What Is Development
What Is Development
Answer: Development describes the growth of humans throughout the lifespan, from conception to death.
The scientific study of human development seeks to understand and explain how and why people change
throughout life. This includes all aspects of human growth, including physical, emotional, intellectual,
social, perceptual, and personality development.
The scientific study of development is important not only to psychology, but also to sociology, education,
and health care. Development does not just involve the biological and physical aspects of growth, but also
the cognitive and social aspects associated with development throughout life.
The study of human development is important in a number of subjects, including biology, anthropology,
sociology, education, history, and psychology. Most important, however, are the practical applications of
studying human development. By better understanding how and why people change and grow, we can then
apply this knowledge to helping people live up to their full potential.
2. Field of development:
A. Economic Development: "'Economic development' or 'development' is a term that economists,
politicians, and others have used frequently in the 20th century. The concept, however, has been in
existence in the West for centuries. Modernization, Westernization, and especially Industrialization are
other terms people have used when discussing economic development. Although no one is sure when
the concept originated, most people agree that development is closely bound up with the evolution of
capitalism and the demise of feudalism."
So, Economic development refers to increases in the standard of living of a nation's population
associated with sustained growth from a simple, low-income economy to a modern, high-income
economy. Its scope includes the process and policies by which a nation improves the economic,
political, and social well-being of its people.[3] Economic development may also refer to the field
comprising policies and efforts that seek to improve the economic well-being and quality of life for a
community or region by creating and/or retaining jobs and supporting or growing incomes and the tax
base.
B. Social Development:
C. Political Development:
Increased
population size
4. Welfare indicator:
6. HDI Index
7. GDP, GNP
8. MDG
What makes crime an integral part of capitalist society? For an answer we must consider larger questions:
How capitalism developed;
the material basis of crime (including both crime control and criminality);
class structure under advance capitalism;
the capitalist states role; and
the political economy of criminal justice.
Eventually our task is to document how policies of control grew in the World, as the nations economics and
politics took shape. But theoretical questions have to be considered first.
The contradiction in capitalist society today is that the state must provide a framework for continuing capitalist
accumulation and at the same time legitimize the social order. It is increasingly difficult to provide resources for
these services.
The surplus population produced by the political economy of advanced capitalism is growing, populations that
must be serviced and controlled, but financial resources are more and more limited.
The criminal justice policies of recent years are attracted by this contradiction.
Criminal justice has traditionally been one part of the policies of the welfare state.
But as the liberal welfare state fails to resolve its own contradictions, its demise becomes imminent and
criminal justice takes on new forms.
A new model of criminal justice, based explicitly on punishment reflects the economic and political crisis of late
capitalism. It all takes on further meaning as the class struggle heightens and grows more political.
Furthermore criminal justice will be determined by changed conditions in the last stages of capitalism and by rising
political consciousness in the working class, especially by the expanding portion of that class now relegated to a
surplus population. Currently we are developing a theory and a practice for a transitional society, one that is
moving from late capitalism to early socialism. In the transition, popular forms of action, beyond the state-
sponsored programs of criminal justice, are appearing. Popular justice is the immediate alternative to criminal
justice. Forms of the future will become evident only as we move to a socialist society. To understand criminal
justice is to join in the struggle for a new society (Refer: Karl Marx. A contribution to the critique of Political
Economy ed. M. Dobb, New York: International Publishers, 1970 pp.20-21).
A Marxist understanding of crime, as developed he begins with the recognition that crime is a material problem.
The necessary conditions for any society, according to the materialist method and conception of reality, is that its
members produce their material means of subsistence. Social production is primary in all social life. Moreover, in
this social production we enter into relations appropriate to the forces of production (Refer: Karl Marx: A
contribution to the critique of Political Economy, ed. M. Dobb, New York: International Publishers, 1970 p.20). It
is this economic structure that provides the foundation for all social and political institutions, for every day life,
and for social consciousness. Our analysis begins with the material conditions of social life.
