Indian Political Science Association

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND MODERN INDIA

Author(s): AGARALA EASWARA REDDY and D. SUNDAR RAM
Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 50, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec. 1989), pp. 445-468
Published by: Indian Political Science Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41855452 .
Accessed: 01/11/2014 06:33
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Indian Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The
Indian Journal of Political Science.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JAWAHARLAL

NEHRU

AGARALA EASWARA

AND

REDDY

MODERN

INDIA

and D. SUNDAR

RAM

"Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru is an Indian to the core but,

he being also an internationalist, has made us used to
looking at everythingin the international light, instead
of the parochial ... and he is a humanitarian in the
sense that he reacts to every wrong no matter where
perpetrated ... when I am no more, he will know how
to carry on the work".
-

MAHATMA

GANDHI

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the sole architect of the

Modern India. The Centenary year of Jawaharlal Nehru has
been instrumental in focussing, our attention on his towering,
multi-dimensional personality and has prompted a reassessment
of the exact nature and measure of his splendid greatness and
immortal fame and the invaluable services rendered by him to
the modern India. As Michael Brecher has pointed out in his
penetrating political biography, he was "the philosopher, the
architect, the engineer and the voice of his Country's policy towards the outside world".1 This paper attempts to highlight
Nehru's contribution to the making of modern India. To speak
the truth, he planted the seed of parliamentary democracy in
modern India, which in course of time became a full-fledgedtree.
That is why Jawaharlal Nehru may be regarded, and rightlyindeed, as the 'Father of Indian Democracy'.
Jawaharlal Nehru acted as the "Super leader of the Party",
even when not its President and that the Congress victory of the
polls was mainly due to his charismatic leadership.2 On the personality of Nehru and his typical contribution to the world, Arnold
Tonybee writes: "I find it difficultto pigeon-hole this human
- December,
Vol. 50, No. 4, October
1989.
ThIndian
Science,
ofPolitical
Journal

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

446

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

personality in any of those impersonal categories in which historians deal. But, if constrained to trymy hand at this, I should
say that Nehru served his fellow-men most fruitfullyand most
characteristically by taking his place in a series of interpreters
and mediators between the civilization of the West and the other
living civilizations. In modern times the West has been making
a revolutionaryimpact on the rest of the world. The impact has
been so potent that non-Westerns have been confrontedwith the
choice of coming to terms with it or being hopelessly overwhelmed by it. Conversely, the West is now findingthat it, for its own
part, has to come to terms with the non-Western majority of the
human race. We seem, in fact, to be in the birth-throesof a New
Society embracing the whole human race, with all the manifold
and contradictorytraditions of its formerlysegregated sections.
This seems to be the goal towards which the last four or five
hundred years of the World's historyhave been leading. If the
diagnosis is correct,the role of interpretationand mediation has the
key role in the present age. It is a more important role than
the mere statements, and, in fact, some of the most effective of
the interpretershave done their work outside the political arena.
They have done it as scholars, writers,artists,poets and prophets.
Nehru was one of those who have played this part on the political stage; and among the Statesmen-interpreters of one civilization to another, one can distinguish more than one type."3
Jawaharlal Nehru was a revolutionaryendowed with a vision
and his responses went far beyond the national frontiers.He was
a fighterall his life, strivingto achieve libertyand human dignity
not only for his countrymen but for all peoples of the world.
Rasheeduddin Khan writes: "Jawaharlal Nehru's most conspicuous impact on the course of history- Indian, Asian and Global
- is probably as a
powerful and consistent articulator of the
historic urges and suppressed impulses of the people in struggle
against imperialism and inequity and as a system builder for a
democratic secular polity. He was not only an architect of resurgent India, but also of an awakened and emanicipated Asia,
and the emergingdecolonised world".4 About Nehru's charisma,
Lord Mountbatten observed that "As for Nehru himself,he was
a many-sided personality of whom it could fairlybe said the predominant characteristicsin each of the other great protagonists
were all contained and blended in himself. He was truly Gandhi's

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

447

disciple in his emphasis on personal and moral values. He was

not without Patel's toughness of fibre, Jinnah's remoteness or
Liaquas equanimity. But, of course his individuality was not
simply the sum of their. He had very rare qualities of his ownthe artist's insight and the Philosopher's wisdom".5 Nehru's life
was woven into the nation's life. From his early childhood, from
attending the 1912 Congress Session at Patna as a Member, to
his demise in 1964, he was involved totally with India, India's
development and India's progress.
Nehruand FreedomMovement
Jawaharlal Nehru, along with Gandhi, Sardar Patel, and the
other greats of our freedom struggle - Netaji Subhash Chandra
Bose, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Azad, Rajaji, Govind Ballabh
Pant and many others - was a stalwart of our freedom struggle
who then went on to become a builder of modern India. India
was singularly fortunatein having threegreat leaders - Mahatma
Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel. The role of
all these three leaders has been unique in the attainment of independence for India and in the development of the country. The
three leaders made supreme sacrificesand kept the interestof the
people at their heart. Their policies and programmes should be
- centric rather than self-centric. When we think of free
people
India, the triumvirate,Gandhi, Nehru and Patel, appear simulataneously before our vision. They were embodiments of a masterpassion. In their life time they became the torch bearers of
liberty. They claimed liberty as human prerogative and they
broke the chains which bound them, freed themselves first,and
liberated millions, who were in bondage. Hailed as the saviours
of a race, humanity has saluted them and their memories are
cherished.
During our struggle for political freedom under the leadership of Gandhiji and Nehru, the whole country rallied round the
banner of Indian National Congress and made historyby fighting
the mighty British Empire in a non-violent manner. When the
dream of free India guided their struggle and their efforts,no
trace of regionalism, linguism or religionism could be seen and it
appeared that the nation was completely integrated when it
followed the lead of Gandhiji and Nehru.6 In the national struggle
for freedom Nehru was second only to Mahatma Gandhi as a
symbol of Indian aspirations.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

