainty regarding the dif-
ference between a present value and some future value. In general, one can
assume that the more risk a transaction has, the more return is expected. A
certificate of deposit (CD) at your local bank has very little risk and very little
return. The probable outcome of the CD is highly concentrated around the
original deposit amount plus the interest promised. There is a chance that
40 The Gambling Culture

the bank will fail and the federal deposit insurance will fail too, but these
are very low probabilities. As one invests in increasingly risky securities,
the return is expected to increase.
A large knife is not risky to a chef, but can be catastrophic to a child; like-
wise, securities that are neither complex nor risky to the people that employ
them for their original purpose can become risky for some purchasers of these
securities. Indeed, many such securities were originally developed to reduce
risk. For example, selling wheat futures is not a complex financial transaction
to the manager of a large farm. The purpose it serves is to reduce the farm’s
risk by selling a future wheat crop at a particular price today, thereby lock-
ing in a known price today. The buyers wanting to purchase wheat in the
future (e.g., bakeries that regularly purchase wheat from a grain elevator)
are also reducing their risk of fluctuating wheat prices by buying the wheat
today. Yet, because these futures contracts are tradable, they are often bought
by people who will neither have any wheat nor want delivery of wheat when
the contract comes due. Most of these people are merely speculating on wheat
prices, and their behavior is not discernable from gambling.
Strictly speaking, speculation is purchasing an asset that is extremely
risky. However, the way in which this term is used in reference to invest-
ment connotes unusually large risk alongside apparent ignorance about the
underlying asset. Often in literature (like Charles Dickens’s Nicholas Nickelby),
speculation is associated with tremendous gain or the wholesale loss of
one’s wealth. So, the futures contract for wheat mentioned above is spec-
ulative if the purchaser or seller has no interest in or knowledge about the
wheat. Thus, the very security that reduces risk in one set of transactions
(for the farmer and the baker) can be used as speculation in another. It is
not entirely unwarranted to say that a person who speculates in the futures
market for wheat (or any other asset or commodity) is, in spirit, gambling.
Further, it is true that capital markets not only do not restrict speculation,
the businesses built around the capital markets often encourage the assump-
tion of risk without the prerequisite of knowledge of any sort. When a recent
commercial for a stock trading house features a cute baby buying and sell-
ing stock over the Internet, what exactly is such advertising saying?
Even though gambling and speculative investing divorced from knowl-
edge involve tremendous risk, the risk is experienced in different ways.
For the investor (or speculator), changes in the value of an investment
occur over time, and there is usually ample opportunity to get out of the
investment without experiencing a total loss of principal. For the gambler,
the change in their monetary status is immediate and with no exit potential.
Thus, though risk is present in both transactions, knowledge about the risk
can be continually assessed by the investor, but not by the gambler. If I want
to get to the bottom of a canyon, I can either jump from the heights or walk
down. Both ways of getting to the bottom involve risk, but the former offers
no time to turn around.
   Investment vs. Gambling 41

T r u s t and k no w ledge in in v e s ting

Many investors do not understand where their investment dollars go.
Many more still do not understand the business of the firms that benefit
from their investment. An illustration of this lack of knowledge can be
found in the fact that many people make the majority of their investments
through mutual funds, which pool investment monies and purchase securi-
ties from a broad assortment of relatively large businesses whose equity
trades on public exchanges like the New York Stock Exchange or Nasdaq.
Each of these businesses is widely held by tens of thousands of investors.
This type of separation of business from the typical investor, who owns a
miniscule amount of several hundred companies, means that investors
have no incentive to carefully examine the firms in which they are invested.
Indeed, they most certainly will not have the time! They will likely not
know the people who manage the firms in which they invest, nor even
what those firms do.
Since most investors know so little about what they are investing in, they
rely instead on their belief that the financial markets—or, more precisely,
the people who participate in them—are largely trustworthy. Investors trust
that the people who manage the businesses that use their money will do so
in a manner that considers the interests of investors (the owners). They also
trust the people who mediate between business managers and investors
(mutual fund managers, stock brokers, accountants, and so on) and those
who regulate markets
(enforcement officials at
the Securities Exchange
Commission, for instance). Speculation involves unusually large risk
Their trust, with occasional
exceptions, has been war-
alongside apparent ignorance about the
ranted. History tells us that
it is rational for investors to
underlying asset. It is not entirely unwarranted
tie up their money for the to say that someone who speculates in the
long term in hopes of some
moderate financial gain. futures market for an asset or commodity
Further, numerous agencies
have protected investors is, in spirit, gambling.
from unfair play in the capi-
tal markets—even though
the increasingly numerous
and complex laws and regulations that they enforce have very little power
to change the character of the people participating in the market.
Thus, people rely upon capital markets in much the same way that they
rely upon electricity. They trust those who work in these fields to practice
their jobs with honesty and integrity and to make decisions based on knowl-
edge. Even though most of us do not know much about electricity, we benefit
42 The Gambling Culture

directly from it. Likewise, consumers gain from the use of wheat futures
even though they do not know what a futures contract is; and investors
benefit from efficient capital markets even if they do not understand how
markets work. In many aspects of life, we simply must depend upon the
knowledge and good faith of others.
Nevertheless, it is wise to look where we are going because too often
there is a lion in the street. In the realm of business related to capital markets
(as in other fields of business), we receive a constant barrage of advertise-
ments bent on creating a need where none previously existed. Several exam-
ples of such snake oil sales come to mind. I offer the following examples to
help you look where you are going in regard to your investment activity.
First, a significant proportion of books on “investment” are merely stock
trading tips and tricks that probably belong in a casino as much as they belong
in finance. Much of what is marketed as investment advice should be ignored.
A common example is short term trading strategies based on historical stock
price information. There is no good evidence that such strategies consistent-
ly work. They also happen to generate trading commissions for the financial
firms or brokers that encourage such behavior. So, it is important to ask, “Is
this investment advice based on sound economic principles?”
In addition to the Siren song of investment tricks, investors should beware
of the encouragement to speculate about the market, individual firms, finan-
cial instruments, or commodities. Speculation is easy, very risky, and does
not require any special knowledge. However, when uninformed investors
speculate they typically are guided more by whim than common sense,
which puts them at a disadvantage to their counterparty in the transaction.
A good general guideline is to never invest in financial instruments that
you do not understand. I recently received an email advertisement from a
reputable investment house stating, “If all you do is invest in stocks, you
may want to consider new strategies that require less cash up front…. [A
certain group] will explain different strategies using stocks, LEAPS, calls,
and puts for bullish, bearish, and sideways trading ideas.” There was no
indication that investors would actually learn what any of those financial
instruments are, only that they would be instructed how to buy and sell
them with “less cash up front.” This advertisement sounds less like invest-
ment and more like a no-interest-down rip-off.
The predominance of mutual funds provides ample opportunity for
the exploitation of investors’ ignorance. Many money managers encourage
their clients to purchase multiple redundant mutual funds under the guise
of diversification. This not only generates sales commissions for the manag-
ers, it also creates a layer of complexity that keeps their clients woefully
ignorant and dependent on them for advice. Investors should ask their
money manager to explain what types of securities they are invested in,
and if they own more than one mutual fund the manager should state
clearly to the client’s satisfaction why this is a good idea. In addition,
   Investment vs. Gambling 43

actively managed mutual funds that charge high management fees known
as loads have yet to earn their pay. Evidence suggests that investors would
be better off investing in funds with no such fees. Though there are excep-
tions, such practices as these that provide no benefit to investors while fund
managers earn enormous fees are what warrant capital markets being likened
to casinos.
Heart s w it h o u t g u ard s
We have examined the difference between gambling and investment
from a technical perspective, which is important because it gives us more
careful definitions with which to work. But it is also insufficient for the same
reason. What these definitions cannot address is the heart, or intentions, of
persons. While investing can essentially be rational behavior (as opposed to
the irrationality of gambling), it has the potential to become idolatrous and
thus irrational as well. The safeguard for our hearts is to root ourselves in
what we know to be true about the good life which God intends and to
resist the barrage of messages that are put before us with regard to money
and investing.
The first question we should ask ourselves as investors is: Am I content
with what I have? The answer to this question is important because it will
inform how we respond to the marketing of discontentment. Advertisement
for financial products and money management is no different than any oth-
er advertisement: it aims to create a desire where none previously existed.
Many “instructional” books on investing have the same aim, teaching us to
“learn to make millions” or
“create your new American
dream.” Even when the
advice given by these ser- The first question we should ask ourselves
vices and in these books is
sound, the roots are nour-
as investors is this: Am I content with what I
ished by discontentment.
The thesis of such thinking is
have? The answer to this question is impor-
that the good life is dreamy tant because it will inform how we respond
and loaded with cash, which
is dangerously out of step to the marketing of discontentment.
with the teachings of Scrip-
ture that the good life is
marked by generous content-
ment in the present and freedom from the servitude of wealth.
A fundamental question is: Is my security in God? A common rationale
for investment is to secure one’s future, and so many of the characteristics
used to describe a proper portfolio are actually characteristics of God. For
example, one advertisement suggests that investing with a particular firm is
a path to “recovering your feeling of financial invincibility.” When we con-
44 The Gambling Culture

sider our future, we are tempted to consider how a portfolio might secure it
instead of how our lives are a vapor and hidden in Christ. Then it is not dif-
ficult to see how investment can become idolatrous.
More dangerous than risking and losing everything in the financial mar-
kets is having all of our security in something that is powerless to save. A
basic tenet of investment is that the past is no certain predictor of the future.
A best-selling book on investments deploys this fact to scare people into a
particular investment strategy: “discover titanic, uncontrolled forces driving
market chaos…[and] find rational strategies for profiting in this terrifying
new environment!” This inherent uncertainty in markets is a good reminder
of the contrast between the reliability of a portfolio and the One who prom-
ised, “I will never leave you or forsake you” (Hebrews 13:5, citing Deuter-
onomy 3:6-8 and Joshua 1:5).
The good life, then, is a life without fear of the future, and no investment
portfolio or gold stockpiling can provide such freedom. Indeed, where the
Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom.
Who “knows” when it comes to investing? Simply stated, Christ does.
It is not logical to confess Christ as Lord and believe that he does not know
more about investing than anyone else. As Dallas Willard rightly puts it,
“how could he be what we take him to be and not be the best-informed and
most intelligent person of all?”3 Therefore, congregations can be places where
the body of Christ forms investors, stockbrokers, and investment bankers
in preparation for their interaction with financial markets. The education
provided by such a community is poised to offer valuable knowledge in a
way that is unrivaled among all others that claim to know.

NOTES
1 Ralph Nader, “Wall Street Gamblers,” CounterPunch (June 11, 2008), available online at
[Link]/[Link], accessed May 5, 2011.
2 Eugene Robinson, “How Obama Found His Mojo on Wall Street,” [Link]
(April 23, 2010), available online at [Link]/wp-dyn/content/
article/2010/04/22/[Link], accessed May 5, 2011.
3 Dallas Willard, The Divine Conspiracy: Recovering Our Hidden Life in God (New York:
HarperCollins, 1998), 94.

Mi k e A . Stege m oller
is Professor of Finance at Baylor University in Waco, Texas.
   Other Voices 45

K Other Voices k

In general, pathological gambling appears to affect up to 1% to 2% of the

general population, and the subthreshold condition, termed problem or Level
2 gambling, affects another 3% to 4%. In certain high-risk populations, such
as substance abusers, youth, minorities, and lower socioeconomic class groups,
the percentages are even higher.
N an c y M. Petr y , Pathological Gambling: Etiology, Comorbidity, and
Treatment (2005)

In the past century, gambling has undergone a profound transforma-

tion. From being regarded as an economically marginal, politically corrupt,
and often morally dubious activity, it has, at the start of the twenty-first
century, become a global player in the economies of North America, Europe,
and Australasia. Today, the gambling industry is a billion-dollar enterprise,
creating vast profits for commercial organizations and contributing massive
amounts of revenue to both state and federal governments….
G erda R eit h , Introduction to Gambling: Who Wins? Who Loses? (2003)

Games of chance (card games, etc.) or wagers are not in themselves contrary
to justice. They become morally unacceptable when they deprive someone
of what is necessary to provide for his needs and those of others. The passion
for gambling risks becoming an enslavement. Unfair wagers and cheating at
games constitute grave matter, unless the damage inflicted is so slight that
the one who suffers it cannot reasonably consider it significant.
Catechism of the Catholic Church, second edition (1997), section 2413

Gambling is a menace to society, deadly to the best interests of moral,

social, economic, and spiritual life, destructive of good government and good
stewardship. As an act of faith and concern, Christians should abstain from
gambling and should strive to minister to those victimized by the practice.
Where gambling has become addictive, the Church will encourage such
individuals to receive therapeutic assistance so that the individual’s energies
may be redirected into positive and constructive ends. The Church acknowl-
edges the dichotomy that can occur when opposing gambling while supporting
American Indian tribal sovereignty and self-determination. Therefore, the
Church’s role is to create sacred space to allow for dialogue and education
that will promote a holistic understanding of the American Indians’ historic
quest for survival. The Church’s prophetic call is to promote standards of
46 The Gambling Culture

justice and advocacy that would make it unnecessary and undesirable to

resort to commercial gambling...as a recreation, as an escape, or as a means
of producing public revenue or funds for support of charities or government.
The Book of Discipline of the United Methodist Church (2008), ¶163

Every action the government takes, every policy the government makes,
conveys certain values to its citizens…. I worry that the overall effect of the
education lottery is the teaching of more deleterious values, those that are
corrosive to lively civil society and a flourishing democratic culture. In the
first place, the lottery itself functions as a regressive tax, which places a
heavier burden on the poor to pay for public services that everyone enjoys.
But more visibly, the state aggressively markets lotteries with advertising
campaigns designed to separate citizens from their rational faculties, their
commitment to hard work and frugality, and their general responsibility
toward future generations. As one Massachusetts lottery ad proclaimed:
“Work is nothing but heart-attack-inducing drudgery.” “This could be your
ticket out,” beckons a billboard in an impoverished neighborhood in Chica-
go, not far from another lottery billboard offering “How to Get from Wash-
ington Boulevard to Easy Street.” At this point, the government has ceased
being a protector and has become a barker, a huckster, a con man trying to
convince viewers that the odds of winning are in their favor.
E ri c C. O w en s , “Civic Values and ‘Education Lotteries,’” Gambling: Mapping
the American Moral Landscape (2009)

In order for a privileged few to enjoy luxury and extravagance while

the many who create the wealth experience hardship, economic marginality,
and insecurity, individual possession of wealth must be widely accepted as
normal and appropriate…. At a time when chances for economic security are
declining for most people in society, the state lottery stands out as a new oppor-
tunity for individual economic advancement. The mass media has been widely
used to legitimate and promote lottery play, and states send the message that
a life-altering opportunity is only one dollar away…. A primary theme in state
lottery advertisements is that acquisition of wealth is a wonderful, transcen-
dent experience—and that the opportunity is available to all.
D a v id N i b ert , Hitting the Lottery Jackpot: Government and the Taxing of
Dreams (2000)

Every feature of a slot machine—its mathematical structure, visual

graphics, sound dynamics, seating and screen ergonomics—is calibrated to
increase a gambler’s “time on device” and to encourage “play to extinction,”
which is industry jargon for playing until all your money is gone. The machines
have evolved from handles and reels to buttons and screens, from coins to
credit cards, from a few games a minute to hundreds. Inside, complicated
algorithms perform a high-tech version of “loading the dice”—deceptions
   Other Voices 47

no self-respecting casino would ever allow in table gambling. The machines

are designed to exploit aspects of human psychology, and they do it well. In
the eyes of the gaming industry, this may look like success, but it comes at
great expense for gamblers.
The rise in slots gambling, fueled in large part by these technological
developments, has led to much higher rates of gambling addiction. This is
evident at Gamblers Anonymous meetings in Las Vegas, where the vast
majority of participants are machine gamblers. These gamblers are motivated
more by a need to escape reality than any desire for entertainment and excite-
ment. Without the presence of social elements such as other players or a live
dealer, they are able to exit the world and enter a state where everything
fades away. Slot machines so completely concentrate players’ attention on
a series of game events that anything troubling about their life situations—
physically, emotionally or socially—gets blotted out. Players enter what’s
known as the “machine zone,” where even winning stops mattering; in fact,
it can be unwelcome because it interrupts the flow of play. Such players only
stop when their credits are consumed.
Discussion of problem gambling typically focuses on individual gamblers
and their “predisposition” to addiction. This focus elides the fact that some
activities are more addictive than others. The aim of the gambling industry
is to increase its bottom line, not to create addicts. But in effect, its efforts to
make slot machines so effective at extracting money from people yields a
product that, for all intents and purposes, approaches every player as a
potential addict—in other words, someone who won’t stop playing until
his or her means are depleted.
N ata s h a Dow S c h ü ll , “Beware: ‘Machine Zone’ Ahead,” Washington Post
(July 6, 2008)

Perhaps the most important finding to surface here involves the central
role of co-religionist networks. The percentage of one’s close friends who
are members of the same congregation bears an inverse association with the
frequency of gambling, and this is true regardless of one’s denomination….
Along with simply having close friends in the congregation, having a reli-
gious leader within one’s close personal network also has a potent inverse
relationship with gambling. These findings indicate that social relationships
within congregations, which involve face-to-face interaction, may have sub-
stantial influence on individual behaviors such as gambling. Further, the
status of network members also matters; persons who are close friends
with religious leaders may be especially reluctant to engage in behavior
that could potentially be considered deviant.
C h ri s to p h er G. E lli s on and Mi c h ael J. M c F arland ,
“Religion and Gambling Among U.S. Adults: Exploring the Role of Traditions, Beliefs,
Practices, and Networks,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (2011)
48 The Gambling Culture

Due to copyright restrictions, this

image is only available in the print
version of Christian Reflection.

Mantegna’s Crucifixion contrasts the distracted soldiers

vying for Christ’s tunic with the mutual support among
the grieving women beneath the cross.

Andrea Mantegna (1431-1506), The Crucifixion (1456-1459). Tempera on panel. 66 x 89.2 cm.
Musée du Louvre, Paris. Photo: © Réunion des Musées Nationaux / Art Resource, NY. Used by
permission.
   The Gambling Culture in Art 49

Casting Lots
B y H eidi J . H ornik

T
he Agony in the Garden, Crucifixion, and Resurrection are the three
scenes in the predella, the horizontal band beneath the major altar
panel, of Andrea Mantegna’s Madonna and Child Enthroned with Saints.
The latter remains the high altarpiece in the monastic church of St. Zeno in
Verona, Italy, but the original predella panels, taken by Napoleon, are now
in French museums. I will focus on the Crucifixion scene, which prominently
features the soldiers casting lots for Christ’s tunic.
We know a lot about its young artist because archives in the cities where
he worked, Padua and Mantua, are well-preserved.1 Andrea Mantegna was
only twenty-six when he received this commission. After starting his profes-
sional career at a very young age (his first contract had to be signed by his
older brother because he was too young), he became the leading northern
Italian mainland painter of the fifteenth century.
Born and raised in the university town of Padua, Mantegna’s interest
in classical antiquity was encouraged by a circle of university scholars and
professionals. He was greatly influenced by Gattamelata, the monumental
equestrian sculpture in the Piazza del Santo executed by Donatello from
1443-1453, and by paintings of Jacopo Bellini of Venice, whose daughter he
would marry when he was twenty-three. Mantegna also studied works by
the Tuscan artists Andrea del Castagno, Filippo Lippi, and Paolo Uccello.
Mantegna’s own work is characterized by an unprecedented use of Roman
architecture to organize and frame his compositions. He became known for
precise and meticulous execution, and for his use of perspective (demon-
strated in this altarpiece) and foreshortening (later in his career).
Gregorio Correr, abbot of the Benedictine monastery of St. Zeno, Verona,
was the patron for this altarpiece. Mantegna probably came to Gregorio’s
attention because his uncle, Cardinal Antonio Correr, had enlisted the artist
to paint another altarpiece at St. Giustina, Padua, the year before.
The composition of the high altarpiece extends over three painted sec-
tions united by the splayed architecture behind them. Yet, this original frame
of classical columns divides the three sections in traditional triptych fashion.
Saints Peter, Paul, John the Evangelist, and Zeno (bishop and patron saint
of Verona) appear in the left panel. The right panel contains Saints Benedict,
Lawrence, Gregory Nazianzen, and John the Baptist. Seven of these saints
50 The Gambling Culture

Due to copyright restrictions, this image

is only available in the print version of
Christian Reflection.

Andrea Mantegna (1431-1506), Madonna and Child Enthroned with Saints, San Zeno Altar-
piece (1456-1459). Tempera and gold on panel. Height: 220 cm. S. Zeno, Verona, Italy. Photo: ©
Scala / Art Resource, NY. Used by permission.

hold books to reflect the devout Christian humanist learning of Gregorio

Correr and the monks of St. Zeno. In the central panel Mantegna modern-
ized the Madonna and Child Enthroned type, a visual tradition that dates
back to Giotto (1266/7-1337). The varied positions of the putti at the base
   The Gambling Culture in Art 51

of the throne and their placement in bas relief behind the halo of the Virgin
exemplify the technical skill of the artist. The entire altarpiece was commended
for its logical design, integrating figures, architecture, and numerous decora-
tive details.
The setting of the Crucifixion is a rocky plateau outside the walled city
of Jerusalem (in the background). Mantegna’s attention to archeological
detail appears in the costume and armor of the soldiers. According to Gabriele
Finaldi, Mantegna seems to have been the first artist to realize that the Romans
did not have stirrups.2
The three crosses are balanced, but the unequal lighting places the un-
repentant thief in the shadows while Christ’s head and body leans towards
the penitent thief on his right. The symmetry continues through the comp-
osition: John the Beloved on the left balances the mounted soldier on the
right; the group of women (with Mary, the mother, prominent in the center)
balances the group of soldiers casting lots. We can recognize the artist’s
iconographical knowledge in the partial tomb with skull to the left of John,
and his technical skill in painting the soldiers walking down the hill into
the valley created by the two cliff-like formations.
The Roman soldiers, except for the one on the right and another one stand-
ing behind the women, are nonchalant and distracted from the grisly torture
they are inflicting. To emphasize this, the artist contrasts the competition
among the soldiers casting lots to the mutual support of the grieving women.
All four Gospels report the soldiers vying for Christ’s tunic (Matthew
27:35, Mark 15:24, Luke 23:34, John 19:23-24), but John makes the most of
the event, identifying it as a fulfillment of prophecy in Psalm 22:18. In this
painting Mantegna interprets John’s more extended account, showing Jesus’
tunic in the hands of the standing soldier while three other soldiers throw
dice on a wheel with alternating yellow and red triangular patterns. Scripture
does not describe the process of casting lots; the two-colored wheel must be
a result of the artist’s imagination and contemporary interpretation of the
biblical event.
Scholars rightly call attention to important differences between modern
gambling and the ancient practice of casting lots, which was a way to guar-
antee the impartiality of a decision.3 Yet the practice of casting lots shares
with gambling the element of chance, and in Mantegna’s image it shares the
element of distraction from more important concerns.

NOTEs
1 Biographical information on Andrea Mantegna is from Gabriele Finaldi, “Mantegna,
Andrea,” Grove Art Online (Oxford Art Online, accessed June 2, 2011), [Link].
com/subscriber/article/grove/art/T053902.
2 Ibid.
3 Kevin Moore, “Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble?” Gambling Culture,
Christian Reflection: A Series in Faith and Ethics, 40 (Waco, TX: The Center for Christian
Ethics at Baylor University, 2011), 11-18.
52 The Gambling Culture

Due to copyright restrictions, this image

is only available in the print version of
Christian Reflection.

Vincent van Gogh depicts a wide range of laborers and

peasants who gather to participate in a fixture of his
culture: the state-run lottery.

Vincent van Gogh (1853-1890), The State Lottery (1882). Watercolor on paper. 38 x 57 cm. Van
Gogh Museum, Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Photo: © The Bridgeman Art Library International.
Used by permission.
   The Gambling Culture in Art 53

Gathered by the Lottery

B y H eidi J . H ornik

T
he group of people depicted in Vincent van Gogh’s The State Lottery is
entering a public lottery municipal building (identified by the sign to
the left of the door) presumably to participate in the lottery. By the time
the artist painted this image, the state lottery was a fixture in the culture of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The first documented European lottery occurred in the Low Countries
and was associated with an Old Master painter. According to the Bruges
town archives, the widow of the Netherlandish painter Jan van Eyck was
paid two livres for the lottery distribution of her late husband’s paintings
on February 24, 1446.1 During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries lotteries
were held in Belgium to build chapels, canals, and ports, and in Genoa, Italy,
to select six senators. By 1726 the Dutch had established the oldest state lot-
tery that is still in operation today; they were the first to offer monetary prizes
on odds.2 It is argued whether the English word “lottery” comes from the
Italian lotto or the Dutch loterij. Both of these words mean “fate.”
Vincent van Gogh’s The State Lottery is one of about 1000 watercolors,
drawings, and sketches, and 1250 paintings that he produced during his
brief ten-year artistic career. His works are surrounded by the legend that
he was a tormented artist, only understood by his brother Theo who corre-
sponded with him often. In his early life Van Gogh was trained in the pro-
fessions of his family: clergy (his father) and art dealer (his uncle). He spent
a short period of employment in an art dealership where he learned much
about the Old Masters. There was a conflict between his religious beliefs and
the commercial interests of the art dealership, and he was fired in 1876. We
know that he enjoyed reading and worked in a London bookstore the follow-
ing year. He studied to be an evangelist in Brussels and was a lay preacher,
mostly for miners in a poor area of Belgium, until a life-altering trip to north-
ern France began in 1879-1880.3
During that pilgrimage Van Gogh became very interested in the plight
of European peasants after he visited Jules Breton and encountered the work
of Jean-François Millet, two painters who were widely known for their sym-
pathetic depictions of peasant life. Van Gogh started a collection of clothes
worn by fisherman, peasants, and laborers. His works from this early peri-
od, which are considered dark and realist, are quite different from the later,
more famous, expressionistic paintings.
54 The Gambling Culture

While Van Gogh lived in The Hague after 1881, studying the work of
such painters as Jozef Israëls and his cousin Anton Mauve, the Dutch state
lotteries primarily appealed to the poor. This may help to explain Van Gogh’s
interest in the subject matter of The State Lottery.
Van Gogh uses a dark palette and tone in this composition. He depicts
the majority of people in the large group with their backs to viewers. Our
attention is drawn to the only faces that we can see, of a couple with their
infant child and of three adults who are standing in line to the right. The
juxtaposition of the infant and the white-bearded man indicate the wide
range of ages in the group.
These individuals have come together not for fellowship and perhaps
not for the common good, but to enter the building and participate in the
state lottery. Given that the Netherlands has the oldest established lottery
system, Van Gogh is probably not questioning whether a state lottery is an
appropriate use of public funds (as asked by Julia Fleming in this issue).
Instead he is depicting a slice of life, a common scene. From their appearance,
however, this 1890s crowd may represent the “relatively small group of
hard-core participants [who] purchase most tickets, so that five percent of
the players account for over half of the revenues” and the poor who “spend
a higher percentage of their income upon tickets than their affluent neigh-
bors” that Fleming describes.4

NOTEs
1 John Ashton, A History of English Lotteries: Now for the First Time Written ([New York:
Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1893] reprinted Charleston, SC: Nabu Press, 2010), 4.
2 On the history of lotteries, see “Lottery History,” North American Association of State
and Provincial Lotteries (accessed June 3, 2011), [Link]/[Link]?fuseaction=content
&PageID=12&PageCategory=11.
3 Biographical information on Vincent van Gogh is from Evert van Uitert, “Gogh,
Vincent (Willem) van,” Grove Art Online (Oxford Art Online, accessed June 2, 2011), www.
[Link]/subscriber/article/grove/art/T033020.
4 Julia Fleming, “State Lotteries: Gambling With the Common Good,” Gambling Culture,
Christian Reflection: A Series in Faith and Ethics, 40 (Waco, TX: The Center for Christian
Ethics at Baylor University, 2011), 32.

Heidi J . Horni k
is Professor of Art History at Baylor University in Waco, Texas.
  Worship 55

“Self-sufficient!” Is the Cry

by T erry W . Y ork , a s c a p

“Self-sufficient!” is the cry

of those who’ve carved their gods.
They test, in hope of giant leaps,
the god of calculated odds.

Their god moves in lucky leaps,

or does not move at all;
no daily walk in steps of faith,
no pilgrimage, no guide or call.

Our creator’s wealth and love

are endless, and to share.
The Son is present in our need;
the Holy Spirit’s always there.

“Lord have mercy,” is the cry

of those whose God is Christ.
He teaches us to lose is gain,
the One Sufficient, sacrificed.

©2011 [Link]. Used by permission.

56 The Gambling Culture

“Self-sufficient!” Is the Cry

T erry W . Y ork C . D avid B olin
   Worship 57

Text and Tune © 2011 [Link] Tune: CHANCE

Used by Permission [Link].
58 The Gambling Culture

Worship Service
B y D avid G . M iller

Silent Meditation
If there is a God, he is infinitely beyond our comprehension, since, being
indivisible and without limits, he bears no relation to us. We are there-
fore incapable of knowing either what he is or whether he is.
…[Y]ou must wager. There is no choice, you are already committed.
Which will you choose then?... Let us assess the two cases: if you win
you win everything, if you lose you lose nothing. Do not hesitate then;
wager that he does exist.
Blaise Pascal (1623-1662)1

The reason Pascal’s wager does not work is the same reason why you
should never plan your retirement on winning the lotto.
Massimo Pigliucci2

Prelude

The Summons
God, whose mercy is wide,
whose grace is sure,
whose loving-kindness never fails,
have mercy upon us.
Christ, who risked love in this wicked world,
who threw his lot in with slackers and sinners,
who gave us all the chance of redemption,
have mercy upon us.
God, whose giving knows no ending,
our security, our safety, our sanctuary,
grant us your peace. Amen.
   Worship 59

Processional Hymn
“God, Whose Giving Knows No Ending”

God, whose giving knows no ending,

from your rich and endless store—
nature’s wonder, Jesus’ wisdom,
costly cross, grave’s shattered door—
gifted by you, we turn to you,
offering up ourselves in praise;
thankful song shall rise forever,
gracious Donor of our days.

Skills and time are ours for pressing

toward the goals of Christ, your Son:
all at peace in health and freedom,
races joined, the Church made one.
Now direct our daily labor,
lest we strive for self alone.
Born with talents, make us servants
fit to answer at your throne.

Treasure, too, you have entrusted,

gain through powers your grace conferred,
ours to use for home and kindred,
and to spread the gospel word.
Open wide our hands in sharing,
as we heed Christ’s ageless call,
healing, teaching, and reclaiming,
serving you by loving all.

Robert L. Edwards (1961)3

Tune: BEECH SPRING

Morning Collect (Unison)

God, we acknowledge your gracious hand in all our lives, your gener-
ous gifts of grace by which we live. In this hour, help us to rest
secure in the knowledge of your love for us and help us to worship
you with our bodies, minds, and spirits. We know that all we have
comes from you.
60 The Gambling Culture

God, we recognize your glorious image in our neighbors, your gracious

community with whom we live. In this hour, help us to renew our
commitment to love this world the way you love it and help us to use
our resources, granted by you, to relieve want, to ease suffering, and
to meet the needs of those around us. In doing this, help us to fulfill
your great desires, through Jesus your son our savior, we pray. Amen.

The Witness of the Old Testament: Genesis 18:1, 23-33

The word of the Lord for God’s people.
Thanks be to God.

Prayer of Confession
Assured of God’s love and mercy towards us, we turn to God—not to
win God’s favor, but rather to rest in God’s most sure grace and
receive relief and redemption in our time of need. Let us confess our
sins before a loving and gracious God:

God, we confess before you now that we are people who would rather
gamble on works than rest on grace, that we are willing to risk our
lives to control a random game, that we want to win, win, win, and
that means spending all we have on the hope of a jackpot. We have
our eyes on the possible pay off and not on the present reality.
Often, we choose to be duped rather than delivered; we choose to
be thrilled, instead of being thankful; we would rather bet on luck
than work to be better people. We hope in the next hand dealt.

Forgive our foolish ways. Forgive us for believing that money will
solve our problem, for thinking that excitement will cure our prodi-
gal ways. In your generosity you gift us with the world and we
chance it all for something far less real. God, satisfy us with your-
self in whom we rest secure. You have risked everything to win us
back. In the light of that love, help us to make good. Amen.

God in grace has dealt out forgiveness to us through Jesus Christ, our
savior and lord. Through the power of the Holy Spirit, live lives free
from the burdens of sin, rejoice in your redemption, and love God
with your whole being while loving others as yourself.

Amen.
   Worship 61

Prayers of the People

Continuing in our prayers, let us offer to God our petitions and interces-
sions, saying “Lord in your mercy…hear our prayer.”

(The congregants may offer short prayers for situations or individuals. Each
ends with “Lord in your mercy” to which the rest of the congregation responds,
“hear our prayer.”)
God, hear the prayers we have made before you, believing that you
invite us to join with you in the risky love of this world. Where possi-
ble, help us through the power of your Holy Spirit to be the sure
answers to the prayers we have made. Where we cannot work, help
us to see your loving hand at work, touching these lives with your
presence.

Amen.

The Witness of the New Testament: 1 Timothy 6:6-12

The word of the Lord for God’s people
Thanks be to God.

Hymn of Preparation
“We Give Thee but Thine Own”

We give thee but thine own,

whate’er the gift may be;
all that we have is thine alone,
a trust, O Lord, from thee.

May we thy bounties thus

as stewards true receive,
and gladly, as thou blessest us,
to thee our first-fruits give.

O! hearts are bruised and dead,

and homes are bare and cold,
and lambs for whom the shepherd bled
are straying from the fold.
62 The Gambling Culture

To comfort and to bless,

to find a balm for woe,
to tend the lone and fatherless
is angels’ work below.

The captive to release,

to God the lost to bring,
to teach the way of life and peace—
it is a Christ-like thing.

And we believe thy word,

though dim our faith may be;
whate’er for thine we do, O Lord,
we do it unto thee.

William W. How (1858)

Tune: CANTICA LAUDIS

The Witness of the Gospels: Matthew 25:14-30

The gospel of the Lord.
Thanks be to God.

Sermon: “Gambling on Grace”4

Hymn of Response
“‘Self-sufficient!’ Is the Cry”

“Self-sufficient!” is the cry

of those who’ve carved their gods.
They test, in hope of giant leaps,
the god of calculated odds.

Their god moves in lucky leaps,

or does not move at all;
no daily walk in steps of faith,
no pilgrimage, no guide or call.

Our creator’s wealth and love

are endless, and to share.
The Son is present in our need;
the Holy Spirit’s always there.
   Worship 63

“Lord have mercy,” is the cry

of those whose God is Christ.
He teaches us to lose is gain,
the One Sufficient, sacrificed.

Terry W. York, ascap (2011)

Tune: CHANCE
©2011 [Link]
(pp. 55-57 of this volume)

Presentations of Tithes and Offerings

Of your hand, O Lord, we have received,
and of your own we have given thee. Amen.

Doxology
O God, who won our hearts in love
by sending grace down from above,
help us in joys, secure and true,
to risk our lives to worship you. Amen.

David G. Miller (2011)

Tune: OLD 100th

The Departure
We journey through this life not gambling that God exists, but knowing
God’s abiding presence.

We journey through this life not betting that God is good, but living
in God’s abundant blessing.

We journey through this life not playing the odds that God loves us, but
resting in God’s constant care.

We stand secure, and in standing we can live lives of winsome love,

offering ourselves in the sure and certain hope that God is able to
do even more that we might ask or think. Thanks be to God. Amen.

Postlude
64 The Gambling Culture

Sentence for Meditation This Week

Quantum mechanics is certainly imposing. But an inner voice tells me
that it is not yet the real thing. The theory says a lot, but does not really
bring us any closer to the ‘old one.’ I, at any rate, am convinced that He
[God] is not playing at dice.
Albert Einstein (1879-1955)5

In every bet there is a fool and a thief. 

Traditional Proverb

NOTEs
1 Blaise Pascal, Pensees, § 418, translated by A. J. Krailsheimer (New York, Penguin
Books, 1995 [1966]), 122-123.
2 Massimo Pigliucci, “A Refutation of Pacal’s Wager and Why Skeptics Should be
Non-theists,” available online at [Link]
ger_Massimo_Pigliucci.htm, accessed May 23, 2011.
3 Robert L. Edwards, “God Whose Giving Knows No Ending,” © 1961, Ren. 1989 The
Hymn Society (Admin. Hope Publishing Company, Carol Stream, IL 60188). All rights
reserved. Used by permission.
4 The sermon explores God’s economy of grace and generosity, which is at odds with
our culture’s economy of risk and scarcity. In Abraham’s bargaining with God, we
glimpse God’s willingness to be merciful even for one. The instruction to Timothy clarifies
how God’s new kingdom, where the currency is righteousness, overturns the values in a
money-based economy. In Jesus’ difficult parable, the third servant’s attitude expresses
what many people think of God: they project their own grasping and hoarding onto God’s
character. Nothing in the parable supports the third servant’s accusations about his
master, but his own fear creates the very world that he dreads—where those who have
will get more and those who have nothing will lose everything. The vicious cycle of a
system in which the rich get richer and the poor get poorer is all too clear in this parable.
5 Albert Einstein, Letter to Max Born on December 4, 1926, in Max Born, The Born-Ein-
stein Letters: Friendship, Politics and Physics in Uncertain Times, 1916-1955, translated by
Irene Born (New York: Macmillan, 2005 [1971]), 88.

D a v id G . Miller
is Associate Professor of English at Mississippi College in Clinton,
Mississippi.
   Congregational Ministry to Problem Gamblers 65

Congregational Ministry
to Problem Gamblers
B y D eborah G . H askins

When Christians experience the effects of problem and

pathological gambling, to whom do they turn for help? As
congregations become more aware of the spiritual and
emotional struggles that gamblers face, they can provide
holistic supportive ministries to their members and to the
wider community.

W
hen Christians experience the effects of problem and pathological
gambling, how do they understand their situation and to whom
do they turn for help? While some names and details have been
changed in the following two stories, they represent typical scenarios report-
ed by counselors who have helped people of faith respond to the negative
consequences of gambling.
Y
Mr. and Mrs. North call the Problem Gambling Hotline and are
referred to a certified gambling counselor. They share that their
family is in crisis because their son, a senior college student, appears
to have an online gambling problem. The Hotline recommends
that they seek counseling. When they call the counselor, Mrs. North
shares that they are uncertain whether their bright, entrepreneurship-
focused son is a pathological gambler. She requests a consultation
because “we are very concerned about him. We have other relatives
who are gamblers, and we are afraid that he may be a gambler. He
has isolated himself from everyone.”
66 The Gambling Culture

When the Norths come in for counseling, they acknowledge that

they have questioned their son’s mental status. But, they emphasize,
“we are concerned about his moral standing” most of all. The wife
states, “We are Christians and we are worried about what is going to
happen to him morally if he is gambling. That is our job. We provid-
ed his foundation as God called us to do. If he is gambling, how will
this affect his relationship with the Lord?”

Y
Mrs. Jordan is a fifty-year-old African American who is married and
has two young adult children. She has a stable and satisfying career
in management. During the counseling intake session, she states that
she has the “coveted” job of collector for the company lottery pool.
Mrs. Jordan spends $20.00 weekly and has won many times. She has
been grieving and trying to adjust to the recent death of her mother,
and says “I’m playing the lottery daily since mom died.” She admits
using her company expense account to fund her gambling. “When I
win, I planned to put it back,” she says. “Unfortunately, my losses
exceeded my wins.” Mrs. Jordan was referred to the Employee Assis-
tance Counselor for gambling addiction evaluation and treatment
after her company became aware of the missing money because
she had been an excellent employee.
Mrs. Jordan shares that she is a Christian and sings in the choir.
She is very remorseful about embezzling company funds to gamble,
feels shame about her gambling, and does not want anyone to know
that she gambles. When the counselor explores how Mrs. Jordan can
rely on her Christian support system, she responds, “I can never tell
my pastor or anyone in my church. What will they think of me? It’s
hard enough wondering what God will think of me. I can’t handle
them knowing I gamble.”
Mrs. Jordan admits she has stopped attending church and when
church members call her house she will not answer the phone or talk
to them. The counselor reflects after the session that it is unfortunate
that Mrs. Jordan is not accessing her spiritual strengths and faith
community.
Y
These two stories are based on the experiences of Christians who have
sought help from professionals and volunteers who treat problem gambling.
What are the experiences of the numerous individuals, families, and com-
munities who never see a counselor, visit Gamblers Anonymous meetings,
or participate in problem gambling support programs?
Pathological gambling and problem gambling are prevalent in the United
States. “Pathological” or “compulsive” gambling is “a progressive addiction
   Congregational Ministry to Problem Gamblers 67

characterized by increasing preoccupation with gambling, a need to bet more

money more frequently, restlessness or irritability when attempting to stop,
‘chasing’ losses, and loss of control manifested by continuation of the gam-
bling behavior in spite of mounting, serious, negative consequences.” About
two million people in the United States (i.e., one percent of adults) satisfy
these criteria in a given year. Another four to six million people (i.e., two
to three percent of adults) do not meet these full diagnostic criteria, but they
suffer from problem gambling as they exhibit “gambling behavior patterns that
compromise, disrupt or damage personal, family or vocational pursuits.”1
Gambling is a widespread activity, involving individuals and families
of diverse races, ethnicities, socioeconomic backgrounds, occupations, func-
tional and dysfunctional family systems, and religious and unreligious back-
grounds. It is estimated that eighty-five percent of American adults have
gambled at some time, and sixty percent participate in gambling each year.2
In one disordered gambling prevalence study conducted in Oregon, sixty
percent of the sample reported Christian religious preferences and the
author noted, “There was no significant difference in the representation
of disordered gamblers among the categories of religious preference.”3
Often Christians and persons of faith who gamble will hide when they
experience problems with gambling. They frequently comment that they
cannot disclose their gambling and its consequences to their family, friends,
pastors, or church members. And for their part, many pastors and laypersons
admit they lack understanding and skills to provide pastoral care and sup-
port for problem gambling.
Family members also struggle with sharing problem gambling crises
with others. When their mental status and lifestyle change as a result of a
gambling crisis (e.g., the gambling spouse or partner loses a job, the house
goes into foreclosure, the family cannot pay their rent and bills, they are
stressed and depressed, the marriage is falling apart, the children are acting
out, and so on), many share that they are embarrassed and feel alone.
So to whom can Christians go when they struggle with gambling prob-
lems? The psalm assures us “God is our refuge and strength, a very present
help in trouble” (Psalm 46:1). Yet when many religious persons (or their
families) realize there is a gambling problem, they fear that the last place
they can turn is to God and the Church.
Many of our congregations speak loudly in opposition to legalized gam-
bling, but our voices are noticeably muted in instructive and encouraging
response to church members, their families, and others in the surrounding
community with gambling problems. How do congregations shift their pri-
orities to minister to those who face this type of spiritual struggle?
Under s tanding p ro b le m ga m b ling
Many people in America today, including many church members, no
longer consider gambling to be a problem. Having been socialized by the
68 The Gambling Culture

images of popular media and by their experiences of seeing adults, youth,

family members, schools, and communities participating in gambling, they
tend to view all gambling as a form of entertainment or play. Even in congrega-
tions that teach that gambling is a sin, members may “nod and agree” with
the instruction but continue to gamble. As we have seen, they suffer from
pathological and problem gambling at about the same rate as nonmembers.
Christ prays that the
Father would protect his
disciples who live “in the
Hoffmann discovered frequent attendance at world” from “the evil one,”
so that they would not
religious services decreased the incidence of “belong to the world”
(John 17:11-16). He recog-
problem gambling, but a subject’s acknowl- nizes that his disciples will
edging the importance of faith in God had no continue to struggle with
many challenges including
depression, anxiety, stress
effect. The communal aspect of religious responses, trauma, and
addictions (substances,
practice is crucial. gambling, sexual) that
require spiritual and
psychological attention.
Noting how little research has been done to evaluate the impact of reli-
gious practices or beliefs on gambling behavior, John Hoffmann set out “to
test the proposition that attendance at religious services and importance of
faith in God attenuate the likelihood of problem gambling.”4 Hoffmann dis-
covered that frequent attendance at religious services decreased the incidence
of problem gambling, but that a subject’s acknowledging the importance of
faith in God had no effect. He does not find this result surprising, since stud-
ies on the impact of religion on other problem behaviors have found a simi-
lar result. The communal aspect of religious practice is crucial. Hoffmann
suggests participation in religious services provides social integration that
may ease problem behaviors, including the development of gambling prob-
lems. On the other hand, personal religious importance is an internal valuing
which may not reduce problem gambling behaviors without the dimension
of social integration.
Typically when gambling becomes a compulsive and addictive behav-
ior, the person spends more time on gambling and gives less attention to
personal relationships and regular activities, including church activities.
Persons who are diagnosed as pathological gamblers often report that
gambling participation, especially after the “big win,” is so exhilarating
that they continually try to re-experience the euphoria of winning. As this
pursuit becomes a compulsive focus, they experience many losses and few
gains because the games are designed for more people to lose than win.
   Congregational Ministry to Problem Gamblers 69

Many church members who become compulsive gamblers may be no differ-

ent than others in this regard. They will “chase” gambling losses and focus
on the “fantasy of winning” too. Even if they have been consistently active
in church, they may over time disengage from participation as the “win”
becomes their new “spiritual” pursuit.
One’s relationship with God can be lost or transferred to a relationship
with the game. Many gamblers report that the slot machine becomes their
partner or “lover.” Often these persons have suffered a void or loss—for
example, the death of a loved one, separation from a partner, divorce, job
loss, or ill-health—and their gambling is a welcome distraction from the
existential, emotional, and spiritual crisis. They can become entangled in
a web of seeking pleasure and relief from spiritual, emotional, financial,
relational, and other vulnerabilities. It is a challenge for congregations to
support church members who are struggling with pathological or problem
gambling, as well as their families and communities, returning them to
health and wholeness.
c aring for t h e Poor and Marginalzied
Congregations are called to practice the example that Jesus modeled.
Much of his ministry focused on those who are poor, marginalized, and dis-
enfranchised. Today, problem gambling is a disease that targets persons and
families who are struggling to meet the bare necessities of survival. As state
governments increasingly justify legalized gambling or sponsor gambling
games in order to raise revenues, gambling has been identified as a tax on
the materially poor.
Many materially poor persons have developed their own methods of
coping with poverty in order to support their families. They have learned to
survive insurmountable challenges and are resilient. Sometimes these per-
sons are so used to struggling with a lack of finances that a gambling loss
seems to be no different than the struggling “I’m already accustomed to.”
These persons say, “I’ve suffered losses in my life already; this is no different.”
How can congregations minister more effectively to persons who struggle
to survive and may view gambling as the answer to their financial needs?
As one client stated to me, “I have this dream that all I need is one big
win! All I need is one win. When I hit the lottery or hit the jackpot, I can
quit this deadbeat job, pay off my bills, have some money in the bank, and
take care of my family.” This fantasy of the big win keeps my client engaged
in the cycle of gambling, even when gambling is negatively affecting every
area of the person’s life.
Thus, there are thousands of materially poor and disenfranchised per-
sons, many of whom may not attend church, who are hurting and in need
of healing from the damaging effects of gambling. To minister effectively to
them, congregations will benefit from increased awareness and understand-
ing of problem and pathological gambling.
70 The Gambling Culture

re s p onding a s a c ongregation
When we experience problems of any sort—including the effects of prob-
lem and pathological gambling—we first typically employ our normal cop-
ing strategies for dealing with the difficulties. However, our coping skills
may not be effective in facing a gambling crisis. In this case, we have our
own “ecosystems” that we access for help and support. Many religious
people will say, “Well I’ve been handling my problems this way all my life
and it seems to work—why would I need to see a counselor? I always talk
to my pastor or priest when I’m having difficulties.”
Suppose a church member shares with the congregation, “I am feeling
depressed or sad. I am about to lose my home because I have not paid my
bills, having used the funds to gamble.” While there is limited research on
faith community responses to problem gambling, I and others who work in
counseling or recovery support systems have heard that the encounter may
go like this:
When I told my friend from church that I had a gambling problem,
she quoted scriptures. I did not feel any better after disclosing my
gambling. I thought I would feel relieved. Instead, I felt guilty and
shameful because I was told that I needed to just turn away from my
sin and ask God to be my source of strength.
Others have heard “You must not be prayed up,” “You are spending too
much time with worldly activities—you should be spending more time in
Bible study and prayer,” or “Don’t you know that depression is from the
Devil, not from the Lord? God will heal your depression.” When congregants
receive this sort of “non-supportive” response within their faith communi-
ties, they may really feel adrift because they cannot seek support from the
persons they normally turn to.
Over the years a number of congregations have sponsored substance
abuse recovery programs, such as Narcotics Anonymous and Alcoholic
Anonymous. Some also provide space for similar programs that address
problem gambling, such as Gamblers Anonymous and Gam-Anon (which
provides support for family members and friends of the gambler). But many
more congregation-centered meetings are needed, particularly in rural com-
munities and ethnic sub-communities where they are rare. They must be well
advertised and widely accepted, because people in crisis typically lack moti-
vation to identify and attend these local twelve-step groups on their own.
Why do some congregations, but not others, offer recovery support
resources? Some may not offer them because they continue to view gambling
as only a moral problem. (Likewise, during the early years of substance abuse
awareness the view that “the person should know better and just stop” was
popular until research revealed that substance abuse/dependency is an ill-
ness and necessitates a disease model for treatment.) Thus, if more faith
communities are going to prioritize these recovery ministries in their mission
   Congregational Ministry to Problem Gamblers 71

statements, an essential first step is increased understanding by their clergy

and lay leadership of the nature of problem and pathological gambling.
To accomplish this, mental health education should be integrated within
seminary and ministry education. Clergy candidates should anticipate that
problem and pathological gambling will be among the emotional and men-
tal health difficulties experienced by their congregants. Institutions that pre-
pare them for leadership in congregations and communities should partner
with mental health professionals to offer formal pastoral care field experi-
ence to all seminarians.
Sadly, there are few model programs of gambling recovery for faith com-
munities. One that I can recommend is Gambling Recovery Ministries (GRM)
sponsored by the Indiana Conference of the United Methodist Church. Led
by Reverend Janet Jacobs, the mission of this non-profit ministry is “to extend
the life-saving Christian outreach to persons directly and indirectly impacted
by the devastations of pathological gambling and to spread the good news of
hope, help, recovery, and renewal.”5 GRM provides supportive consultations
for individuals, including spiritual support and sharing of referral informa-
tion on treatment and recovery programs; publishes a variety of educational
materials about problem gambling for persons seeking help, congregations,
and mental health professionals; and offers a variety of educational pro-
grams about problem gambling and recovery for church and community
groups, including clergy training sessions and professional continuing-
education events. GRM
also provides a checklist
for faith communities that
want to develop problem If more faith communities are going to
gambling ministries. This is
an excellent example of a
prioritize gambling recovery ministries in
gambling recovery ministry
prioritizing outreach to
their mission statements, an essential first
individuals, faith institu- step is increased understanding by their
tions, and communities.
Churches should also clergy and lay leadership of the nature of
develop mental health
training programs for problem and pathological gambling.
their congregants since
they tend to be in the
“front-line” of observing
mental health struggles. When laypersons are taught about problem and
pathological gambling, they can recognize the signs and symptoms, listen
to those who struggle with gambling problems, provide effective responses
to them, encourage them to seek professional help, and journey with them
(without engaging in enabling behaviors or financial bailouts). Church lead-
ership should offer this type of lay ministry training on an ongoing basis
72 The Gambling Culture

and integrate problem gambling awareness into a comprehensive health

and welfare ministry plan.6
The National Council of Problem Gambling offers many prevention and
educational resources that can be helpful in ministry training programs.7
Resources include a directory of certified counselors in the United States and
other countries, information about the 1-800-Gambling Hotline (which prob-
lem gamblers and those concerned about them can call for help), contact
information for the Affiliate Councils of Problem Gambling that offer educa-
tion, training, and support in many states, and literature that can be used
individually or in small groups to enhance problem gambling awareness.
As congregations become more aware of the spiritual and emotional
struggles that gamblers face, they can provide holistic supportive ministries
to their members and to the wider community.

NOTES
1 These definitions and statistics are from “FAQs—Problem Gamblers” (Washington,
DC: National Council of Problem Gambling, 2011), available online at [Link].
org/i4a/pages/[Link]?pageID=3315#whatispg, accessed May 20, 2011.
2 Ibid.
3 Thomas L. Moore, The Prevalence of Disordered Gambling among Adults in Oregon: A
Replication Study (Portland, OR: Oregon Gambling Addiction Treatment Foundation,
2006), available online at [Link]/PREV2006/
ogatfprevalencestudy2006_072506.pdf, accessed May 20, 2011. Moore reports, “Nearly 47%
indicated their religious preference was Protestant, 13.2% Catholic, 1.3% Jewish, 1.2%
Buddhist, 0.2% Muslim, and 37.1% indicated other religious preferences.”
4 John P. Hoffman, “Religion and Problem Gambling in the U.S.,” Review of Religious
Research, 41:4 (2000), 488-509, here citing 488.
5 To learn more about Gambling Recovery Ministries, see [Link].
6 For example, I recently gave a workshop at a church that trains its lay leaders in
pastoral care ministries. The workshop topic was suicide prevention, but as we talked
about the reasons persons become suicidal, we considered how they might become
despondent after experiencing gambling losses and depressed from their addiction crises.
We need more churches responding in this way to mental health issues.
7 For more information about the National Council on Problem Gambling, see www.
[Link].

D e b ora h G . Ha s k in s
is Assistant Affiliate Professor and Director of Field Education in Psychology
at Loyola University Maryland in Baltimore, Maryland.
   The Harm of Predatory Gambling 73

The Harm of
Predatory Gambling
B y S u z ii P aynter

It is not the simple personal impulse to wager that is

so destructive; it is the multi-billion dollar business
model and its complicit partner, the state, that have
elegantly designed machines and marketing that will
without conscience “play you to extinction.”

B
efore I came to the Christian Life Commission, I knew precious little
about gambling. Ten years later, I have been morally shaped by bat-
tling against one of the most aggressive and predatory businesses in
the country. People often say, “What’s the fuss? It seems harmless.” What
is so wrong with small-stakes poker games or sports betting among friends?
What is so wrong with buying an occasional lottery ticket, going to the pari-
mutuel track, or spending a little time at the casino?
The presumed answer in each case is “nothing really.” What I have learned
is that it is not the simple personal impulse to wager that is destructive; it is
the multi-billion dollar business model and its complicit partner, the state,
that have elegantly designed machines and marketing that will without con-
science “play you to extinction,” or until all your money is gone.1
Considering gambling harmless is an attitude that serves the interests of
those who want expansion of gambling. This deception can divert us from
addressing more substantive questions and issues: Is it right for government
to prey upon its citizens—especially the most vulnerable of its citizens? Is
it right for government to encourage citizens to expend their resources on
gambling rather than saving and investing in their futures? Is it right to
fund critical government services like public education with unstable and
inadequate income streams that derive from human weakness? Is it right to
enact public policies that put the private interests of the gambling industry
ahead of the public good?
74 The Gambling Culture

Y
By definition, predatory gambling is the practice of using gambling
products and venues to prey on human weakness in pursuit of corporate
profits and government revenue. There are major differences between social
forms of gambling like Friday night poker games versus predatory products
like slot machines: the speed of the games, the “buzz” or “high” people get
when they play, the mountain of losses, and the manipulative marketing
practices. The collective effect is to produce problem gamblers and addictive
behavior that is the profit center of the enterprise. In many casinos, ninety
percent of the casino profits come from ten percent of gamblers.2
Income from all forms of legalized gambling vastly exceeds annual rev-
enues from movie tickets, sports, concerts, theme parks, books, magazines,
and newspapers combined. This scope has provoked economists, sociolo-
gists, and ethicists to describe and measure the costs of gambling in bank-
ruptcy, addiction, and crime in American life.3
Today the burgeoning gambling industry likes to portray itself as mere
entertainment, when addiction is at its heart. In ten years of state legislative
hearings in Austin, Texas, there has not been one casino developer that has
agreed to bring the shows, restaurants, and shopping of resort casinos to
Texas without slot machines.
With regard to the legalization of predatory forms of gambling, the issue
is not whether we permit people to gamble, but whether we should incent
them to gamble. Should we the people, through government-sponsored
products and venues, exploit the human weaknesses of citizens in our
own communities for profit and revenue?
By legalizing and promoting gambling, the government effectively turns
millions of people who are small earners with the potential to be small savers
into a new class of habitual bettors. According to the Consumer Federation
of America, these one in five Americans think the best way to achieve long-
term financial security is to gamble.4 To provide historic perspective for the
current economic context of the debate, imagine that in the shadow of the
Great Depression the country’s leaders proposed to legalize and promote
slot machines to make up for the revenue lost in a depressed economy to
help finance the war effort. Our leaders fortunately followed a different path
and challenged citizens to buy savings bonds, which along with other eco-
nomic strategies and circumstances helped to promote the highest savings
rate during the twentieth century, widespread prosperity, and the smallest
gap between rich and poor in the United States during the past century.5

Y
For Christians, the most critical issues of the debate should be directed
more by biblical and theological foundations than by utilitarian claims
regarding gambling as a form of revenue or personal entertainment. While
   The Harm of Predatory Gambling 75

no Bible text directly addresses gambling either in terms of personal practice

or social ethics, the biblical narrative does include themes and precepts that
should inform our thinking, behavior, and conversations in relation to gam-
bling.6 I will briefly survey three of these: love of neighbor, creativity and
work, and stewardship of resources.
The Parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37) offers a window on
interpreting the biblical precept to love our neighbors. A lawyer asks Jesus
a question: “Teacher, what must I do to inherit eternal life?” In reply Jesus
asks him, “What is written in the law?” and the lawyer quotes Deuteronomy
6:5 and Leviticus [Link] “You shall love the Lord your God with all your
heart, and with all your soul, and with all your strength, and with all your
mind” and “You shall love your neighbor as yourself.”
With the terse affirmation, “do this and you will live,” Jesus affirms the
lawyer’s response: authentic living in covenant with God is theological and
ethical, vertical and horizontal. These two conceptually distinct acts—devoting
ourselves to God and God’s ways and valuing other people’s lives and wel-
fare—are scripturally and practically inseparable.
Then the lawyer asks a follow up question: “And who is my neighbor?”
Jesus’ anecdotal reply through the parable of the Good Samaritan both rein-
terprets and answers the lawyer’s question. Loving God means loving our
neighbor just as the Good Samaritan loved the man who had been assaulted
on the road to Jericho.
As the people of God, we must act in very specific ways to serve others—
treating them as neighbors and, in doing so, becoming their neighbors. We
must do this for perfect strangers, for people who are not our own, for people
who will dirty us with the blood of their wounds and divert us from our
appointed rounds, gifting them with acts of service which are exceedingly
costly and inconvenient.
Refusing this path of neighbor love, Jesus says, reveals us to be faithless
even if we have impeccable religious and community credentials. Embracing
this path constitutes covenant fidelity even if we have suspect credentials.
Stunned, the lawyer finds himself on the receiving end of another question
and a direct command: “Which of these was a neighbor?” and “Go and do
likewise.”
The Bible demands that right and just actions (and by implication right
and just policies) resemble neighbor love. Especially with respect to the most
vulnerable people in society, we are called to think, act, and legislate more
like Good Samaritans than robbers, and more like concerned neighbors than
indifferent passers-by. Neighbor love and predatory behaviors are mutually
exclusive. If our practices and policies look more like those of robbers than
of Good Samaritans, we will be judged accordingly. This is true even if we
simply ignore the predatory behaviors and policies perpetrated by others.
Scripture’s high regard for creativity and work is a second biblical theme
that should inform our reflection on the issue of gambling. The Bible depicts
76 The Gambling Culture

God as an active creator who speaks the heavens and the earth into existence
(Genesis 1) and tends the garden of paradise, crafting humankind out of its
fertile soil (Genesis 2). Created in God’s image, humans are called to emulate
God’s creativity as we work in the world. Jesus’ own vocation and teaching
embodies this very calling. As a Nazarene carpenter, he worked with his
hands and taught his followers to devote their lives and work to the glory
of God and the service of others.
Through the course of Christian history, these biblical images evolved
into a work ethic. The profits of work should not serve narrow interests and
individual greed, but rather the common good. Grounded in this work ethic,
the reformed theologians especially were critical of gambling enterprises.
Whatever gambling might be, they insisted, it was not creative, not work,
and not an imitation of God.7
The biblical concept of stewardship also bears on the gambling issue.
Simply stated, stewardship means trusteeship; the One who speaks the
world into existence and who therefore rightfully owns all of the world’s
resources entrusts these same resources to our care. The psalms of God’s
kingship capture this sense of divine ownership:
The earth is the Lord’s and all that is in it,
the world, and those who live in it
for he has founded it on the seas,
and established it on the rivers.
Psalm 24:1-2
The story of the naming of the animals in the Garden of Eden depicts human
trusteeship (Genesis 2:18-25). Jesus gives us the Parable of the Talents (Mat-
thew 25:14-30) that tells the story of the lord who entrusted significant sums
of money to his servants and held them accountable for their investments.
Similar texts abound throughout Scripture. Taken together, they drive home
the point that we are responsible to God for our use of the resources that
God has entrusted to us. Since whether we use our money wisely or not
matters to God, it follows that the very concept of “gambling” with God’s
resources falls short of the biblical sense of good stewardship.

Y
Forty-five years ago, not one state ran a lottery, and only Nevada allowed
casinos. From 1920 to 1964, in fact, nearly all forms of gambling were illegal
throughout the country. Today, thirty seven states currently serve as the
location for more than 900 casino-style venues: 445 land-based or riverboat
casinos, 44 racinos (race tracks that offer casino-like video games), and 423
tribal casinos.8
The scriptural admonition is resounding: “You will know them by their
fruits” (Matthew 7:16). The fruit of predatory gambling is rotten. The addic-
   The Harm of Predatory Gambling 77

tion to spending money through gambling creates a vortex of destruction

for families and it has spread all over the country. Oklahoma now has more
than one hundred casinos, Wisconsin has a gambling addiction rate of seven
percent (which is more than its cancer victims), and other states are introducing
gambling prevention curriculum into schools as early as fifth-grade level.
Gambling has grown to a large enterprise in American life. We need a
voice of biblical proportions—literally—to match the size and scope of the
gambling enterprise itself. Our response needs to be one concerning justice,
thrift, the proper role of government, and the meaning of public righteous-
ness and the common good.

NOTES
1 For the predatory business models that are behind the recent expansion of casinos in
Las Vegas, see Christina Binkley, Winner Takes All: Steve Wynn, Kirk Kerkorian, Gary
Loveman, and the Race to Own Las Vegas (New York: Hyperion, 2008).
2 Ibid., 184.
3 Alan Wolfe and Eric C. Owens, eds., Gambling: Mapping the American Moral Landscape
(Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2009), 1; and John Lyman Mason and Michael Nelson,
Governing Gambling: Politics and Policy in State, Tribe, and Nation (New York: The Century
Foundation, 2001), 2.
4 Alicia Hansen, “Gambling with Tax Policy: States’ Growing Reliance on Lottery Tax
Revenue,” Tax Foundation Background Paper, 54 (July 3, 2007), 1, 10, 11, and 21-26, available
online at [Link]/files/[Link], accessed May 19, 2011.
5 Les Bernal, “Predatory Gambling, Democracy, and the American Dream,” SPG Primer
on Predatory Gambling (Washington, DC: Stop Predatory Gambling, 2008), 2, available
online at [Link]/PDF/SPG%20Primer%20on%20Predatory%[Link],
accessed May 19, 2011. Also see Hansen, “Gambling with Tax Policy,” 25-28.
6 The Bible has more to say about casting lots—which was an ancient way to reach a fair
distribution (something like the modern practice of flipping a coin), rather than a gamble.
The casting of lots is condemned when the distributed items are ill-gotten. For more on
this, see Kevin Moore, “Would a Good and Faithful Disciple Gamble,” Gambling Culture,
Christian Reflection: A Series in Faith and Ethics (Waco, TX: The Center for Christian
Ethics at Baylor University, 2011), 11-18.
7 George K. Schweitzer, “Work in the Kingdom,” Therefore (Dallas, TX: The Christian Life
Commission, Summer, 1982), 2-3; William Galston identifies this emphasis in Reformed
thought in “The Memory of Sin: Gambling in Jewish Law and Ethics,” in Wolfe and Owens,
eds., Gambling, 213-226, here citing 215, 219.
8 Wolfe and Owens, eds., Gambling, 1.

S u zii Pa y nter
is Director of the Christian Life Commission of the Baptist General Conven-
tion of Texas in Austin, Texas.
78 The Gambling Culture

If Only the Bible Said…

B y B ob T erry

Gambling violates the heart of the biblical message because

it is the opposite of loving God “with all your heart and
with all your soul and with all your mind and with all your
strength” and loving “your neighbor as yourself.” No “thou
shalt not” prohibition is necessary to understand that truth.

I
f only the Bible said, “Thou shalt not gamble,” then life would be sim-
pler. Gambling could be placed alongside other impermissible acts like
murder, adultery, stealing, and lying in the lengthy catalog of sins. The
Christian position on gambling would be clear for all to know and follow,
if only the Bible said, “Thou shalt not ….”
Unfortunately this desire for the Bible to give us a list of sins to avoid
betrays a spirit caught up in a legalistic approach to Scripture. Like the scribes
and Pharisees whom Jesus condemns in Matthew 23, we give attention to
the small things but are oblivious to the more important things: justice,
mercy, and faithfulness.
The prophet Micah sums up God’s demands when he responds to the
rhetorical question “What does the Lord require of you?” with the direction
“to act justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with your God” (Micah
6:8, NIV).1
The apostle Paul instructs the first-century church similarly: “whatever
other commandments there may be are summed up in this one rule: ‘Love
your neighbor as yourself.’” He then adds, “Love does no harm to a neigh-
bor. Therefore love is the fulfillment of the law” (Romans 13:9b-10, NIV).
This teaching echoes Jesus’ words. When asked to give the greatest
commandment, Jesus responds by referencing Deuteronomy 6:5—“you
shall love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul
and with all your mind and with all your strength”—and Leviticus 19:18—
“You shall love your neighbor as yourself” (Mark 12:29-31; cf. Matthew
   If Only the Bible Said... 79

22:37-39). And he emphasizes, “All the Law and the Prophets hang on these
two commandments” (Matthew 22:40, NIV).
For the Christian, the core issue related to gambling is not a “thou shalt
not” prohibition. The core issue is what it means to love your neighbor as
yourself.
Loving your neighbor means recognizing the infinite value of all indi-
viduals. God’s image placed in humankind at creation (Genesis 1:27) gives
every human being worth. Christians believe this worth is of such signifi-
cance that God provides reconciliation for wayward people through the act
of his Son, Jesus, on Calvary’s cross. If God values humanity so greatly, then
certainly his people should. And if Christians value their neighbors (all their
neighbors), then they will do them no harm.

Y
Gambling, by definition, does harm to our neighbor. It attempts to take
the property of another person without returning something of similar value.
Gambling seeks personal gain at the expense of a neighbor, and such action
can only reduce their well-being. Doing harm to a neighbor not only violates
the principle of “love your neighbor as yourself” but it also violates the
command of our Lord Jesus to “Do to others as you would have them do to
you” (Luke 6:31, NIV). No one wants to lose hard-earned property without
adequate compensation. That is why people buy insurance to protect against
fire and flood. That is why stealing is a crime. Yet the gambler seeks to do
just that—to take the property of another without appropriate compensation.
Gambling panders to selfishness, to personal passion, rather than promoting
love of neighbor and conduct toward neighbor that we desire for ourselves.
Equally important is what gambling does to our neighbor’s personhood.
Gambling turns a neighbor into a means to an end rather than an end in
itself. To use the terminology of philosopher Martin Buber (1878-1965),
gambling turns a neighbor into a “thing” instead of a “thou.” A neighbor
becomes only the means by which our economic goals are achieved. Con-
cern for a neighbor’s well-being is absent. A neighbor is not a “thou” with
whom we enjoy relationship. A neighbor is not the object of love. A neigh-
bor is only an instrument—a “thing”—enabling us to achieve our goals.
What could be more tragic? Such action reminds us of Paul’s words in
Romans 1:22–25, where he weeps over people who “claimed to be wise
but they became fools…[and] exchanged the truth of God for a lie.”

Y
The Bible has much to say about desiring what belongs to another. Exodus
20:17, the last of the Ten Commandments, declares “You shall not covet…
anything that belongs to your neighbor.” To covet goes beyond desire. To
covet is to crave something that rightly belongs to another. In his commen-
tary on this passage, Roy Honeycutt, former president of Southern Baptist
80 The Gambling Culture

Theological Seminary, notes that coveting is the first step toward stealing
because coveting always conveys the idea of scheming to take something
from another. Again, that is gambling’s purpose—to gain the property of
another without returning something of comparable value.
God calls for us to respect our neighbors and their possessions. We
have only to look at Moses’ instruction to the people that if they found
anything that belonged to another, they should give it back:
You shall not watch your neighbor’s ox or sheep straying away
and ignore them; you shall take them back to their owner. If the
owner does not reside near you or you do not know who the owner
is, you shall bring it to your own house, and it shall remain with you
until the owner claims it; then you shall return it. You shall do the
same with a neighbor’s donkey; you shall do the same with a neigh-
bor’s garment; and you shall do the same with anything else that
your neighbor loses and you find. You may not withhold your help.
You shall not see your neighbor’s donkey or ox fallen on the road
and ignore it; you shall help to lift it up.
Deuteronomy 22:1-4
No “finders, keepers” attitude from God. God intended Israelite society
to be based on love of neighbor, not envy or coveting.
Paul picks up this theme when he counsels Timothy that “the love of mon-
ey is the root of all kinds of evil” (1 Timothy 6:10). Here the reference is to
the damage done to the character of the one coveting money. Jesus says it
plainly: “You cannot serve both God and money” (Matthew 6:24, NIV). The
verses that follow illustrate that God desires us to “seek first the kingdom of
God” (6:25-33). When our heart is focused on God, then there is no room for
love of money. Yet gambling is based on love of money. Gambling undermines
God’s sovereignty by turning our priority away from him and toward money.
Coveting is more than an individual problem, however. Violating moral
limits has societal consequences. Since God desires society to be based on
love of neighbor, people are expected to construct a society reflecting these
values. Voluntary agreement with God’s plan is presumed. Introduce into
that society a person who covets what rightly belongs to another, and the
moral fiber of the whole society is undermined. The kind of society antici-
pated is altered. Every relationship is impacted. Gambling cultivates covet-
ing what rightly belongs to another. It alters relationships with others as
love of neighbor gives way to selfish passion. God’s perfect plan for human
relationships is undermined by sin.
The Bible speaks of the importance of work (Proverbs 13:11; Ecclesiastes
5:10-20; 1 Timothy 6:6-10; Ephesians 4:28). Gambling fosters a something-
for-nothing attitude and ignores the warning that “wealth gotten by vanity
shall be diminished” (Proverbs 13:11, KJV). The Bible demands careful stew-
   If Only the Bible Said... 81

ardship of all one has (Matthew 6:33; Romans 14:12; Colossians 3:17). Gam-
bling embraces reckless and irresponsible actions. The Bible emphasizes God’s
sovereignty (Matthew 10:29–30). Gambling counts on chance and luck.

Y
The United Methodist Church’s Book of Discipline, in a section on “the
economic community,” teaches:
Gambling is a menace to society; deadly to the best interests of moral,
social, economic and spiritual life; and destructive to good govern-
ment. As an act of faith and concern, Christians should abstain from
gambling and should strive to minister to those victimized by the
practice.2
That position is consistent through the centuries in most traditions of the
Christian faith. Certainly Baptists have opposed gambling consistently.
For example, Southern Baptists adopted resolutions opposing the spread
of predatory gambling for five consecutive years between 1983 and 1987,
and in 1996 and 1997.3
As a Baptist who believes the Bible is the sole authority for our faith and
practice, I understand that gambling violates the heart of the biblical message
because gambling is the opposite of loving God “with all your heart and
with all your soul and with all your mind and with all your strength” and
loving “your neighbor as yourself.” That is why most Baptist groups have
historically opposed gambling and why most continue to oppose the evil of
gambling today. No “thou shalt not” prohibition is necessary to understand
that truth.
NOTEs
1 Scripture passages marked “NIV” are from the Holy Bible, New International Ver-
sion®, NIV® Copyright © 1973, 1978, 1984 by Biblica, Inc.™ Used by permission. All
rights reserved worldwide.
2 The Book of Discipline of the United Methodist Church (2008), ¶163 (Nashville, TN: The
United Methodist Publishing House, 2008), 121-122.
3The Southern Baptist Convention resolutions are available online at [Link]/
resolutions/[Link], accessed May 19, 2011.

Bo b T err y
is president and editor of The Alabama Baptist newspaper in Birmingham,
Alabama.
82 The Gambling Culture

Problem Gambling
B y J anet E . J acobs

With the growing plethora of gambling venues in the United

States, there is more awareness of pathological and com-
pulsive gambling. All three books reviewed here summarize
substantial research on this problem and its treatment;
one offers very practical examples of counseling exercises.

W
ith the growing plethora of gambling venues throughout the
United States, there is an increasing awareness of persons
affected, directly and indirectly, by problem gambling. Though
it is not easily visible and, thus, not well understood by clinicians and
scholars, pathological gambling presents problems that cause tremendous
devastation within individual families.
Several years ago, “Mary” and “John” attended their first meeting of
Gam-Anon, an auxiliary group of Gamblers Anonymous for the spouses,
family members, and close friends of problem gamblers. The couple was
filled with pain: their looks were pained, they spoke of pain; simply put,
raw pain was all they felt. A very close loved one had turned their world
upside down with his life of addiction to gambling. Their lives had been
shattered and they were in desperate need of healing and wholeness. For
years, they had struggled with ways to deal with the gambling problem in
their home. To the many questions about gambling addiction, they had no
answers. To their unending struggles, they had no solutions or strategies
for coping. In the months following the meeting they began to learn about
pathological gambling and healthy ways to respond to their loved one. In
turn, the family member would also begin to face and deal with his gam-
bling problem.
Professional counselors have suggested that for each compulsive gam-
bler another five to ten persons are directly affected. John and Mary fall
within this range. Their loved one (meeting the criteria for diagnosis as
   Problem Gambling 83

pathological) stands with one percent of our nation’s total population: the
two million people estimated to suffer from pathological gambling. Moreover,
another two to three percent (or four to six million Americans) exhibit one
or more of the diagnostic criteria for compulsive gambling and are experienc-
ing related gambling problems.† If we total these figures, a national public
health issue arises. Or does it? There are several obstacles to recognizing
problem gambling as a public health issue.
First, addictions and compulsions of all sorts are difficult to understand.
Often the issue of gambling addiction is presented within a moral framework,
and those who are not afflicted complain: “Why don’t they just stop?” In
this moral perspective the gambler appears to be weak-willed, and the pro-
posed health treatment solutions and serious research can seem distracting
and distant from the moral problem.
Furthermore, many states actually encourage gambling because their
treasuries benefit from tax windfalls spawned by growing gaming indus-
tries. They encourage citizens to support the infrastructure of their state
by betting the state-sponsored lottery and gambling responsibly. But who
watches for the signs of problem gambling and then does something about
it? How many state revenues are devoted specifically to the research and
treatment of problem gambling, much less to education and prevention?
The faith-based community may be counted to stand against the expan-
sion of gambling. But where are the churches providing deliberate outreach
to those affected by problem gambling? How do they carry out Jesus’ com-
mandment to his disciples—“Just as I have loved you, you also should love
one another” (John 13:34b)—in lives broken by gambling addiction? Are
pastors given information and rudimentary training in understanding the
issues of addiction, particularly gambling addiction? If parishioners seek
help for a gambling problem, for themselves or loved ones, what kind of
response do they receive?
The books reviewed here can help congregations both to understand and
care more effectively for those who struggle with or are deeply affected by
compulsive gambling. Together they provide an overview of compulsive
gambling, including diagnostic criteria, possible genetic factors, co-morbid
connections to other dysfunctional behaviors, at-risk populations, and
treatment strategies. All three books summarize substantial research on
this problem and its treatment; one offers very practical examples of coun-
seling exercises.
Y
Nancy M. Petry’s Pathological Gambling: Etiology, Comorbidity, and Treat-
ment (American Psychological Association, 2005, 417 pp., $39.95) is an exten-
sive resource for both clinicians and researchers on compulsive gambling. It
presents studies of the disorder’s origins, genetic and neurobiological foun-
dations, demographics, susceptibility, co-occurrence with other behavioral
84 The Gambling Culture

dysfunctions, assessment tools and practices, and a variety of treatment

approaches. On each subject Petry reviews numerous studies and preva-
lence rates, where applicable. This book would serve as a basic practical
primer for mental health professionals.
In exploring treatment and non-clinical interventions, Petry describes
a variety of pharmacotherapies, family and cognitive therapies, psychoana-
lytic and psychodynamic
treatments, motivational
interventions, and Gam-
No one sets out to become an addict. Yet for blers Anonymous and
Gam-Anon. The author
some gamblers, life becomes unmanageable presents her own eight-
session cognitive-behavioral
with devastating effects. Sadly, a mere three design, narrated through
the characters of client
percent of problem gamblers seek treatment. “Mary” and therapist
“Sue.” Petry highlights
within her style of treat-
ment the role of triggers,
functional analyses of individual gambling sessions, free-time checklists,
gambling cravings and urges, gratitude awareness, interpersonal conflicts,
cognitive illusions, and troubleshooting future problems. Particularly help-
ful is an included client workbook to accompany each session, complete
with graphics, charts, and how-to lists.
Petry’s book, together with the more focused anthology Gambling Prob-
lems in Youth (reviewed below), provide much needed data for an academic
study on pathological and problem gambling. Yet they whet readers’ appe-
tites for more current statistics concerning the latest impacts of technologi-
cal advancements in the gaming industry, continued development of
Internet gambling sites, and the latest trends in gambling venues.

Y
Robert Ladouceur and Stella Lachance’s Overcoming Pathological Gambling:
Workbook in the Oxford Treatments That Work series (Oxford University
Press, 2006, 144 pp., $37.95) prepares therapists to meet the challenges of
enhancing motivation, intervening with regard to cognition and behavior,
and relapse. The authors provide a very practical approach to therapy, com-
plete with techniques for clinicians and homework exercises to be utilized
with an accompanying client workbook. Its detailed information on disor-
dered gambling will help fill the gaps of understanding a practicing thera-
pist may have.
Ladouceur and Lachance note that no one sets out to become an addict.
Gambling out of control, compulsively, is not their goal. Yet for some gam-
blers, life becomes unmanageable with devastating effects. Sadly, a mere
   Problem Gambling 85

three percent of problem gamblers seek treatment (p. vi). The authors pres-
ent a very readable guide for therapists to use in motivating their clients to
abstain or cut back to safe levels of gambling and to work toward change.
Each chapter lists the specific goals, diagnostic screens, and client self-
awareness and monitoring instruments for a session ranging from the initial
contact with the client to post-treatment follow-up. This handbook includes
exact replicas of the client’s homework exercises (in the companion client
workbook). What makes these exercises particularly useful for the therapist
is that they are filled out as though a client had completed the work. Thus a
supply of possible client responses is available to serve as discussion start-
ers, or fillers, for the therapist.
There are lists of practical instructions for the therapist, including sug-
gested discussions with the client about managing finances, gambling illu-
sions related to a wide variety of venues, behavioral strategies, and so on.
Case illustrations help therapists prepare for the more difficult discussions
with their clients about the role of chance, the need for control, and the per-
sistent hold of erroneous thoughts. In a multi-questioned walkthrough of a
gambling session, clients are led to recognize personal reactions in their
gambling behavior.
The authors present a chart to help a client carefully dissect the dis-
ordered “inner dialogue” that leads to problem gambling: from triggers
(high-risk situations), to “automatic thoughts,” to subsequent actions and
consequences. Later, an expanded version of this chart includes a column
for “new thoughts” that help control gambling and lead to healthy choices
and positive outcomes. Finally, the authors tackle a range of sticky issues
that may undermine therapeutic sessions: lying, resisting cooperation,
tardiness, missing appointments, relapse, suicidal ideation, loan sharks,
and obtaining bailouts from loved ones.
Overcoming Pathological Gambling is a hands-on guidebook with a basic
description of problem gambling and comprehensive directions for crafting
client sessions around discussions, dialogues, and client exercises. Although
this book is addressed to clinicians, it is an excellent resource for pastors
and laypersons to navigate the pragmatic aspects of dealing with problem
gamblers.
Y
Gambling Problems in Youth: Theoretical and Applied Perspectives (Kluwer
Academic, 2005, 292 pp., $99.00), edited by Jeffrey L. Derevensky and Rina
Gupta, focuses on the multiple aspects of adolescent gambling. The chapters
in this book, which are authored by Derevensky, Gupta, and other leaders
in problem-gambling research and clinical practice, combine to offer a com-
prehensive study of teen gamblers. They provide research results on topics
such as teen depression and suicidality, neurodevelopment, the Internet and
video game playing, prevention strategies, and treatment.
86 The Gambling Culture

The contributors to this volume are refreshingly unwilling to sum-

marize the outcome of problem gambling in teens with the simple expres-
sion, “They’ll grow out of it.” Again and again, they caution readers not
to discount teen gambling as just another fad. They beckon researchers to
keep looking, with long-range eyes, at trends in adolescent gambling be-
havior and subsequent outcomes. Is the early onset of gambling similar
to the case of substance abuse in youngsters, in that it increases the like-
lihood for pathological behavior to develop in adulthood, with long-term
debilitation?
The discussions of adolescent neurodevelopment include fascinating
glimpses into the role that neurotransmitters dopamine and serotonin play
in an individual’s motivation toward risk-taking. Pharmacological treatment
with mood stabilizers, opioid antagonists, serotonin reuptake inhibitors,
and atypical antipsychotics are reviewed.
Current therapy practices for addiction often center on the Five Stages
of Change Model. The chapter that applies these stages—precontemplation,
contemplation, determination, action, and maintenance—to the treatment of
compulsive gambling suggests, interestingly, that a client’s other behavior
challenges should be addressed before there is direct therapy for compul-
sive gambling. Variation of counseling techniques throughout the different
stages is discussed with the recommendation not to count on re-using the
same strategy throughout the process.
Most fascinating is Lia Nower and Alex Blaszczynski’s description in
“A Pathways Approach to Treating Youth Gamblers” of three basic path-
ways that their young clients travel before they present themselves for
counseling. These pathways include the teen’s motivation to gamble, finan-
cial resources, and therapeutic objectives. Behaviorally conditioned youth
may be drawn to gambling for the excitement it generates along with early
big wins. Emotionally vulnerable problem gamblers may see gambling as
a way to combat depression, anxiety, or low self-esteem by connecting
with other gambling friends or perceiving themselves as unique. Anti-
social, impulsive-prone teens may exhibit additional challenging behavior
with substance abuse or other dysfunctional responses to their everyday
world. All problem gambling teens are impacted by common ecological
factors, operant conditionings, and the chasing of losses incurred in gam-
bling. One of the most valuable lessons this book offers is a fully diagramed
explanation of the Pathways Model complete with identifying descriptions
of teens from each Pathway and respective treatment suggestions. Such
clear explanations go a long way to support the serious tone set by Dere-
vensky and Gupta in regard to the topic of adolescent gambling and the
mitigating circumstances that encourage and maintain gambling dysfunc-
tion in teenagers.
   Problem Gambling 87

Y
How should Christians respond to an increasing national acceptance of
gambling as legitimate entertainment? Do we merely speak in opposition to
gambling or, at least, to certain gambling venues such as casinos? Do we
justify fundraising raffles and bingo games as harmless ways to make mon-
ey for the Church?
In his Forward to Gambling Problems and Youth, Howard J. Shaffer, the
Harvard Medical School psychiatrist who directs the Division on Addictions
at The Cambridge Health Alliance, reminds us that “We judge the quality
and character of a society by how it cares for its young, old and sick” (p. v).
And so, the questions remain: Do we view problem gambling as an illness
or simply a moral dilemma? Is outreach to persons affected by gambling
addiction the responsibility of the Church?

NOTE
† National Council on Problem Gambling, “FAQs—Problem Gamblers,” available online
at [Link]/i4a/pages/[Link]?pageID=3315#widespread, accessed May 18,
2011.

J anet E . J a c o b s
is Director of Gambling Recovery Ministries (United Methodist Church) in
Dillsboro, Indiana.
88 The Gambling Culture

The History of Gambling

B y H eather V acek

Why have humans throughout history gambled? What

explains the recent explosion of gambling in American
culture? Approaching these questions from legal,
economic, political, psychological, social, and ethical
perspectives, the four books reviewed here provide
insight about the complex history of gambling.

G
ambling is America’s favorite pastime, at least when our activities
are measured by revenue. The $57 billion spent by gamblers in 2006
far exceeds the $20 billion paid for movie tickets and music record-
ings and the $28 billion in sales from McDonalds, Burger King, Wendy’s,
and Starbucks combined. Americans gamble freely. In fact, only twenty-
eight percent of them think gambling is morally wrong.
In the early twentieth century the conservative evangelist Billy Sunday
(1862-1935) preached against the evils of gambling and liberal Social Gospel
founder Walter Rauschenbusch (1861-1918) called it the “vice of the savage.”
Yet, as the authors of one of the volumes reviewed here note, modern
“theologians do not debate the morality of gambling the way they do the
morality of abortion or euthanasia.”1 Evangelicals and born-again Christians
today are less likely to find gambling morally acceptable (twenty-seven
percent and forty-five percent respectively), but gambling has failed to rally
Christian concern in the same ways as other contemporary social issues.2
Statistics about the prevalence of gambling among the American popula-
tion make it clear that many Christians gamble. When Christians buy lottery
tickets, bet on a sporting event, or play in a charity game of bingo, are they
conscious of possible conflicts with their beliefs? Do notions of greed, the
stewardship of resources, and the protection of vulnerable populations rise
to consciousness for Christians visiting casinos? Do they find some forms of
gambling acceptable and others sinful? If so, how do they justify differences?
   The History of Gambling 89

Gambling in various forms has been around throughout recorded history,

but in-depth scholarship on it is a recent phenomenon occasioned by the
resurgence of widespread gambling in America in the 1980s and 90s. The
four books reviewed here approach the topic from different scholarly angles:
the legal history of gambling in America, history of the practice and the
business of gambling, focused assessment of the risks and benefits of gam-
bling, and the moral evaluation of gambling. Some of the authors remain
more optimistic about the practice’s contribution to society, while others
focus on potential harmful consequences of the human desire to gamble.
Together they provide insight about the complex history of gambling and
speculation about why humans play games of chance.
The details of the debate about the costs and benefits of gambling are
complicated, but Christians need not remain immobilized in what has become
a complex tug of war between supporters and opponents. Concerned Chris-
tians, informed by the research reported in books like those reviewed here,
can find faithful and productive ways to respond to the growth of the gam-
bling industry and the lives it affects. Congregations might decide to attend
to the misery created for families by those addicted to gambling. Looking to
the political realm, Christians might discover questions to ask of existing
and proposed legislation. Reflection might also prompt Christians to con-
sider curtailing their own gaming.

Y
In Jokers Wild: Legalized Gambling in the Twenty-first Century (Westport,
CT: Praeger, 2000, 232 pp., $125.00) editors Thomas Barker and Marjie Britz
offer a history of gambling in the United States through a regulatory lens and
assert that “legal gambling is, at best, problematic behavior with good and
bad consequences”(p. 3). Barker, a professor of Criminal Justice and Police
Studies at Eastern Kentucky University, and Britz, then associate professor
of Criminal Justice at The Citadel (now at Clemson University), are interest-
ed in the shape and development of laws that regulate gambling. Acknowl-
edging differences in public opinion about gambling through the years, they
report why gambling has made business sense to many, but they also attend
to the consequences of gambling on individuals, groups, and communities.
From their legal vantage point, Barker and Britz understand gambling
as a deviant behavior that has prompted legislation. They distinguish two
categories of deviant behavior: Mala in se acts such as murder, rape, and
robbery that are generally recognized as inherently evil, from Mala Prohibita
behaviors that transgress the moral codes of certain groups but not others
(in American history these have included abortion, homosexuality, pornog-
raphy, drug use, gambling, and tobacco use). The former category of behav-
iors has proven easier to legislate because of widespread agreement; laws
regarding the latter are likely to generate conflict because moral standards
differ among Americans.
90 The Gambling Culture

Public opinion concerning morality can quickly shift. For example, Barker
and Britz note that during the twentieth century in the United States gambling
and the use of tobacco were “social experiments in the process of how laws
are made and changed in defining deviant behavior” (p. 1). Smoking, once
an accepted behavior is now banned in most public spaces, and the tobacco
industry is a pariah. Alternately, gambling, once presumed to be a sinful,
crime-ridden activity confined to Nevada, is now legal, in some form, in
all states but Utah and Hawaii.
The opening chapter looks at the footprint of gambling on the eve of
the twenty-first century. Three historical chapters trace the presence of gam-
bling in America, from the public lotteries of the colonial era, to New York
casinos run by crime syndicates in the early twentieth century, to the rise of
gambling as a legitimate industry in Nevada and Atlantic City in the 1940s
and 50s. Two chapters follow the more recent rise of Native American-owned
casinos, riverboat gambling, and state lotteries. Along the way, the authors
discuss the legislation that made gambling possible and the regulations that
attempted to make it disappear.
The final portion of Barker and Britz’s text considers why people gam-
ble, the trouble caused when gambling becomes addictive, and treatments
available for problem gamblers. In conclusion they predict, incorrectly it
turns out, that the growth and expansion of gambling experienced in the
late twentieth century would slow. More than a decade old, the statistics
in this text prove outdated. In addition, the volume only gestures toward a
possible future of internet gambling, now a significant, worldwide revenue
generator. Regardless, the challenge they identify remains true: Americans
must decide whether gambling serves as recreation, a social problem, or both.
Barker and Britz offer a comprehensive yet accessible text that provides a
good primer for those hoping to learn more about the conflicts, legal and
otherwise, that surround the gambling industry.

Y
Less accessible because of its dense historical detail, but a valuable source
of information nonetheless, is David G. Schwartz’s Roll the Bones: The History
of Gambling (New York: Gotham, 2006; 592 pp., $14.99). Covering five thousand
years of human gambling practice, this volume is encyclopedic in breadth.
Arguing that gambling infuses all human cultures, Schwartz displays the
variety of gambling games and discusses the business of gambling.
This book offers a less-than-equal assessment of the social costs and
benefits of gambling, but Schwartz did not set out to write with such balance.
Instead, his own fascination with the persistence and growth of gambling
around the world shines through as he takes the reader inside the world’s
casinos and sits alongside both high stakes gamblers and thousands more
people who made more modest (but equally as hopeful) bets. Schwartz
   The History of Gambling 91

notes religious and superstitious connections to the practice of gambling,

but provides scant attention to opposition.
Schwartz, the Director of the Center for Gaming Research at the Univer-
sity of Nevada, Las Vegas, provides expert coverage of games, gamers, and
the modern industries that take advantage of the profits made possible by
the human propensity to gamble. His volume will be most valuable to those
interested in the details of particular gambling games, the ways they spread
from continent to continent, and the intricacies of gambling industry growth.

Y
Gambling: Who Wins? Who Loses? (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books,
2003; 358 pp., $22.98), edited by sociologist Gerda Reith, provides a more
balanced approach in assessing the economic benefits and social costs of
gambling by including the work of experts from legal, economic, political,
psychological, social, and ethical perspectives. Of the four texts reviewed,
this collection of essays provides insight on the widest range of topics.
Where Schwartz’s text paints a lively picture of the longstanding appeal
of gambling and its impressive growth, Reith’s volume concludes “that the
overall economic impact of gambling is not as unambiguously positive as it
may first appear” (p. 12). The book assesses research from the United States,
Great Britain, Canada, and Australia, adeptly covering much of the same
historical and legal ground found in the other three volumes. This text,
however, spends more time highlighting debates about problem gam-
bling. Three chapters explore the ways compulsive or pathological gam-
bling resembles other addictions and how medical classifications of the
problem differ by country.
Contributors offer detailed yet easy-to-understand data on a variety of
topics ranging from the percentage of adults in the United States who have
ever gambled (86%), to the relative probability of winning in various games
(roulette, craps, or slot machines), to public perceptions of the arrival of
casinos in their towns. Sometimes the text offers complex statistical and
economic models for those so inclined.

Y
Gambling: Mapping the American Moral Landscape (Waco, TX: Baylor Uni-
versity Press, 2009, 517 pp., $34.95), a compilation edited by Alan Wolfe and
Erik C. Owens, stems from a 2007 conference held at Boston College. It dis-
plays the evolution and sophistication of gambling scholarship. Similar to
Reith’s volume, contributors include scholars of economics, law, public policy,
sociology, history, political science, management, theology, and psychiatry.
The authors focus on how their fields help us resolve the morality of gam-
bling. Those with time to read only one of the reviewed texts should consider
starting with this most up-to-date volume.
92 The Gambling Culture

The reception of gambling in America is complex. Political scientist Wolfe

and theologian Owens observe that our culture retains deeply puritanical
aspects alongside decidedly libertarian ones. Morality holds great weight,
but we also want freedom to believe and act as we choose. American political
parties have failed to simplify matters or to rally widespread opposition.
Republicans have been more likely to legislate morality, but they remain
sympathetic toward business and unlikely to restrict the gambling industry.
Democrats prove less trusting of big business, but are more laissez-fair about
moral issues. Both groups are more than willing to spend tax and lottery
revenues for public projects like funding education.
Essays in the first section of this anthology address the politics and policy
of gambling, with a look at how the gambling industry and supportive leg-
islators deploy the “good causes” of lottery revenues to ease legal restrictions.
These causes also infuse marketing campaigns to build public support. One
chapter argues that the legislation of morality should apply differently to
Indian casinos, in part because the revenues generated address longstanding
socioeconomic deficits in tribal communities. The first section closes with a
call to assess the long-term distributional consequences of spending on gam-
bling and to consider how the current ubiquity of gambling will shape future
legislation and practice.
A second section, “Individual Behavior and Social Impact,” begins by
asking whether those who gamble “understand the risks (and rewards)
associated with gambling” and queries the “extent to which they reason
rationally about them” (p. 117). Studies show that gamblers misperceive
the risks associated with gambling as lower than they actually are. They
also misattribute winning, even in games of chance, to their own skill. A
second chapter reviews literature about the impacts of problem gambling
on families. While only a small percentage of the gambling population are
problem gamblers, the serious effects of their behavior are felt (and funded)
by others: mental health problems, economic disruption, family turmoil,
marital problems, and poor parent-child relationships. Two final chapters
address gambling and morality from a neuropsychiatric perspective and
hypothesize about the reasons gambling normalized more quickly than other
“victimless” crimes including prostitution and the use of illegal drugs.
Given its focus on the morality of gambling, Wolfe and Owens’ volume
attends to religion in more detail than the other texts. A third section, “Theol-
ogy, Gambling, and Risk,” includes a chapter by theologian Kathryn Tanner
that investigates the ways Christians treat faith in God as a good gamble, an
exploration originally posed by Pascal. Law professors William Stuntz and
David Skeel explore how shifting Christian conceptions of sin in America—
from the idea of sin as violation of a contract between God and people, to
the notion that it is a “violation of the contract between people and the state”
(p. 3)—have shaped public opinion toward gambling. They offer a convinc-
   The History of Gambling 93

ing explanation for why moral principles fail to translate neatly into legal
prohibitions in America.
A final section explores “Gambling in American Culture” by looking
at a series of ironies and contradictions. First, Americans value order, con-
trol, and productivity, yet their culture is marked by a culture of chance.
Business people who repeatedly take high-stake risks are rarely labeled
addicted, yet gamblers are. Second, people who possess the fewest resources
and consequently can least afford to lose them, gamble the most money in
hopes of grasping a share of the American dream. As a result, “lotteries
depend upon the poorest and least educated segments of the population
to generate most of their revenues” (p. 337). Third, gambling payouts rarely
return to the same groups who spend the most. Lottery revenues, for exam-
ple, often support merit scholarships that are given, disproportionally, to
children from upper and middle class families. A final chapter by Wolfe
implicates the political Right and the Left for failing to debate gambling,
in part because of a reluctance to part with the revenues involved, a reality
he sees as harmful to democracy.

Y
Where should concerned Christians begin? What might their beliefs
and practices contribute to the debate concerning the economic benefits
of the gambling industry and the social costs of gambling? Should they
work to reduce the rate of gambling in the nation, attempt to disrupt or
dismantle the gambling industry through legislation or boycotts, or just
attend to problem gamblers, helping them bring their lives under control?
Given the persistence of gambling throughout human history and the now
monolithic gambling industry, making significant headway in such areas
seems unlikely. But prayerful consideration of Christian witness in the face
of gambling, alongside understanding perceived economic benefits and
social repercussions of gambling, seems a good starting place.
NOTES
1 Alan Wolfe and Erik C. Owens, eds., Gambling: Mapping the American Moral Landscape
(Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2009), 7.
2 Ibid., 214.

Heat h er Va c e k
is a Th.D. candidate at Duke Divinity School in Durham, North Carolina.
 Editors

R o b ert B . Kr u s c h w itz
General Editor

Bob Kruschwitz is Director of the Center for Christian

Ethics and Professor of Philosophy at Baylor University.
He convenes the editorial team to plan the themes for the
issues of Christian Reflection, then he commissions the lead
articles and supervises the formation of each issue. Bob
holds the Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Texas
at Austin and the B.A. from Georgetown College. You may contact him by
phone at 254-710-3774 or e-mail at Robert_Kruschwitz@[Link].

Heidi J . Horni k
Art Editor

Heidi Hornik is Professor of Art History at Baylor

University. With the M.A. and Ph.D. in Art History
from The Pennsylvania State University and the B.A.
from Cornell University, her special interest is art of
the Italian Renaissance. With Mikeal C. Parsons she
coedited Interpreting Christian Art and coauthored the
three volume Illuminating Luke. Her most recent book is Michele Tosini and
the Ghirlandaio Workshop in Cinquecento Florence. You may contact her by
phone at 254-710-4548 or e-mail at Heidi_Hornik@[Link].

N or m an Wirz b a
Review Editor

Norman Wirzba is Research Professor of Theology,

Ecology, and Rural Life at Duke Divinity School. Norman
holds the M.A. and Ph.D. in philosophy from Loyola
University of Chicago, the M.A. in religion from Yale
University, and the B.A. from the University of Leth-
bridge, Alberta. He is the author of The Paradise of God
and Living the Sabbath and editor of The Essential Agrarian Reader. You may
contact him by phone at 919-660-3400 or e-mail at nwirzba@[Link].
 w illia m D . S h iell
Proclamation Editor

William D. Shiell is Senior Pastor of First Baptist Church

in Knoxville, Tennessee. He has served on leading com-
mittees of the Baptist General Convention of Texas and
the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship. After receiving the
B.A. in religion from Samford University, he earned the
[Link]. in theology from George W. Truett Theological
Seminary and Ph.D. in religion from Baylor University. He is the author of
Reading Acts: The Lector and the Early Christian Audience (2005) and Sessions
with Matthew (2008). His weekly sermons are published online in audio
format at [Link]. You may contact him by phone at 865-546-9661
or e-mail at shiell@[Link].
 Contributors
C. D a v id Bolin
Minister of Music, First Baptist Church, Waco, TX

J u lia F le m ing
Associate Chair and Professor of Ethics, Department of Theology, Creighton University,
Omaha, NE

E arl L. G rinol s
Distinguished Professor of Economics, Baylor University

D e b ora h G. Ha s k in s
Assistant Affiliate Professor and Director of Field Education in Psychology, Loyola
University Maryland, Baltimore, MD

Heidi J. H O rni k
Professor of Art History, Baylor University

J anet E. Jacobs
Director, Gambling Recovery Ministries (United Methodist Church), Dillsboro, IN

rOBERT b. k R USCHW I T Z
Director, Center for Christian Ethics, and Professor of Philosophy, Baylor University

D a v id G. Miller
Associate Professor of English, Mississippi College, Clinton, MS

Ke v in Moore
Instructor and freelance writer, Waco, TX

S u zii Pa y nter
Director, Christian Life Commission, Baptist General Convention of Texas, Austin, TX

Mi k e A. Stege m oller
Professor of Finance, Baylor University

Bo b T err y
President and editor, The Alabama Baptist, Birmingham, AL

Heat h er Va c e k
Th.D. candidate, Duke Divinity School, Durham, NC

T err y W. Yor k
Associate Profesor of Christian Ministry and Church Music, George W. Truett Seminary
and School of Music, Baylor University