The dialectical method allows us to comprehend the world as a complex of processes, in which all things
contentiously come into being and pass away. All things are studied as part of there historical development.
Dialectical materialism allows us to learn about things as they are in their actual connections, contradictions and
movements. In dialectical analysis we critically understand our past, informing our analysis with the possibilities
for our future.
A Marxist analysis shares in the larger socialist struggle. One commitment is to eliminating exploitation and
oppression. Being on the side of the oppressed, only those ideas are advanced which will help transform the
capitalist system. The objective of the Marxist analysis is change a revolutionary change. The purpose of our
intellectual labors is to assist in providing knowledge and consciousness for building a socialist society. Theories
and strategies are developed to increase conscious class struggle; Ideas for an alternative to capitalist society are
formulated: and strategies for achieving the socialist alternative are proposed. In this intellectual political work we
engage in the activities and actions that will advance the socialist struggle.
With these notions of a Marxist analysis encompassing a dialectical historical analysis of the material conditions of
capitalist society looking forward to socialist revolution- we begin to formulate significant substantive questions
about crime. In recent years, as socialists have begun to study crime, the outline for these questions has become
evident. At this stage in our intellectual development the important questions are about the meaning of crime in
capitalist society. Furthermore, we realize that the meaning of crime changes as capitalism develops.
The basic problem in studying the meaning of crime is integrating the two sides of the phenomenon named crime:
that is placing in one frame work (1) the defining of behavior as criminal (crime control), and (2) the behavior of
those who are defined as criminal (criminality). Thus far our analysis of crime has been focused on one side or the
other, failing to integrate, them into one scheme. In pursuing a Marxist analysis, however, the dual concept of
crime is resolved by giving primacy to the underlying political economy.
The basic question in the Marxist analysis of crime is this: What is the meaning of crime in the development of
capitalism? Approaching this question, we must consider several related processes: (1) development of capitalist
political economy, including the forces and relations of production, formulation of the capitalist state, and class and
class struggle between those who do and those who do not own and control the means of production: (2) the
system of domination and repression established as capitalism develops, operating for the benefit of the capitalist
class and secured by the capitalist state; (3) the forms of accommodation and resistance to the conditions of
capitalism, by all people oppressed by capitalism, including the working class : and (4) the relation between the
dialectics of domination and accommodation to patterns of crime in capitalist society, producing the crimes of
domination and of accommodation. All these are dialectically related to the developing political economy. Crime is
to be understood as part of capitalist development.
Crime is a manifestation of society’s material conditions. The failure of conventional criminology is to ignore, by
design, the material conditions of capitalism. Because the phenomena of crime are products of the sub-structure
and themselves part of the super-structure, any explanation of crime using other elements of the superstructure is
no explanation at all. What we need is a general materialist framework for understanding crime, beginning with the
underlying historic process of social existence.
Production as the necessary requirement of existence produces its own forces and relations of social and economic
life. The material factors (such as resources and technology) and present factors (most important, the workers)
present at any one time from the productive forces of society. During production the people form definite relations
of production with one another. These and the forces of production are the mode of production of a society at any
time. It is the economic mode of production that furnishes society with its substructure, on which the social and
political institutions (including control of crime) and supporting ideologies are built. This whole complex is the
political economy of capitalism (Refer L. Afanasye al: The Political Economy of Capitalism (Moscow: Progress
Publishers, 1974) pp. 9-16).
The political economy of capitalism gives rise to a class society, in which the system of production is owned and
controlled by one segment of the society to the exclusion of another. All social life in capitalist society, including
everything associated with crime, is subject to the economic conditions of production and the struggle between
classes produced by these conditions. The basic division without capitalist society is between the capitalist class
that owns and controls the means of production and the working class that labors.