448

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

The Year 1916 was a landmark in Jawaharlal's Life; his first

meeting with Gandhiji who had newly returnedfromSouth Africa.
Mahatma Gandhi was soon to dominate Indian Politics and start
a series of civil disobedience movements. The association of these
two greatmen had momentous consequences for history. In 1919
Nehru entered the Indian National Congress which represented
the evolution of national consciousness from its very inception.
Gandhi had joined it a few years earlier. From 1920 onward the
shaping of the organisation and its policy owed as much to Nehru
as Gandhi. The latter advocated non-violence to fightthe British.
Nehru agreed, for he saw that in the prevailing extreme poverty
of the masses, the war against colonial rule could be waged only
through non-violent means. Within the Congress-fold he was
responsible for building up a sense of discipline and loyalty to
the Organisation. While taking keen interestin the affairsof the
Congress, Nehru devoted himself to studying the problems and
aspirations of the Indian peasantry. He travelled extensivelyin
the country and was seen and heard in all parts of thisvast land.
Writing about his visit to Kisans in 1920, Nehru wrote:
"They (Kisans) were in miserable rags, men and women,
but their faces were full of excitement and their eyes
glittered, and seemed to expect strange happenings
which would, as ifby a miracle, put an end to their long
misery".

"They showered their affection on us and looked on us

with living and hopeful eyes, as if we were the bearers
of good tidings, the guides who were to lead them to the
promised land. Looking at them and their miseryand
overflowinggratitude, I was filled with shame and sorrow, shame at my own easy-going and comfortable life
and our petty politics of the city which ignores this vast
multitude of semi-naked sons and daughters of India,
sorrowat the degradation and overwhelming poverty of
India. A new picture of India seemed to rise before me,
naked, starving, crushed and utterly miserable. And
theirfaith in us,
embarrassed me and filledme with
a new responsibilitythat brightened me".7
From 1922 non-cooperation and non-violence became two
aspects of the national struggle which entered a new and signifia

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

449

cant phase when on the banks of the river Ravi the Congress
under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru took the pledge of
complete independence as its goal on the historic day of 31
December 1929. As the President of the Indian National Congress, he proclaimed at Lahore in December 1929:
"We stand today for the fullest freedom of India. This
Congress has not acknowledged the right of the British
Parliament to dictate to us in any way. To it we make
no appeal. But we do appeal to the Parliament and
Conscience of the World and to them we shall demonstrate, I hope, that India submits no longer to any foreign
If today we fail and tomorrow brings
domination
no success, the day after will follow and bring achieve
ment".8
Like other leaders of the national movement Nehru emphasized that the national issues in the twentiethcentury should
be viewed in a proper international perspective, and the political
and economic context of freedom should be defined. This was
an important diffrence between Nehru's approach and that of
other leaders in the Congress Movement. Nehru had a keen
sense of historyand he knew that the formalinstitutionsof democracy could be sustained only by providing economic and social
content.9 In his presidential address to the Lucknow Session of
the Indian National Congress in 1936, Nehru Stated:
"I work for Indian independence because the
nationalist in me cannot tolerate alien domination. I
work for it even more because for me it is the inevitable
step to social and economic change. I should like the
Congress to become a Socialist Organisation and to join
hands with the other forces in the World who are working for the new civilisation. But I realise that the majorityof the Congress as it is constituted today, may not
be prepared to go thus far ... Much as I wish for the
advancement of Socialism in this Country, I have no
desire to force the issue on the Congress and thereby
create difficultiesin the way of our struggle for independence. I shall co-operate gladly and with all the
strengthin me with all those who work for independence, even though they do not agree with the Socialist

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

450

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

Solution. But I shall do so stating my position frankly,
and hoping in course of time to convert the Congress
and the Country to it, for only thus can I see it achieving independence".10

Jawaharlal Nehru played a key role in Quit India Movement. On August 8, 1942 Nehru moved the Quit India Resolution, which sounded the final death-knell of the British rule in
India. The British immediately replied by putting Mahatma
Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Dr. Rajendra Prasad,
Maulana Azad and other leading lights of the Indian Freedom
Movement behind bars. Nehru was put in Ahmednagar Jail
where he remained confined for nearly threeyears. He was jailed
nine times, spending, in total, more than one-eight of his living
years in prison. Prison became a second home to him. Prison
gave him time for reflection and his mind brooded on questions
of social reform, economic planning and democracy. All his
great books acclaimed for their vision, literarygrace and brilliance were writtenin prison - Autobigraphy, Glimpses of world
History and Discovery of India.
"The Discovery of India" reflectsNehru's philosophy of life.
He wrote:
"India was in my blood and there was much in her that
instinctively thrilled me. And yet I approached her
almost as an alien critic, full of dislike for the present
as well as for many of the relics of the past that I saw.
To some extent, I came to her via the West and looked
at her as a friendly Western might have done. I was
eagar and anxious to change her outlook and appearance and give her the garb of modernity. And yet
doubts rose within me. Did I know India, I who presumed to scrap much of her past heritage? There was a
great deal that had to be scrapped, that must be scrapped but surely India could not have been what she
undoubtedly was, and could not have continued a cultured existence for thousands of years, if she had not
possessed something very vital and enduring something
that was worthwhile. What was this something?"11
'Quit India' movement decisively proved that the days of
the British in India were numbered. The events moved fast

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

451

under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and soon by 1947 beginning, the British decided to unhoist the Union Jack from
the Red Fort, free India and handover the Government of India
to Indians. In 1946, Nehru, formed the interim Government of
India and since August 15, 1947 he had been the Prime Minister
of India till his death on 27th May, 1964, Pandit Nehru, who
symbolised Supreme courage, dedication to country and service
to the people of India, made long strides during his 17 year stewardship of the country, to consolidate its freedom and laid
foundations of greatness and strength which has been its due
ever. On the solemn midnight of the 15th August 1947, when
India became free Nehru declared:
"Long years ago we made a trystwith destiny, and now
the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not
wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At
the stroke of the midnight hour, when the World sleeps,
India will awake to life and freedom. A moment
comes, which comes but rarely in history,when we step
out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and
when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fittingthat at this solemn movement we
take the pledge of dedication to the Service of India and
her people and to the still larger cause of humanity
The past is over and it is the future that becomes to us
now ... that future is not one of case or resting but of
incessant strivingso that we may fulfilthe pledges we
have so often taken and the one we shall take today.
The service of India means the service of the millions
who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorrance and disease and inequality of opportunity. The
ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been
to wipe every tear fromeveryyear. That may be beyond
us, but so long as there are tears and suffering,so long
our workwill not be over
"And so we have to labour and to work,and work hard,
to give reality to our dreams. These dreams are for
India, but they are also forthe world, for all the nations
and peoples are too closely, knit together today for any
one of them to imagine it can live part peace has been

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

452

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

said to be indivisible; so is freedom,so is prosperitynow,
and so also is disaster in this one world that can no
longer be split into isolated fragments."12

During the years of his premiershipof free India from 1947

to 1964 he laid the foundation of new India with his own hands,
as it were, brick, workinground the clock. Under the inspiration
of Mahatma Gandhi and under Jawaharlal Nehru's guidance,
India adopted a Constitution which conferredon its citizens Justice - Social and economic and political; liberty of thought, expression, faith and worship; equality of status and opportunity
and sought to promote among them all fraternityassuring the
dignity of the individual and the unity and integrty of the
nation.13 Nehru will thus be remembered today as an incipient
nationalist, a zealous reformer, a champion of peace, a man of
letters, an Architect of Indian Planning, a Foundar of NAM, a
Champion of Industrialization, and a man of liberalism,
humanism and modernism.
Nehru and Indian Planning
Jawaharlal Nehru was a great believer in planned development. Nehru was the first amongst the leaders of Nationalist
India to recognise the importance of science and technology for
the modernization of Indian Society. The idea of economic
planning was not unknown in India before Independence. Nehru
had preached its virtues since the late 1920s. In 1938, under his
inspiration, the Congress formed a National Planning Committee
of which he also was the Chairman. After Nehru came to power
he renewed his interestin Planning for welfare and the Planning
Commission was created in March 1950 with Nehru as its
Chairman. Later he became the pivot around which the Cabinet,
the Planning Commission and the National Development Council
revolved. Not the least important was his role as a liaison between the planners and the people. Nehru was the most effective
Salesman of Planning in the Country as a whole. One of his
major contributions was spreading the gospel that planning was
the key to welfare.14
Nehru considered planning as somethingdynamic, as a movement in thinkingand action, from the political to the Social and
economic plans. And such a movement had certain basic objectives. As ProfessorK.V. Viswanathaiah puts it, "the firstobjec-

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

453

tive was to establish a Socialist State and a democratic, Socialist

and Secular modern Society. The Socialism ^that Nehru considered was fa growing dynamic concept, as something which is not
rigid, as something which must fitwith the changing conditions
of human life and the achievements of this country.' This meant
that there could be no fixed unchanging dogma to his concept of
socialism. Secondly, he wanted to make the state a powerful
engine of production and distributionso that equitable distribution of income and wealth could be assured. But, he wanted to go
about this objective by stages and not abruptly. Thirdly, he
wanted to protect his concept of planning by common consent
and broad understanding. That is to say, his concept of planning
was based on the force of persuasion rather than the use of
coercion.15 V.K.R.V. Rao says, "Planning for Nehru was
essentially linked up with an industrialization and eventual selfreliance for the country economy on a self-acceleratingbasis."
There was no doubt in his mind that the democratic way of
planning was the only one that could work in India. 'It is clear'
Nehru said in 1950 when introducingthe FirstPlan in Parliament,
"that so far as this country is [concerned, we cannot attain this
ideal (of economic democracy) by conflictor violence. India is
not only a big country, but also a varied country, and if anyone
takes to the sword, he will inevitably be met by the sword of
someone else... and all the limited energiesof the nation required
forbetter ends will be destroyed in the process".16 Under his
leadership Zamindari was abolished, far-reaching land reforms
were organized, basic industries were nationalised, the public sector was given the pre-eminent position in the Five Year Plans,
the State encouraged the co-operatives and co-operative farming
and there was progressive taxation. The Plan became an instrument to raise the standard of living of the people, to reduce
economic disparity among the people and open out to the people
new opportunities for a richer, fullerand happier life.Thus Nehru
had set before the country the inspiring objective of a Socialist
and Democratic Society not through violence or revolution but
through persuasion and reasoning.17
Jawaharlal Nehru adopted planning not as an end but as a
means aiming at "the wellbeing and advancement of the people
as a whole, at the opening out of opportunity to all and the
growth of freedom and the method of co-operative organization
P- 2

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

454

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

and action."18 As Professor H. K. Paranjape rightly puts it>

"Pandit Nehru was, together with persons like Shri M. Visveswarayya and Shri Subhas Bose, initially responsible for creating
an awareness in India of the necessity of national economic
planning. As the Chairman of the Congress National Planning
Committee he was the firstto guide organised effortin the direction of planning. As the Prime Minister he was responsible for
setting up the Planning Commission. From the time he became
the Chairman of the Planning Commission at its inception to his
death, Pandit Nehru's stewardship of the Commission helped to
guide Indian Planning in a definitedirection and his participation
and support were of great value to it in fulfillingits functions".1*
Jawaharlal Nehru considered Planning as a perpetual affairwhich
was apt to go on for generations. Thus, Nehru was described, as
"the architect of democratic planning in India".
Nehru's ideas provided the basic elements of the objectives
and strategy of Indian Plans to achieve growth with Social
Justice. The development of science and technology, infrastructure, social services and a variety of institutionswas also emphasized in the plans along with stress on balanced regional development and national self-reliance.20
Nehru and Democracy
Jawaharlal Nehru was a great democrat. He encouraged the
growth of Parliamentary democracy guaranteeing to each individual the fundamental freedoms of speech, thought and association. He wanted India to develop through democratic processes.
Of democracy he said: "It involves certain contemplative tendencies and a certain inquisitive search for truth, a search for
right". Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of India and a grand-son
of Nehru, said: "A believer in political dialogue, he concentrated
on principles, ideas and programmes, and lifting debate well
above personal differences. His attempt was always to convince,
pursue, and cajole and not to impose upon, domineer or silence
the opposition. He was also very conscious of the demands that
would be made by democracy in terms of attitudes and behaviour
of the people".21
Nehru's concept of democracy was a broad one, resting on
atleast four main pillars: (1) Individual freedom, the freedomof

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

455

the individual to grow and to make the best of his capacities and
abilities, and tolerance not merely of those who agree with us,
but of those who do not agree with us; (2) representativegovernment, based on popular sovereignty and elected representatives;
(3) economic and social equality, calling for a proper balance
between freedomand equality and a 'socialist pattern of society';
and (4) social self-discipline.22 Democracy to him was a dyna*
mie ideal and he thought it was impossible to continue to talk in
terms of the Rights of man and the French Revolution. There
can be no democracy without economic justice and economic
justice by itself cannot ensure democracy. Nehru's conception of
democracy may be described as neoliberal.23
Democracy has been sustained in India to a significantextent because of the norms set by Jawaharlal Nehru. As a true
democrat, he would have wanted democracy to grow, thrive and
continually agreed like a banyan tree setting down more and
more creepers which take root in the ground and grow.24 His deep
seated humanism, fervent individualism and intense faith in the
people developed in him a great contempt for authoritarianism
and subsequently drove him closer to democracy.25 Addressing
the FirstAll-India Seminar on Parliamentary Democracy in 1956,
he observed: "Democracy as a speaker just now said, is a means
to an end. What is the end we aim at? I do not know if everybody will agree with me, but I would say that the end is the good
life for the individual ......
"In the past democracy has been taken chiefly to mean
political democracy, roughly represented by the idea of every
person having a vote. It is obvious that a vote by itselfdoes not
mean very much to a person who is down and out and starving.
Such a person will be much more interested in food to eat than in
a vote. Therefore, political democracy by itself is not enough
that it may be used to obtain a gradually increasing measure of
economic democracy. The good things of life must become
available to more and more people and gross inequalities must
be removed. That process has, no doubt gone on for some time
in countries where there is political democracy."26 After one
year later, Speaking at the AIGG Session at Indore in 1957, he
emphasised the same point of view: "we have definitelyaccepted
the democratic process. Why have we accepted it? Well, for a
variety of reasons. Because we think in the final analysis it pro-

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

456

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

motes the growth of human beings and of society, because, as we

have said in our Constitution, we attach great value to individual
freedom; we want the creative and the adventurous spiritof man
to grow. It is not enough for us merely to produce the material
goods of the world. We do want to have high standards of living,
but not at the cost of man's creative spirit,his creative energy,his
spirit of adventure; not at the cost of all those fine things of life
which have ennobled man throughout the ages. Democracy is
not merely a question of elections".27 As M. C. Setalvad rightly
puts it: Nehru was a great lover of Civil liberties which he
regarded as of vital importance to the functioningof a free and
democratic government.28
Nehruand Opposition
Jawaharlal Nehru was a great parliamentarian and was at
his best in the normal give and take of debates in the two Houses.
He articulated the people's hopes and doubts without rancour
and expostulated with his parliamentary colleagues without fear
or favour. Indeed, he enjoyed answering his critics and never let
go of any opportunity for such exchanges in the House or outside.
The Congress party had a rock-like majority in Parliament and
its leader, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had an unchallengeable
authority. During his period, the opposition benches were graced
by great personalities like the late Dr. S. P. Mukherji, Sri N. C*
Chatterji, Prof. Hiren Mukherji, Sri Asoka Mehta, Dr. N. B
Khare, Sri H. V. Kamath, Acharya J. B. Kripalani, Acharya
N. G. Ranga, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, Dr. Lanka Sundaram
and Sri M. R. Masani, etc. Though the Indian National Congress
enjoyed a position of predominance in the post-independent poli-*
tical field and Nehru was its beacon- light yet he often expressed
the desirabilityof strongopposition political parties. The attitude
of the Government can best be described in the words of Jawa*harlal Nehru, who was the leader of the ruling party. He said:
"We welcome the coming to this House of the members of the
Opposition who ever they may be, and however much we might
differfrom them in many matters as welcome them, because undoubtedly, they represent a certain section of Indian opinion*
because it is good in a House of this kind to have a vigorous opposition so that whether it is government or the majority party,
they do not become complacent. If I may strikea personal note>
regardlessof the present differences,when I see many faces of old

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

457

comrades who belong to the Opposition now, some memories of

the past come to me. I do not wish to forgetthem, and I cannot
imagine that ways may not be found for a measure of cooperation with those with whom we have co-operated in the past."29
On another occasion Nehru once again said:
"I invite members of the opposition, not only members
of the House, but others outside this House to come and
confer with us in regard to planning in general or in
As a matter of
regard to our Five-Year Plan
our
attitude
the
here
in
to
fact,
regard
opposition ought
to be appreciated not only with respect to organizations
which openly have the policy of conducting activities
but with every kind of opposition. I should like to know
in what country in Asia, America Europe or Africa op*
The
position of this type has greater freedom?
House will remember that on a previous occasion I said
that I would welcome as much co-operation as possible
from members opposite, infact, from the whole House.
It is very difficultto find out a method or to organise a
method for that co-operation
And I mentioned to
the Members of the Opposition that I would like to confer with them on any important matter that arises and
a few days ago we had such affairs
I am not talking of co-operation in this House but actual consultations, etc. in regard to important matters .... In administration there are many things in common which any
political party would have to do anyhow".30
Nehru was fully alive to the importance of an opposition to
the adequate functioning of a Parliamentary System of Government. Speaking in Madras in 1957, he said:
"I believe completely in any Government, what ever it
might be, having stout critics, having an opposition to
face. Without criticismpeople and governments become
complacent. The whole parliamentary system of
Government is based on such criticism. It would be a
bad thing for us if the press was not free to criticise,if
people were not allowed to speak and criticise Government fully and in the open, it would not be parliamentary government. It would not be a proper democracy.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

458

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

I welcome criticismin Parliament. In fact, we welcome
crticismfromour own party members. The amount of
room we have in our own party for criticismof Government's policy is great."31

Hiren Mukarji an eminent Parliamentarian, has rightly remarked: "There was nobody as punctilious as Jawaharlal Nehru
in regard to the courtesies of Parliamentary life; the verymanner
of his entryinto the House, the deep bow to the chair as he took
his seat, his observance of Parliamentary etiquette in the best
sense of the term particularly as regards respect to the whole
House which found vent in a constant readiness to answer even
irritatinginterruptions. He was no expert when questions relating to previlege and such things cropped up, but he was full of
sound sense in his suggestions regarding procedure and was
always keen on upholding the prestige of the House asa whole."32
Nehruand Public Administration
As early as 1925, Nehru realised the need for Public Administration. As a chairman of the Allahabad Municipal Board (192425), he had acquired a sensitive understanding of the administrative thought and behaviour and this understanding became
deeper a decade later throughextensive reading of administrative
literature. Writing in 1935 he observed: "I am quite sure that
no new order can be built up in India so long as the spirit of the
ICS pervades our administration and our Public services. That
spirit of authoritarianism is the ally of imperialism, and it cannot
co-exist with freedom... Therefore, it seems to me quite essential
that the ICS and similar services must disappear completely, as
such, before we can start real work on a new order."33 Soon
after becoming the Prime Ministerin the Interim Central Government in 1946, he mentioned at the Meerut Session of the Indian
National Congress:
"... The (Civil) Services were fossilised in their mental
outlook. They were wedded to by gone and obsolete
methods and refused to move with the times... It remains to be seen how long we can function in these circumstances. The experience of the past three or four
months has shown us that the conduct and attitude of
the Officershave not changed."34 Nehru's views on civil

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

459

servant was very well described by L. P. Singh, a well

succeeded Editor of the Indian Journal of Public Administration,in the followingwords: "Nehru considered
fundamental changes in the Civil Service imperative not
only to bring it in harmony with a democratic government, but also in order that it may meet the needs of a
society exposed to the influences of modern Science and
Technology and involved in a process of industrialization. He wanted the administration to use the tools and
methods of science and to recognize that Statistics and
research are essential to modern Government. He expected the civil servant to combine a scientific outlook
with a humanistic approach".35
Nehru's personality projected itself in various fields and
public Administration was one of them. Nehru helped the
Indian Institute of Public Administration in 1954 of which he remained as its President during 1954-1964. He presided over and
addressed every annual meeting of the Institute whose main object, he considered, was to "fix standards in administrationand set
tone"; and his presence turned a business meeting into a memorable occasion. It became an event to which those connected
with the Institute looked forward eagerly for words of wisdom
and inspiration, for something freshand stimulating, for a reminder, in language of intellectual distinction and exceptional sensibility, that at the Centre of Public Administrationin a democracy
stood the individual human being.36 When he inaugurated the
Indian Institute of Public Administration, Nehru observed that:
"the administrator may think in abstract of the people
he deals with, come to conclusions which are justifiable
apparently but which may miss the human element.
After all whatever department of Government you deal
with, it is ultimately a problem of human beings, and
the moment we forget them, we are driven away from
reality... Administrationis meant to achieve something,
and not to exist in some kind of an Nory tower' following certain rules of procedure and Narcissus - like,
looking on itself with complete satisfaction. The test
after all is the human beings and their welfare".37
Public Administration to Nehru was not an isolated activity
but a part of the wider effortof the Indian people to achieve a

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

460

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

fuller and better life and a just and humane social order. In one
of his addresses at I IPA, he said: "... It should beone of the
principal functions of Public Administrationin its broader context to direct democracy into right channels".38 Again he said:
"... In the modern age, the success of the Public Servant lies, in
addition to ability, efficiencyand integrity,upon his capacity to
co-operate with the public''.89 His expectations, and the influence
of his personality have worked in so many tangible and intangible ways to give to the public services in India a broader outlook
and a wider horizon. In a speech delivered on December 9, 1955
to an audience of Public Servants at Kurnool, he said: "The Person who is becoming more and more important today is the engineer, the technical man, the Scientist. In the old days, the person
who was most important was the administrator. Now, I do not
mean to say that the administratorhas become less important . . .
But the fact remains that the other types of specialized workers
like engineers and the Scientists are becoming more and more
important ... There is a tendency, again derived from the British
days, of treating the administrator at the top as far superior to a
person engaged in any other occupation like engineering,science
or education or anything. This is not a good tendency. Because
today our countryis becoming more and more technical minded."40
Nehru wanted the Public Servants to look out to the wider world
and to identify themselves with the life and aspirations of the
community: "In a period of dynamic growth ... we want as Civil
Servants persons who are ... people with minds, people with
a desire to achieve, who have some initiative for doing a job and
who can think how to do it".41 In order to understand his administrativethought and behaviour it is necessary to recall the
more prominent traits of Nehru's mind. Prof. S. R. Maheswari
has rightlyobserves Nehru's mind on Public Administration. He
writes: "Nehru was basically a humanist., indignant of any kind
of injustice and exploitation, and an unflinching upholder of the
human dignity. Secondly, Nehru had the greatest faith in science
and technology, and regarded these as of key importance in the
building of India's future. As early as the late thirties,he advocated greater attention to be given to Statistics. Thirdly,he was
deeply socialised in Western liberalism and may even be regarded
as the last of the Fabians in Indian Politics. Fourthly, though
attracted to western political values, he made a distinction between democracy, imperialism and structures of administration.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

461

He admired Britishdemocracy, but was an arch critic of imperialism. What is more, he identified Indian Administration with
imperialism and held it in no high esteem".42
Nehru and Non-Alignment:
The concept of non-alignment was born in the after-math
of the Second World-war. India, under the dynamic leadership
of its firstprime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, adopted non-alignment as the basis of independent India's foreign policy. The
cold- war gripped the world at the end of the Second World War,
and Nehru took this factor into consideration when he defined
the foreignpolicy of the Government of India as a policy of not
entering into militaryalliances with any country, especially with
countries belonging to the Western and Communist blocs. It
was also a policy of making decisions in the field of foreign relations according to one's own judgement and of maintaining
friendlyrelations with all the countries of the World.43 Nehru
spelt out the ingredientsof his thinking on Non-alignment very
clearly in his address to the Constituent Assembly of India on
September 7, 1946, thus:
"We propose, as far as possible, to keep away from the
power politics of groups, aligned against one another,
which have led in the past to world wars and which
may again lead to disasters on an even vaster scale.
We believe that peace and freedom are indivisible and
that the denial of freedom any where must endanger
freedom elsewhere and lead to conflict and war. We
are particularly interested in the emanicipation of coloand
nial and dependent countries and peoples
all
for
peoples."44
equal opportunities
In a speech at the Indian Parliament on June 12, 1952
Nehru reaffirmedhis policy of Non-alignment:
"I submit again that, so far as our policy is concerned
we have not swerved at all fromour policy of Nonalignment with any group. We stuck to our Policy
even though we had to deny ourselves to offeredhelp.'*4*
Nehru's enunciation of "Non-alignment'* and "Panch-Sheel"
which he sought to develop into a world movement with the help
P- 3

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

462

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

of like minded leaders of his time such as Sukarno, Tito, Nasser*

Nkrumah and others at International Conferences at New Delhi,
Bandung, Brioni, Belgrade and the United Nations were an extention of 'Satyagraha' or fightfor Truth through non-violence.
With the enthusiastic support of these leaders, Non-alignment
soon became a global movement. Nehru would also make no
compromise with the demon of aparthied and used every possible
international forum to campaign against it.46 Explaining the
non-aligned movement, Nehru said:
"Having attained political freedom, we are earnestly desirous of removingthe many ills that our country suffers
from,[ofeliminating poverty,and raising the standards of
our people, and giving them full and equal opportunities
of growth and advancement. I speak of India, because
it is my Country. But many other countries in Asia tell
the same Story, for Asia today is resurgent and these
Countries, which long lay under foreign yoke have won
back their independence and are firedby a new Spirit
to strive towards new ideals. To them, as to us, independence is as vital as the breath they take to sustain
life, and colonialsm many in any form,or anywhere is
abhorrent. The vast strides that technology has made
have brought a new age, of which the United States of
America is the leader. Today, the whole World is our
neighbour and the old divisions of continents and
countries matter less. Peace and freedom have become
indivisible. The preservation of peace formsthe central
aim of India's policy. It is in the pursuit of this policy
that we have chosen the path of non-alignment in any
military or like pact of alliance.
"Non-alignment does not mean passivity of mind or
action, lack of faith or conviction. It does not mean,
submission to what we consider evil. It is not positive
and dynamic approach to such problems that confront
us. We believe that each country has not only the right
to freedom but also to decide its own policy and way of
life. Only this can true freedom flourish and a people
grow according to their own genius. We believe, therefore,in non-aggressionand non-interferenceby any countryin the affairsof another, and the growth of tolerance

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

463

between the mand the capacity for peaceful coexistence.

