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Reflections on War and Duty

This document contains the text of a speech given to a fraternal organization about the motives and causes of the American Civil War. The speaker argues that the war was fought over an "idea" or "political question" rather than material or selfish interests. Specifically, the war was fought to determine the nature of the United States' "organic life" and how its citizens would achieve living together efficiently and working together for freedom, justice and progress. The flag represented these ideals that motivated soldiers to fight.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
549 views26 pages

Reflections on War and Duty

This document contains the text of a speech given to a fraternal organization about the motives and causes of the American Civil War. The speaker argues that the war was fought over an "idea" or "political question" rather than material or selfish interests. Specifically, the war was fought to determine the nature of the United States' "organic life" and how its citizens would achieve living together efficiently and working together for freedom, justice and progress. The flag represented these ideals that motivated soldiers to fight.

Uploaded by

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Copyright
© Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.

Lewiston

Evening Journal
May 31, 1879


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This may seem something like an abstract
conception of the motive which led thoughtful
minds to duty. If it is so, it is nevertheless true.
Men fight for ideas; beliefs; for questions of
faith e??n; and, in such a cause they willingly
surrender all material comforts and undergo
perils and hardships and deaths with free and
glad minds.
It was a peculiarity of our war that we were
fighting for an idea. I am not aware that the
material interests of the North were seriously
threatened by the withdrawal of the Southern
States. We were not fighting for selfish
interests.
Nor were we fighting for what men are
accustomed to call their dearest interest. Our
peace was not broken. Our homes were not
invaded. Some wars have been for love of
fatherland the sacred associations of kindred
and friendship. A common toil and a common
love make even sod under foot dear to men.
Nobody sought to drive us from our homes no
stranger threatened to violate the sanctities of
our love to insult the living or the dead.
Some wars, too, have been fought for liberty
to throw off the yoke of an oppressor, who,
for his own selfish pleasure seeks to despoil
men and women, their property their honor,
their freedom of act or thought. Those who
suffer or die in such a cause are held in lasting
honor in all lands where mens hearts beat true.
Such were Hampden and Eliot and Pym in
England in the 17th century. Such were our
fathers in the 18th.
But we were not fighting for personal or
civil rights: for life, liberty, security in our
possessions or pursuits, and equality before the
law. What was it then?
We were fighting on a purely political
question, gentlemen. A question of politics,
comrades, and by the rules of our order politics
must not be discussed. But I am going to speak
of politics a little, and I promise you that I will
not violate in the slightest degree the letter or
spirit of our constitution. The politics we must
not discuss is party, partisan or personal
politics, for in these times it has come even to
mean the tricks by which the machinery of free
institutions is made to subserve petty
ambitions or corrupt schemes, and the people
are made to think this is for their interest and
their cause! But politics in the true sense
means the art of living together efficiently and
working together amiably in all deliverance
from evil, in all true freedom, in all noble
masteries and all high ministries.
How do we undertake to achieve this in this
country what is the nature of that organic life
by which we are the people of the United States
of America? That is the political question
around which the war was fought, a question
which so far from being banished from our
fraternity should be the theme of our thought,
of our study, of our discourse or discussion.
We saw our old flag in the field that was
enough for us. We knew that it meant things
great things, unspeakable things we could not
stop to reason about until the flag floated again
supreme and unthreatened in the land But now
we should think; we should know





There is another epitaph I have not yet
spoken of which I have heard of within a day or
two. An old man in Virginia gathering up the
remnant left him after the ravages of the war,
and settling himself into the accepted situation,
raised a simple monument on one side of which
was inscribed:
To the sacred memory
of my eldest son,
who fell fighting for the
Stars and Stripes.
On the other side it read:
To the sacred memory
of my youngest son,
who fell fighting for the
lost cause.
On the third face of the stone and higher up
were the words:
God knows who was right.
Which of the boys was right? God indeed
knows, and he alone. Into mens motives,
which constitute one essential element in the
character of actions, men cannot see. Perhaps
both were right, perhaps neither, perhaps one.
Men cannot always be judged by their acts
alone, nor even by their motives, but often for
the manner in which they have used their
judgments, and light they might have had.
With what judgment ye judge ye shall be
judged.
Alas for the brave and noble who fell in the
wrong cause! God knows, and he will
remember all the blood noble souls have
offered in the name of right. He will know how
to account of it in mans deliverance from evil,
and in the final day; but never can it be that the
just cause and the unjust, marshal what noble
names they may in their support shall stand
in equal honor before God or man! Never to
the end of time!
There is not a lawless and fickle half-will
working in this country. There is a steady
purpose, deep set in the hearts of men and
cared for by God above, which makes his
people what they are. We are far from perfect;
but we are faced towards the right and pushing
for it. How will it be with us, still we have a
vocation a calling from him. Why do the eyes
of all the world turn hither as if all human hope
and blessing were here alone? Is it not that we
have entered into the labors of all the past, that
we have taken up the toils of all true workers
the world have, the suffering of all saints, the
victories of all patriots, the deaths of all
martyrs? Is it not that by blood, by education,
by experience, by aim, by faith, by religion, by
all these great facts of Providence, we are called
to career that holds in store something which
the heart of any true man and woman the
world over longs for, and belongs to?
We need that same spirit of Spartan
obedience to the laws to the constitution and
the forms of peaceful order and civil polity. We
need that spirit of the faithful Swiss, , to a
man, rather than be false to our sacred word of
honor. Let us keep our obedience and keep
faith with all men the black man, the yellow
man, the red man and the white man! Oh my
comrades, it is well to look back as we do to-
day and brace our souls anew with the vision of
the great and costly sacrifices with which God
still redeems man from evil. Remember well
and do not forget, but face to the front. Many a
good fight yet will call for manly hearts and
hands. Great things are coming on I know not
what. God is before us as well as behind.
Nations are commotion, borne onward, they
know not how, to their destiny. In the shock of
empires the world moves. And from out the
smoke and flame comes forth redeemed,
regenerated man.
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Whig and Courier
June 11, 1879













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Whig and Courier
June 25, 1879




























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Whig and Courier June 26, 1879














































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Portland Daily Press
June 27, 1879




Whig and Courier
June 30, 1879











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than a match for their new antagon-
25, the
ists. It so, they will make very
h houses

tyrannical masters.
New York Weekly News and Democrat
ided on July 3, 1879

st week, A Sensible Republican View.
ls, one
General and Ex-Governor Cham-,
expens-
berlain, of Maine, who is a Republi-
marshals;
can and was formerly Presiden t ot
United
Bowdoin college, is a different sort
the pro-
of a person from ex-Gov. Chamber- And dur
hall not name or
lain of South Carolina. The Maine greatest
These
ex-Governor was a soldier who par- adversity
d in the or
ticipated in twenty-four battles dur-
ublicans
ing the late war, was wounded s*z
bills also
times, and achieved the rank of
d went
general. He is a veritable Union
Satur-
hero, and is not afraid of tho "reble Re
was ex,-
brigadiers in Congress." In a re-
bill, and
cent speeoh Gen. Chamberlain
Republi-
said :
assage of And in t
"Is it not folly, is it not babyish whioh gr
hout the Brooklyn
weakness, to complain that the no other
rshals at Soutbernstates tra back in congress,
s reject- and that they have sent there such
d to ad- representatives as they must natur-
the Re- ally ohoose ? We send our best
solution minds to congress, of course, to E
manage the vital interests of our
over till country. Why should they not
ally ad- send their best minds ? If, gentle-
rovision men, we did not want the rebel
These generals there, what did we remove He
regular their disabilities for? If we did
not want to have an increased ma-
paid by jority in the electoral vote or in More tha
under the
congress, why did we not think of
that when, by giving the enfran-
chised slave the ballot, we thereby
SS2
Which A
to t h eadded to the southern strength aide of th
thirty-fine electoral and representa- oan him for o
soil, a
tion in tive votes? Whoover did that
ing let- should not stultify himself by whin-
read : ing about it, and trying to make the A 2
people think that the great war has
1879. not settled something."
Sir: In >> I
quest of That is plain talk for Blaine,
to na-Conkhcg and the other howlers
nomina- agaiust the South. I t would be AF
*
any dis- well if Republicans would ponder
gentle- Gen. Chamberlain's words. BLA
eenback
hing to

ee exer- RAISING A CAMPAIGN FUND. OV


ment, I
itizen of One Hundred Thousand Dollars

to be Wrung from t h e Depart-
. Ewing

O
with the ment Employees.
we oon-
rty, but WASHINGTON, June

From the Pittsburgh Post.

27.At a


SIX
securing secret meeting here by some ot the With skin

nst the most prominent of the Republican triarch Jo


tressingwww.joshualawrencechamberlain.com
leaders, lor the purpose of discuss-
ing the situation in Ohio, it was re- Adam F
solved that $100,000 should be the name
The following letter and clipping are from the Library of
Congress Manuscript Division, Washington D.C. Joshua
Lawrence Chamberlain Papers.























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