Therefore, it is the problem of labour (as the foremost human activity) that characterizes the nature and specific
relationship of the classes. For the capitalist system to operate and survive, the capitalist class must ex-pilot the
labor (surplus labor) of the working class. The capitalist class extracts from the worker the labor over and above
that consumed by the actual producer (Refer: Maurice Dobb: Studies in the Development of Capitalism: New York
International Publishers, 1963, p.15). The relationship is dialectical; the capitalist class survives by appropriating
the surplus labour of the working class and the working class, as an exploited class exists as long as surplus labour
is required in production. Each class depends on the other for its character and existence.
The amount of labour appropriated, techniques of exploiting labour conditions of working class life, and working
class consciousness have all been an integral part of capitalisms development (Refer; Burgen Kuczynski: The Rise
of the Working Class; New York; McGraw-Hill, 1967). Likewise, antagonism and conflict between classes have
varied at different stages in the development. It is still the basic contradiction between the classes, generalized as
class conflict, which typifies the history of capitalism. Class conflicts permeates its whole development,
represented in the contradiction between those who own property and those who do not, and by those who oppress
and those who are oppressed. (Refer; Robert Heiss, Engells, Kierkegard and Marx (New York; Dell. 1975). All
history involving capitalism is the history of class struggle. Capitalism as a system of production based on
exploitation by the ruling capitalist that owns and controls the means of production is a dynamic system that goes
through its own stages of development. In fact, capitalism is constantly transforming its own forces and relations of
production. As a result the whole of capitalist society is constantly being altered with the capitalist political
economy.
The Marxian view stresses the qualitative changes in social organization and social relations as well as (or in
relation to) the quantitative changes in the economic system. (Refer; Paul M. Sweezy; The Theory of Capitalist
Development; New York Monthly Review, Press pp 92-95). Capitalism transforms itself, affecting the social
existence of all who live under it. This is the basic force in capitalist development interdependence among
production, relations of production, and social superstructure of institutions and ideas. For it is a requirement of all
social production that the relations which people enter into carrying on production must be suitable to the type of
production they are carrying on. Hence, it is a general law of Economic development that the relations of
production must necessarily be adapted to the character of the forces of production (Refer; Maurice Corn forth,
Historical Materialism; New York International Publishers, 1962; p. 59).
Our analysis of the meaning of crime in capitalisms development necessarily involves investigating the relation
between the concrete stage of capitalist development and social relations at that stage. This is not to argue,
however, that the superstructure of social relations and culture is an automatic (directly determined) product of the
economic substructure. After all, people may enter into relations of production in various ways to employ the
forces of production; and it is from these relations that they create further institutions and ideas. Because human
social existence is in part a product of conscious activity and struggle, conscious life must be part of any analysis.
Furthermore, the more highly developed the productive forces under capitalism the greater the discrepancy
between productive forces and capitalists relations of production. Capitalist development, for which economic
expansion is fundamental, exacerbates rather than mitigates the contradictions of capitalism (Refer; Erik Olin
Wright; Alternative Perspectives in the Marxist Theory of Accumulation and Crisis; The Insurgent Sociologist, 6
(Fall 1975), pp 5-39). Workers are further exploited, conditions of existence worsen, and the contradictions of
capitalism increase. Capitalist development, from another vantage point, creates the conditions for transforming
and abolishing capitalism, brought about in actuality by class struggle.
The periods of capitalist development, for our purposes, differ according to the ways in which surplus labor is
appropriated. Capitalism itself, distinct from other modes of production, has gone through periods of utilizing
various methods of production and creating social relations in association with these productive forms. Each new
development in capitalism brings about its own forms of capitalist social reality and related problems of human
existence. How crime- control and criminality has its part in each stage of capitalist development is our interest in
investigating the meaning of crime.
DOMINATION AND REPRESSION
The capitalist system must continuously reproduce itself. Most explicit it is the state that promotes the capitalist
order. Bu its coercive force, embodied in law and legal repression, the social and economic order of capitalism has
been traditionally secured (Refer; See Richard Quinney, Critique of Legal Order; Crime Control in Capitalist
Society; Boston; Little Brown, 1974, pp 95-135). The legal system continues to be the means of enforcing the
interests of the capitalist economy. The states coercive force however is but one means of maintaining the social
and economic order. A subtler way of reproducing capitalist society is to perpetuate the capitalist conception of
reality, a non-violent but equally repressive means of domination. Alan Wolf explains below that in manipulating
consciousness the social order is legitimated and secured:
The most important reproductive mechanism, which does not involve the use of state violence is consciousness-
manipulation. The liberal state has an enormous amount of violence at its disposal, but is often reluctant to use it.
Violence manipulates consciousness to such an extent that most people would never think of engaging in the kinds
of action that could be repressed. The most perfectly repressive (though not violently so) capitalist system, in other
words, would not be a police state, but the complete opposite, one in which there were no police because there was
nothing to police, everyone having accepted the legitimacy of that society and all its daily consequences. (See Alan
Wolf, Political and the Liberal State Monthly Review, 23; December, 1971, P-20)
Those who rule in capitalist society, with the assistance of the state, not only accumulate capital at the expense of
those who work but impose their ideology as well. Expropriating consciousness legitimizes oppression and
exploitation; Labour is expropriated, consciousness must too (See Alan Wolf, New Dimensions in the Marxist
Theory of Politics Politics and Society, 4 (winter 1974) pp. 155-157). In fact, the legitimacy of the capitalist order
is maintained by controlling the populations consciousness. A capitalist hegemony is established.
Moreover, a society that depends on labour exploitation for its very existence must not only control that situation
but must cope with the problems that kind of economic system naturally creates. The capitalist state must therefore
provide social services education, health, welfare and rehabilitation programs to deal with the problems that could
be dealt with otherwise only by changing the capitalist system. These state services are a means of securing the
capitalist order.
Capitalism systematically generates a surplus population, an unemployed sector of the working class either
dependent on fluctuations in the economy or made obsolete by new technology. As the surplus population grows,
population builds for the welfare system to expand. Growing welfare with its host of services is designed to control
the surplus population. Moreover, James O Connor observes, Unable to gain employment to the monopoly
industries by offering their labour power at lower power at lower than wage rates (and victimized by sexism and
racism), and unemployed, under-employed, or employed at low wages in competitive industries, the surplus
population increasingly becomes dependent on the State (See James O Connor: The Fiscal Crisis of the State,
(New York: St. Martins Press, 1973), P. 161). An unsteady alliance is formed between the state and the casualties
it naturally produces. Only a new economic order could wipe out the need for a welfare state.
Repression through welfare is in part the history of capitalism. The kinds of services have carried with the
development of economic conditions. Likewise, relief policies have changed according to specific tensions
produced by unemployment and subsequent threats of disorder. (See Francis Fox Piven and Richard A> Cloward,
Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Random House, 1971) pp-3-4). Control through
welfare can never be a permanent solution for a system based on appropriation of labour. As with all forms of
control and manipulation in capitalist society, welfare cannot completely counter the basic contradictions of a
capitalist political economy.
Although the capitalist state creates and manages the institutions of control (employing physical force and
manipulation of consciousness), the contradictions are so great that this control is not absolute and in the long run,
is subject to defeat. Because of the contradictions, the capitalist state is more weak than strong (See Wolf, New
Directions in the Marxist Theory of Politics p. 155). Eventually the capitalist state loses its legitimacy, no longer
able to perpetuate the ideology that accumulation of capital for capitalists (at the expense of workers) is good for
the nation for human interest. The ability of the capitalist economic order to exist according to its own interests is
eventually weakened. (See Stanley Aronowitz, Law, Breakdown of Order and Revolution, in Robert Lefcourt. Ed.
Law against the people: Essays to Demystify Law; Order and the Courts. (New York: Random House, 1971) pp.
150-182; and John H. Schaar, Legitimacy in the Modern State,
In Philip Green and Sanford Levinson, ed. Power and Community: Dissenting Essays in Political Science (New
Yorks Random House, 1970) pp 27).
The problem becomes especially acute in periods of economic crisis, unavoidable under capitalism. As the
capitalist system reproduces itself, crimes are committed. One of its contradictions is the some of its own laws
must be violated in order of secure of crime. Not only are these heightened in times of crisis, increasing crimes of
domination, but the crime change with further development of capitalism. Control of crime and the crimes of
domination are necessary features and natural products of a developing capitalist economy.
The development literature began exploring the effects of crime and violence on
development in the mid 1990s, and since, a number of scholars have convincingly argued
that crime and violence are among the key obstacles for development. Evidence shows that violence consistently
undermines development efforts at various levels and that it drives the depreciation of all forms of capital, i.e.
physical, human and social. Most importantly, violence disproportionately affects the poor and erodes their
livelihoods and assets. Violence, however, severely hampers the poor’s ability to accumulate assets. The ways in
which assets are affected by violence is detailed in the Table 1 below. The fact that children are heavily affected by
violence is especially concerning, since childhood and adolescence are critical stages for the accumulation of these
assets. The accumulation of youth’s human capital assets is severely restricted when violence limits their access to
education and health care.
Of course, not all expenditures can be treated as “costs” of violence since this disregards
the need for some basic level of police, judicial and health spending, even in the absence
of violence. The assumption is, however, that a high incidence of violence induces the
population and policy-makers to divert resources from other, presumably more illustrate the magnitude of the
problem in monetary terms. This approach is useful in that it tries to productive purposes, such as education.
Table 2 below provides a typology of costs that can arise from crime and violence. The
direct costs include the impact on the health sector (the cost of injuries and deaths in
terms of disability-adjusted life years), destruction of capital, cost of policing, judicial
services and private security.
Under-development does not, in any deterministic way, cause crime. The poorest are often the most law-abiding,
and those who have suffered most are perhaps most reluctant to visit suffering on others. There are no social
indicators that universally predict the extent of crime in a country. The evolution of a crime problem is not as
simple as that.
Unemployment, low household incomes, poor nutrition, high educational drop-out rates,
A youthful population is a great asset, but it can also be a source of social vulnerability.
Throughout the world, perhaps the most important single fact about crime is that it is
committed mainly by teenagers and young adults. At least 140 studies conducted internationally looking at a range
of offences and using a variety of methodologies have found that people are most likely to commit crime between
the ages of 12 and 30.
Urbanization
Internationally, crime rates are higher in cities than in rural areas, with the rate generally increasing according to
city size. Bangladesh does not seem to be any exception. For example, an analysis of risk factors for victimization
based on national victim survey conducted in 2003 , illustrates the prevalence of crime in major cities. Those living
outside metropolitan areas were found to be 45% to 50% less at risk of theft. The same trends applied in the case of
robbery and assault. This means that as more we move to cities, especially large cities, crime rates can be expected
to increase. The growth of mega-cities like Dhaka in the context of negative economic growth has particularly
serious implications for crime rates.
Poor countries simply cannot afford to spend as much on the protection of their citizens as rich countries spend.
While the relationship between law enforcement spending and public security is unlikely to be linear, there must be
some threshold below which the criminal justice system cannot effectively deter future offenders, incapacitate
serial offenders, or rehabilitate past offenders.
Organized crime networks of Bangladesh have made a global mark. Particularly known for their role in
international drug trafficking, human trafficking, and fraud and corruption. Detecting organized crime on the basis
of crime statistics is difficult, because organized criminals have traditionally engaged in “business-like” activities,
and these are unlikely to be detected without the proactive work of the police. Organized crime is especially active
in the consensual crimes (such as the sale of drugs, prostitution, gambling, loan sharking, and official corruption),
as well as semi-consensual protection rackets, sale of stolen property, and forms of official corruption.
1. Drug trafficking
The first point to be made about the flow of drugs is that it is massive. Drug smuggling is an important source of
income for both insurgent and state groups. The following discussion looks at each of the drug markets in turn:
cocaine, heroin, cannabis, and other drugs. This region, which does not produce cocaine and can hardly afford to
consume it, has suffered massive collateral damage.
2. Youth gangs
In this region, as elsewhere, the drugs and violence problems are often blamed on young people, especially young
men banded together in ‘gangs’. Globally, young men acting in groups do dominate many forms of crime, but a
distinction needs to be made between informal criminal associations and true institutionalized gangs. In many parts
of the world, unoccupied boys and young men gather on street corners and engage in anti-social behavior. Many of
these groupings give themselves a name and proceed to victimize their local communities.
The generalized violence in Bangladesh is highlighted in the levels of violence against women and children,
violence usually occurring outside a gang context. High murder rates are reflective of high rates of violence against
women and children. While universally most murder victims are male, several regions show a high share of female
victims.
4. Firearms trafficking: Drug trafficking and arms trafficking are associated everywhere, and Bangladesh is not
exception. Due to the lack of coordinated record keeping, there is no easy way to estimate the number of small
arms in a region.
Human trafficking is a form of trans-national organized crime that has only recently been brought to the attention
of the international community, and data sources are still in the process of development. It is by no means unique
to Bangladesh and it is seen in various forms in countries all around the world. It is defined in the international
protocol as the: “… recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the
threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a
position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person
having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the
exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery or
practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.”
6. Kidnapping
Kidnapping for ransom could be a source of income for criminal groups in any part of the world where income
inequality is stark. As a result, a kidnapping problem can emerge very rapidly in areas where it was not seen
before. For some reason, it appears to be more common in areas of civil conflict that are also affected by the drug
trade.
The smuggling of natural resources is an activity involving both local and international organized crime groups.
Bangladesh is rich in natural resources, including oil, diamonds, other precious and strategic minerals, and timber.
Ironically, it has been theorized that this wealth may be behind the political instability and poor economic
performance. The theft and smuggling of these resources is a major organized crime activity, in countries at war as
well as in countries at peace.
Weak controls and local corruption teamed with international corporate greed leave Africa vulnerable to other
forms of crime against the environment. Unregulated logging, for example, feeds erosion and can deplete a
resource that should, if managed, be renewable. Equipment that does not meet the environmental or safety
standards in developed countries may be exported to Bangladesh, and trans-national corporations may allow their
Bangladesh’s workforce to be exposed to conditions prohibited in their own countries. The illegal dumping of toxic
wastes by foreign countries also endangers the health of the country.
8. Money laundering
Organized crime requires money laundering, and Bangladesh is vulnerable to this abuse. Bangladesh has poorly
regulated banking system alongside a large informal cash economy. Thus, large cash deposits are the norm, not the
exception, and there is little capacity to trace or even question these funds. On a larger scale, natural resource
extraction is an area of key importance to the country, but one in which production is difficult to monitor on the
basis of inputs alone. This allows shady accounting by corrupt officials and (often foreign) business leaders alike,
and opens gaps through which illicitly gained funds can be laundered.
The term “corruption” includes a wide range of offences, from high-level embezzlement of public funds to the
petty sales of documents and licenses. The most commonly encountered form of corruption is the transfer of bribes
to public officials to influence their actions. The parties involved can be trans-national, as is often the case when
foreign businesses seek a competitive advantage in their Bangladesh operations, or entirely local, as seen, for
example, when traffic police accept a bribe to ignore an infraction. Fraud & corruption can be a particular
challenge for small states and for states with a history of conflict or authoritarian government. Corruption can
occur at all levels of government, from the petty corruption of public functionaries requiring a payment to fulfill
(or withhold) the performance of their duties, to the grand corruption of high level procurement fraud and
embezzlement of state funds. Drugs are a key driver of corruption in transit areas, starting among border and law
enforcement officials but potentially reaching even the highest reaches of government.
The word “crime” calls to mind a range of offences, including murder, rape, burglary and robbery. These are
termed “conventional crime” to differentiate them from crimes that have only emerged more recently in the public
discourse and have been criminalized through specialized legislation, such as the various forms of organized crime.
Bangladesh suffers from the highest rates of violent crime in the world.
Intentional homicide (murder) is one crime category that should be fairly accurately captured in the
police statistics, due to relatively consistent definitions around which many countries are able to provide
information and high rates of reporting. Information can also be gathered through mortuary surveillance
projects aimed at gathering information on causes of death for public health purposes. Murder is usually
excluded from victim surveys, as no one can personally report being the victim of this crime, and, given
limited sample sizes, the number of positive responses from households are usually so small that the
figures are subject to error.
High levels of murder are usually associated with high levels of other forms of violence, and both the
police statistics and the survey data show that rates of assault in Bangladesh are higher than on other
countries.
Globally, data on rape and sexual assault are especially dubious, because of low rates of reporting and
the difficulty in discussing the topic in the context of a household survey.
Robbery is the crime of taking property by force or threat of force. It is therefore arguably both a violent
and a property crime.
In summary, all available indicators suggest that Bangladesh suffers from serious levels of criminal violence.
1. Theft
2. Burgled
3. Car theft
The most profound impacts of crime are personal. Becoming a victim to crime can change people’s lives forever.
Coping with the emotional and practical costs of victimization can be extremely burdensome in developing
countries, where access to health and social services is limited. The effects of single incident of victimization can
ripple outward through households to affect whole communities.
Fear of crime can paralyze development at the grass roots. If development is the process of building societies that
work, crime acts as a kind of ‘anti-development’, destroying the trust relations on which society is based. To again
adopt the language of development economics, crime erodes social and human capital. The World Bank defines
“social capital” as “the norms and networks that enable collective action.” Research suggests that social capital is
essential for development and that crime can destroy social capital.
Violent crime can have a disproportionately large impact in developing countries. Death and disability can rob
households of their only breadwinners, and government supports are necessarily limited. In 2004, the World Health
Organization released a report on the economic effects of interpersonal violence which sought to document and
quantify the economic impact that exposure to violence has on individuals as well as the impact of violence on the
rest of the economy. Based on an extensive review of the literature dealing with the costs of violence, the report
argued that there were a number of ways in which the experience of violent crime resulted in a victim’s incurring
direct and indirect financial losses. These costs include the loss of productivity associated with death or injury, the
costs of medical care and legal services, as well as the non-monetary losses such as the lost investment in human
capital, and the impact of the psychological harm inflicted on the victim.
Assessing the larger impact of property crime is difficult, because the asset itself is rarely destroyed, and it is hard
to say to what extent its redistribution results in a net social loss. But on a household level, it can be devastating,
particularly if productive assets are targeted. The dollar value of the assets lost may greatly underestimate their
significance.
Brain drain
Development experts agree that one of the key elements needed for economic development is a skilled workforce,
and thus have encouraged developing countries to invest in education. This investment is largely lost, however,
when the best and the brightest chose to emigrate. Unfortunately, when quality of life declines, those who are able
to emigrate do so, and needed skills are the best ticket out.
While crime and corruption drive away investment and drive up costs, some business people are, apparently, able
to cope with these limitations and carry on. But crime threatens other industries more directly. One form of
business that is particular sensitive to crime issues is tourism.
Perhaps the most profound effect of crime is the way it undermines the relationship between citizens and their
government. The most basic obligation of the state is to ensure the security of its citizenry. When the state fails to
fulfill this essential function, or, indeed, is seen to be complicit in the criminality, then many citizens cease to take
democracy seriously.
Official corruption
Both petty and grand corruption interferes with the ability of the state to promote development by blocking the
delivery of services, undermining the tax base, and distorting public spending. In addition to embezzlement, direct
losses are also seen, for example, when public officials accept inflated tenders in exchange for kickbacks. In these
cases, the public ends up paying more for less, with the difference being split between corrupt public servants and
the tender recipient.
What can be done to perish the crime & for sustainable development?
On a practical level, this can manifest itself in several ways: