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Short Essay On Homo Sacer

This is a short essay treating Giorgio Agamben's Homo Sacer. It is a brief look Agamben's treatment of Zoe (Bare life) and Bios (Qualified life, good life).

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Brandon Tolliver
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
234 views2 pages

Short Essay On Homo Sacer

This is a short essay treating Giorgio Agamben's Homo Sacer. It is a brief look Agamben's treatment of Zoe (Bare life) and Bios (Qualified life, good life).

Uploaded by

Brandon Tolliver
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

Explain what Agamben Means by homo sacer and explain his thesis that [i]n Western Politics,

bare life has had the privilege of being that whose exclusion founds the city of men (p.7)

In Homo Sacer Giorgio Agamben traverses the history of Western politics, engaging with its

ancient roots as well as modern democratic and totalitarian states. Perhaps the central claim of

the text is that bare life has had the privilege of being that whose exclusion founds the city of

men (Agamben, 7). The term bare life for Agamben is connected to the ancient Greek word zoe

which refers to the simple fact of living common to all living things (animals, men, or gods)

(Agamben, 1). Zoe is the simply unqualified life, which for the Greeks was distinct from the

meaning of the word bios. Bios referred to the form or way of living proper to an individual or

group (Agamben, 1). Bios signifies a qualified life, and as Agamben points out, is the form of

life referred to when the Greeks speak of political life. Zoe is largely absent from political

discourse and this is most apparent in Aristotles Politics.

For Agamben the stage of Western politics was set in Aristotles claim that one is born

with regard to life [zoe], but existing essentially with regard to the good life [bios] (Agamben,

2). This passage represents the way in which zoe immediately gives way to bios in political life

and politics in general. Zoe then is included in politics by way of its exclusion (7). In this sense

politics only takes place when, as an individual or a group, a particular way of life (bios) is

decided upon or pursued and bare life (zoe) is superseded. Agamben wants to think through what

this supersession or exclusion (with respect to zoe or bare life) has meant and still means for

Western politics.

Agamben sees the distinction between zoe and bios, bare life and political life as present
in modern politics and sees this at work in the meaning of the common word people. The word

people, for most modern European languages contains a double meaning, he writes as if what

we call people were in reality not a unitary subject but a dialectical oscillation between two

opposite poles: on the one hand, the set of the People as a whole political body, and on the other,

the subset of people as a fragmentary multiplicity of needy and excluded bodies (Agamben,

177). The former is synonymous with bare life and the former with political life (177). For

Agamben modern politics (whether capitalist, socialist, right or left) is seeking to overcome this

distinction but fails. Whether it is the Naziss attempt to eliminate the Jews (which were

transformed into bare life) or todays democratico-capitalist project of eliminating the poor

classes through development reproduces within itself the people that [are] excluded and also

transform the entire population of the Third World into bare life (Agamben, 180). For Agamben

this distinction will only be overcome in a politics that takes seriously this divide and seeks to

make people and People, bare life and political life and zoe and bios coincide.

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