We think that, by the free exchange of ideas and trade
and other, and truth will prevail. We, therefore,endeavour to maintain friendlyrelations with all countries,
even though we may disagree with them in theirpolicies,
or structureof government. We think that, by this approach, we can sense not only our country, but also
the larger causes of peace and good fellowship in the
world."47
Non-alignment, in other words, is a positive assertion of
Independence and the absence of the negative dependence on
others. This was Jawaharlal's great achievement, both in his own
Country and in the new turbulent world of formercolonies, developing nations and the Third World States.48 Nehru's passionate
attachment to the Peace also served the interestsof the Country.
According to him, the foremostissue in International affairswas
peace or War. As early as in March 1947 in his inaugural address at the Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi, he talked
of peace thus.
"Peace can come only when nations are free and also
when human beings every where have freedom and
securityand opportunity. Peace and freedom, therefore,
have to be considered both in their political and economic aspects ... We have arrived at a stage in human
affairs when the ideal of one world and some kind of a
World Federation seem to be essential ... We should
work forthat ideal and not forany grouping which comes
in the way of this larger World group. We, therefore,
* support the United Nations structure which is painfully
emerging from its infancy. But in order to have one
World, we must also, in Asia, think of the countries, of
Asia co-operating together for that larger ideal. 5,49
Nehru is still recognised as a staunch supporter of World Peace.
Lakhan Lai Mehrotra, has rightly concluded about Nehru's
contribution to Peace:
"Nehru had travelled not miles but centuries before he
went to sleep. He lit the torch of freedom and peace,
equality and justice in some of the darkest corners of
the earth. In some measure he had helped to achieve

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

464

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

the ancient Indian ideaFof "Vagudhaiva Kutumbakam" - of the Whole World being a family. He had
looked at the panorama of historyfrom its verydawn as
a mighty adventure. He was not the one who would
stand on the verge of it and stay back. On the other
hand, he would push mankind towards new frontiers
with all the energy and dedication at his command.
But this movement would be free fromviolence. Mahatma Gandhi had said that after he was gone, Nehru
would speak his language. He had learnt from his
Master and fromBuddha, the relevance of right means
for right ends, of the importance of ethics over dogma
and love over hate. Like Ashoka two millenia ago, he
spread his message far and wide as an angel of Peace
and though he is no more with us, his message will last
for ever."50

In the Seventeen years of his undisputed leadership in Independent India, Nehru sought to build a nation not only in terms of
Political Institutions, but also in terms of mental emanicipation
and economic and soial progress. With the sole exception of
Gandhi, Nehru was the only Indian leader when Independence
came who had thought out and worked out for himself a definite
political, economic and social philosophy for National Development. Johan Gunther who met him in 1937 described him as
"an Indian who became a Westerner,an Aristocratwho became a
Socialist, an individualist who became a great mass leader".
Conclusion:
Jahwaharlal Nehru was a man of principle, unyielding
under pressure,but warmly responsive to generosity,sensitive,but
resilient,logical rather than intuitive, forcefulbut reflective,explosive but magnanimous, proud but aware of his own deficiencies.
He provided political stability to the country, gave plans for
economic development, laid the foundations of a Secular State*
and provided impetus to Social Change. His personality reflected
the influence of so many traits: humanism, scientific temper*
agnosticism, socialism, nationalism, internationalism, liberalism
and rationalism.51 In conclusion, it may be said without any
hesitation that the contributionsof Jawaharlal Nehru towards the
modern India is uncomparable. His political and economic ideas

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

465

are still a great source of inspiration to us in our march towards

building a New India - a better India - a happy and prosperous
India. The scope of the above paper is extremely limited. It
touches mainly Nehru's role in the Indian Freedom Movement,
his role in shaping the planning of the Modern India, and his
approach to the Non-Aligned Movement. In the BirthCentenary
Year, whatever tribute we may pay to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
would only be a small contribution, as the progress which our
Country has achieved during the post-Independence period stands
out as a great monument for the noble cause for which he dedicated his entire life. It may not be out of place to end this paper
by quoting Nehru's message: "When I die, I should like my body
to be cremated. If I die in a foreign country, my body should
be cremated there and my ashes sent to Allahabad. A handful
of these ashes should be thrown into the Ganga ... the major portion of my ashes should ... be carried high up into the air in an
aeroplane and scattered from that height over the fields where
the peasants of India toil, so that they might mingle with the dust
and soil of India and become an indistinguishable part of India."
NOTES
, Beacon,
Brecher, M., Nehru- A Political Biography
Boston, 1959.
2. Singh, A., PoliticalLeadership
ofJawaharlalNehru, Deep &
Deep Publications, New Delhi, 1986.
1.

3.

Toynbee, A., Jawaharlal Nehru in A. B. Shah (Ed.).

, Manaktalas, Bombay, 1965,
JawaharlalNehru: A Critical Tribute
p. 31.
4. Khan, R., "Nehru's Vision of Asia and the World", in
P. N. Haksar (Ed.), Nehru'svisionof Peace and Securityin Nuclearage
Patriot Publishers, New Delhi, 1986, pp. 17-18.
5. Lord Mount Batten, "Reflections on the transfer of
Power and Jawaharlal Nehru", The SecondJawaharlalNehruMemorial Lecture
, 1968, Cambridge University Press, 1968, p. 15.
6.

Gajendragadkar, P. B. "The Philosophy of National

Integration: Its Broad Imperatives" ( The ThirdJawaharlalNehru
MemorialLectures
), National, Delhi, 1974, p. 5.
7. Nehru, J., An Autobiography
, Allied Publishers, Bombay,
1962, p. 52.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

466

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

8. From Presidential Address to the Indian National Congress, 1929.

9. Bhambhri, G. P., "Nehru and Indian Political System",
The IndianJournalof PoliticalScience, Vol. 38, No. 2, April-June
1977, p. 156.
10. From Presidential Address to the Indian National Congress, 1936.
11. Nehru, J., The Discoveryof India, The Signet Press,
Calcutta, 1946, p. 13.
12. From Speech to the Constituent Assembly on the Midnight of August 14-15, 1947.
13. Mehrotra, L. L., "Nehru: An Angel of Peace", Review
International
", Vol. 40, No. 931, January 20, 1989, p. 13.
Affairs
of
14. Hazary, N., "Democratic Socialism and Jawaharlal
, Vol. 26, No. 4, OcNehru," The IndianJournalof PoliticalScience
103.
1965,
tober-December,
p.
15. Viswanathaiah, K. V., "Jawaharlal Nehru's Concept of
Democratic Socialism", The IndianJournalof PoliticalScience
, Vol.
96.
No.
October-December,
1965,
4,
p.
26,
16. Cited in Paranjape, A.K., "Jawaharlal Nehru and the
Planning Commission", The IndianJournalof Public Administration,
Vol. 10, No. 2, April-June 1964, p. 183.
17.
18.

Hazary, N., n. 14, p. 103.

Nehru, J., n. 11, p. 533.

Paranjepe, H.K., n. 16, p. 187.

20. Sudan, M.L., 'Nehru and Economic Policy' in Jawaharlal
: A Symposium.
I I P A, New Delhi,
Nehruand Public Administration
1982, p. 32.
19.

21. Gandhi, R., "The Vision of Jawaharlal Nehru", Gandhi

Marg, Vol. 10, Nos. 8 & 9, November-December, 1988,
p. 458.
"
22. Palmer, N.D., Jawaharlal Nehru and ModernIndia" in
A.B. Shah (Ed.) n. 3, p. 61.
23. Singh, R., "Prologomena to a Conceptual Treatment
of Nehru's View of Democracy", Political ScienceReview,Vol* 11,
Nos. 2 & 3, April-September, 1972, pp. 174-175.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

NEHRUAND MODERNINDIA
JAWAHARLAL

467

24. Subrahmanyam, KM "Nehru's World-View", Gandhi

Margyn. 21, p. 471.
25. Bhagwan, V., Indian Political Thinkers
, A tma Ram and
Sons, Delhi, 1986, p. 240.
26.
27.

Nehru, J., Speeches

, Vol. Ill, pp. 137-138.
, Vol. Ill, p. 53.
Nehru, J., Speeches

Setalved, M.G. "Nehru and Indian Parliamentary

, National Book Club,
Democracy" in Nehru Legacy: A Symposium
New Delhi, 1966, p. 20.
28.

29.

Parliamentary Debates, May 22, 1953.

30. Quoted in Bhambhri, C.P., "The Role of Opposition in

the House of the People (1952-1956)", The Modern Review
, Vol.
Tune
443.
No.
6,
101,
1957, p.
31. Nehru, J., Speeches
, Vol, III, p. 152.
32.

Mukerji, H., "Nehru and Parliament" in NehruLegacy:A

, n. 28, p. 32.
Symposium
33. Nehru, J., n. 7, p. 445.
34. The Indian Annual Register, July-September 1946,
Vol. II, Calcutta, The Annual Register Office, pp. 289-290. As
quoted in Maheswari, S.R., "Nehru's Thoughts on Public Administration" in Nehruand Public Administration:
A Symposiium
n. 20,
20.
p.
35.

Singh, L.P., "Jawaharlal Nehru (Editorial), The Indian

, Vol. 10, No. 1, January-March,
Journalof Public Administration
VIII.
1964, p.
36.

Singh, L.P., n. 35, p. VII.

37. Jawaharlal Nehru's Speech at the Inaugural Meeting
of the Indian Institute of Public Administration on 29 March,
1954.
38.

Jawaharlal Nehru's Address to the Third Annual General Body Meeting of the Indian Institute of Public Administration on April 6, 1957. See Report of Proceedings, p. 8.
39. Jawaharlal Nehru's Address to the Fourth Annual
General Body Meeting of the Indian Institute of Public Administration on April 5, 1958. See. Report of Proceedings, p. 15.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE INDIANJOURNALOF POLITICALSCIENCE

468

40. Jawaharlal Nehru's Speech to Public Servants at Kurnoolon 9 December 1955. S tt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Public AdmiIIPA, New Delhi, 1975.
nistration,
41.

Nehru, J., n. 39, See. Report of Proceedings, p. 13.

42.

Maheswari, S.R., n. 34, p. 19.

43. Sheth, V.S., "'Non-Alignment and the Crisis situation

in the Horn," Problemsof Non-Alignment,Vol. 1, No. 1. MarchMay 1983, p. 59.
44. "Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru", (Und Series),
Vol. 1, p. 405.
45. Nehru, J., India's Foreign Policy, Publications Division,
Government of India, New Delhi, 1961, p. 63.
Mehrotra, L.L., n. 13, p. 12
47. Quoted in Avinashilingam, T.S., "The Nehru Era",
GandhiMarg, n. 21, pp. 526-527.
46.

48. Damodaran, A.K., "Non-Violence Lifted to World

Politics", Blitz, Vol. 48, No. 46, November 12, 1988, p. 49.
49. Nehru, Jawaharlal, n. 45, p. 251.
50.

Mehrotra, Lakhan Lai., n. 13, p. 13.

51. Rathore, L.S., "Political Ideas of Jawaharlal Nehru:

Some Reflections", The Indian Journalof Political Science
, Vol. 46,
No. 4, October-December, 1985, p. 452.

This content downloaded from 210.212.129.125 on Sat, 1 Nov 2014 06:33:21 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions