Kalacakra Research Publications No. 1 Feb. 1986 The Lost Kalacakra Milla Tantra on the Kings of Sambhala by David Reigle Eastern SchoolThe Lost Kalacakra Mila Tantra on the Kings of Sambhala by David Reigle, 1985 ‘Though the Kalacakra Mila Tantra is lost to us, it has been quoted at length in the great Kalacakra commentary entitled Vimalaprabhi, One such quotation is the original source on the seven and twenty- five Kings of Sambhala, whose names have been much repeated in Tibetan writings. The importance of this quotation for establishing the true Sanskrit names of the Kings of Sambhala requires no comment.! The Vimalaprabha, however, has not yet been edited or published in its original Sanskrit, and our only access to it is by way of a small number of manuscripts. Before proceeding to adduce the 2114 verse Milla Tantra quotation oa the Kings of Sambhala, edited from eight manuscripts, it will be useful to review briefly some already known information. According to the literature, the Kalacakra teachings were requested from Gautama Buddha by King Sucandra of Sambhala, who traveled miraculously to the great Stipa of Dhanyakajaka in southern India to receive them. The teaching occurred inside that Stdpa, whose interior was for that purpose transformed into the entire Dharmadhatu, or Sphere of Primordial Reality. After returning to Sambhala, King Sucandra wrote down the teachings in 12,000 Siokas. This text, which is now lost, became known as the Kalacakra ‘Mila Tantra. As may be seen from quotations, ifs proper name is the Paramadibuddha, the “Supreme Adibuddha.” King Sucandra wrote a commentary on this in 60,000 verses, which is also lost, Six hundred years later the seventh King after Sucandra, named Yasas, came to the throne of Sambhala. He prepared a condensation of the Mila Tantra, which he taught to the Brahma-Rishis of Sambhala. In contradistinction to the Milla, or Root Tantra, it is called the Lagbu, or Short KSlacakra Tantra, consisting of a little over 1,000 verses. For doing this teaching, which unified the four castes of Sambhala into a single Vajra caste, Yasas became known as “Kalki,” translated by the Tibetans as “Possessor of the Caste” (Rigs-dan, pronounced Rigden). This title was retained also by the successors to the throne of Sambhala. His immediate successor, the Kalki King named Pupdarika, wrote a commentary on the Lagha K&lacakra Tantra entitled Vimalaprabhda, “Stainless Light.” This text, as noted above, includes Mila Tantra quotations in its explanations of the Laghu Tantra. Both the Laghu Kalacakra Tantra and the Vimalaprabha were brought from Sambhala to India about 967 A.D., and from there to Tibet sixty years later in 1027 A.D. Both are still extant in their original Sanskrit and in Tibetan translations. So when the Kalacakra Tantra and its commentary are spoken2 Kalacakra Research Publications of, it is normally these shorter extant versions that are meant. The Mantrayana or Vajrayana in general, and in particular the Kalacakra system, is considered by modern investigators to be a late addition to Buddhism. As just seen, the Kalacakra teachings first appear in India only many centuries after the time of Gautama Buddha. Of course, even though the Kalacakra texts we possess may have been redacted in the Tenth century A.D., it does not necessarily follow that the teachings contained in this formulation must be of the same date. It has earlier been seen how the tradition traces them back to Gautama Buddha, But this tradition goes further. In a significant passage from the Kalacakra Mila Tantra which has so far not received the attention of researchers, these teachings are traced back to the previous Buddha, Dipatkara. It isfound among the 58% verses of the Mila Tantra which are quoted in the Sekoddesazika, a commentary by Naropa on what is purported to be a section of the Milla ‘Tantra itself, the Sekoddesa. A Sanskrit edition of the Sekoddesarikd, based on a single paim-leaf manuscript and comparison with a Tibetan translation, was published in 1941, though it has not, yet been translated into English, The passage in question consists of two Slokas which are part of a longer Milla Tantra quotation found in that book: Qrgetn a yd aerarea Bart “The teaching of the Mantraydna which was formerly given to us by Dipankara is now to be given by the virtuous Gautama. Therefore from the place called Sambhala an emanation of Vajrapani, King Sucandra, came by his magical power to the Dharmadhatu.” Buddhist tradition then, attributes a very high antiquity to the Kélacakra teachings. ‘As Gautama is the Buddha for ourage, it is he who is represented as giving these teachings to King Sucandra, a Nirmfnakaya of the Master of Secrets, Vajrapani. This being the case, any event later than the time of Gautama Buddha spoken of in the Kalacakra Tantra is necessarily put in the form of prophecies, One of these prophecies concerns the Kings of Sambhala who will successively reign after Sucandra. Six Kings follow Sucandra making seven Dharmarajas, then the line of twenty-five Kalki Kings beginning with Yaéas. Each of these seven and twenty- five Kings reigns for exactly one hundred years. As Helmut Hoffmann remarks, “The neatness of this arrangement makes it quite clear that behind the formality of these figures there must be some definite astrological symbolism which we are not yet in a position to unravel”? Already in 1914 a Tibetan text including this lst of Kings, the Third Panchen Lama's Sambhala’i Lam-yig, was translated into German by Albert Griinwedel as Der Weg nach Sambhala.* Rather than retaining the names of the Kings in Tibetan, Griinwedel attempted to reconstruct their Sanskrit originals for use in his translation, In 1949 Giuseppe Tucei translated intoThe Kings of Sambhala 3 English an excerpt from Bu-ston’s Dus ‘hor chos ‘yun rgyud sde’t zab don sgo ‘byed rin chen gces pai ide mig including the list of Kings, and published it in his monumentai Tibetan Painted Scrolls.’ He left the names in Tibetan, This excerpt was quoted without change in Lokesh Chandra's 1966 English preface to his Sanskrit-Tibetan-Mongoiian edition of the Laghu Kalacakra Tantra.‘ It should be noted that Griinwedel wrongly divided the name of the twenty- fourth Kali King of the Panchen Lama’s text, mTha'-yas-mam-rgyal, in two: Ananta (mTha’-yas) and Vijaya (rNam- reyal). Tucci wrongly compounded the names of several Kings of Bu-ston’s text, and also wrongly divided the twenty- fourth Kalki as Griinwedel had. These errors were due to the fact that it is often impossible to tell where one name ends and another begins in Tibetan writing. Ht is clear, however, that the Third Panchen Lama and Bu-ston are in agreement with each other, and with the many Tibetan sources available today,’ that the list of the Kings of Sambhala as understood in Tibetan tradition should read as follows: ‘The Seven Dharma-rajas (Chos-rgyai) according to Tibetan Tradition’ . Zia-ba (-bzat-po} Lha-dban . gZi-brjid-can . Zla-bas-byin Lha-dban-phyug . sNa-tshogs-gzugs . Lha-dbat-ldan NAW YR ‘The Twenty-five Kalkis (Rigs-Idan) according to Tibetan Tradition 1, Grags-pa 2. Padmadkar 3. bZan-po 4. rNam-rgyal 5. vSes-giien-bzaa-po 6. Phyag-dmar 7, Khyab-jng-sbas-pa 8. Ni-ma-grags 9, Sin-tu-bzan 10, rGya-mtsho-mam-rgyal IL. rGyaldka’ 12, Nema 13. sNa-ishogs-gzugs 14. Zla-ba’'od 15, mTha’-yas 16, Sa-skyon 17, dPab-skyoa 18. Sen-ge 19. rNam-par-gnoa 20, sTobs-po-che 21. Magag(s-pa 22. Mirvisen-ge 23, dBan-phyug-che 24. mTha’-yas-rmamergyal 25. Drag-po Most information of this nature found in Tibetan tradition ultimately derives from an Indian source, i.c., an original Sanskrit work which was translated into Tibetan to form part of the Canon, the Kangyur and Tengyur. Therefore comparison of any number of later ‘Tibetan writings for ascertaining such information is superfizous when the canonical source can be traced. Unlike other Siitras and Tantras, which may have several major commentaries apiece written by Indian4 Kalacakra Research Publications masters and found in the Canon, the Kalacakra Tantra has only one, the Vimalaprabha. This is because its authorship is not ascribed to an Indian master, but to a King of Sambhala, Pundarika, an emanation of Avalokitesvara. For who would presume to write another commentary in face of this? (Of course, many smaller exegetical works on Kalacakra were written by Indian masters, about fifty of which were translated into Tibetan and are now found in the Canon.) The Vimaleprabha then, is the major source of information on Kalacakra and Sambhala, which virtually ail later Tibetan writings drew upon, whether directly or indirectly. As we have seen, Pundarika actuaily had access to the Kdlacakra Milla Tantra and quoted it in his Virnalaprabha, which was translated into Tibetan nearly a thousand years ago. Tibetan writers who obviously did not have access to the Milla Tantra quoted these quotations, simply indicating them as being from the Milla Tantra, without reference to the Vimalaprabha. Later Tibetan writers then quoted these quotations from earlier Tibetan writers, again indicating only that they are from the Mila Tantra. Some of these later Tibetan writings have in turn been quoted or published in full by Europeans, Thus [114 of the 21% Milla Tantra verses which we are concerned with in this article have been published in ‘Tibetan and translated inte German or English,’ but without knowledge of their source in the Vimalaprabha. The significance of knowing that their source is the Vimalaprabhd, of course, is that the Vimalaprabhd is available in the original Sanskrit, though in manuscript form. Brian Hodgson made known in 1828 the existence of Sanskrit manuscripts of Buddhist scriptures in Nepal. This discovery was to revolutionize Buddhist studies, Through his efforts many of the most important Buddhist texts became available in their original Sanskrit. Yet it was not until the 1970's that hundreds more of these Sanskrit texts, presumed to be lost, were microfilmed in Nepal by the Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions and by the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project, and thus made available, Two palm-leaf manuscripts of the Vimalaprabha were described in Hara Prasad Shastri’s 1917 catalogue of Sanskrit Buddhist manuscripts heid by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. One of these in old Newari script is incomplete, going only through verse 31 of the first chapter. The other in old Bengali script is complete except for five missing folios, and includes the end of the first chapter and the entire fifth and last chapter, which are missing in later paper manuscripts. This manuscript is dated around 1100 A.D., near the time the Vimalaprabhd was translated into ‘Tibetan. Six more Sanskrit manuscripts of the Vimalaprabhad became available from ‘Nepal in the 1970’s as described above.!? Two of these are palm-leaf in old Newari scripts, and four are paper, three in Devanagari script and one in modern Newari script. Both of the palm-teaf manuscripts are incomplete at the end, so Jack colophons from which to date them, Normaily the Tibetan translations, made nearly a millenium ago, represent theThe Kings of Sambhaia 5 oldest readings of a text, and are thus of primary value for editing it. Here however, we have a paim-leaf Sanskrit manuscript of the same period as the Tibetan translations, and three others within the next few centuries, The 2134 verse Milla Tantra quotation ‘on the Kings of Sambhala is found in the introductory portion of the Vimalaprabhd, before the actual verse commentary begins. It is therefore found in alt four palm-leaf manuscripts, here designated A-D, as well as in the four paper manuscripts, here designated E-H.? It is here edited from these eight manuscripts and comparison with three Tibetan editions, the canonical transiation in the Peking and Der-ge blockprints, and Bu-ston’s revision of same.’3 T have arbitrarily numbered the Slokas from I to 21 for convenience of reference. arererg sored: arsaret afaeta 1 sede oraarate weaatet aes: 1 7 FEF ITAA SLAY STE | are aa Set F eas he ant awact ay a awaet ae: aatiinaeda sett HEARST TF wa Har sata andor TaaeTaT vorara ads eft aret sas i ¥ 4 aa On wart aearat ofcorad | aa Oe verter eatgaier Barat i x anh ereqrryreaay end eof aera: i Serereds wett sof wrest aa Pa & war tenen Aferat aT: TE PTE Sereereeng shat wate FT zahaT © wa & peer art aiftfrerce: | Sree APT Aa TE TTS sh aad seared adsente F Fa 1 Seat geraqufeterentuateget: 1 eyThe Kings of Sambhala 7 ‘The first thing to be noticed about this quotation is that, even though it is metrical, the names of the Kings are all individually declined; that is, none of them are found undeclined within a dvandva (dual, or conjunctive) compound, However, when we reach the eighteenth, and according to Tibetan nineteenth Kalkis in the jine we have designated 18a, we have the single name “Harivikramah.” In order to breakitinto: the two Kalkis Seft-ge (Hari) and rNam- par-gnon (Vikrama) of Tibetan tradition we would have to read “Harir-vikramab,” where the first name would be declined as well as the second, But none of the manuscripts attest that reading; on the contrary they are unanimous in giving the former reading. It is not possible to understand this as a dvandva compound, for besides the fact that none of the other names in the entire quotation are within dvandva compounds, we would have the further anomaly of wrong declension: itis declined in the masculine singular. May we recall that of the two kinds of dvandvas, the itaretara dvandva takes the gender of its final member aad its number must be either dual or plural according to the quantity of objects stated or intended. while the sam&hara dvandva by convention always takes the neuter gender and singular number because it expresses by means of its two or more words a single idea. A compound listing two names would of course have to be an itaretara dvandva, and would require declension in the dual number, not the singular number which we have, Even if one assumed a samahara dvandva here, which is taking things to the point of absurdity, the singular declension would have to be neuter rather than masculine, To attribute these excessive anomalies to Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit in face of perfectly regular deciensions for the rest of the names in the quotation would be highly unrealistic. ‘We know that there must be twenty- five Kalkis in this list; we cannot afford to lose one. We know also that Tibetan tradition has the advantages of a direct oral transmission of the text and of proximity in time, so cannot be taken lightly. Despite this, as history shows repeatedly, no tradition is infallible. It is noteworthy that from the Tibetan translation alone of this line, “dpal skyon_ seit ge mam par gnon,” there is no way to tell where the names break up. There is nothing here to indicate how the actual translators of this text understood these names. Their division was accomplished by other means, and possibly at a later date. However, the dilemma of the missing King is solved by reading further, for line 19a can hardly be understood any other way than “Anantavijaya Kalki, Yasas Kalki then again,” placing Yasas between the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth Kalkis of the Tibetan list, mTha’-yas-rnam-rgyal and Drag-po. Indeed, Bu-ston in his annotated edition of the Vinalaprabha wok pains to note that in the next line, 19b, “his son will be the Great Cakri Raudra Kalki,” the “his” refers back to mTha’-yas-rnam-rgyal rather than to the intervening and obvious Yasas, It was apparently difficult to accept the same name twice in the list, as Yaéas is, of course, the name of the first Kalki, Yet among the seven Dharmarajas,8 Kilacakra Research Publications Suregvara is the name of the second and also the name of the fifth, both given in the same line, 11b. ‘There are no variant readings, The Tibetan obscures this identity of names by translating the second as Lha-dban and the fifth as Lha- dban-phyug. Based on this unanimous manuscript evidence from the Sanskrit, and until the early Tibetan traditions can be further researched, we are obliged to list Harivikrama (Set-ge-rnam-par-gnon) as the eighteenth Kalkd, thus eliminating the nineteenth Kalki of the Tibetan list (rNam-par-gnon) as a separate King, and to restore Yagas as the twenty-fourth Kalki between mTha'-yas-rnam-rgyal and Drag-po of the Tibetan lst. The implications of this are rather far- reaching, for not only would a thousand years of Tibetan tradition representing the Kings in paintings, in writings, in chronological calculations, etc., require modification, but also comparative studies on the relationship between the Buddhist tradition of Sambhala and the Hindu tradition of the Kalki Avatira of Visnu will acquire an important new piece of data. Yn approximately half of the Hindu Purana and epic sources on the Kalki Avatara of Visnu, he is stated to be the son of Visnu-Yasas.'* It is, of course, the twenty-fifth Kalki of the Buddhist tradition, Raudra, who plays the same role as the Kaiki Avatara of Visnu: riding out from Sambhala with a large army to destroy the wicked at the end of the Dark Age (Kali-Yuga) and to re-establish righteousness (dharma). These findings, then, would make Raudra the son of YaSas in the Buddhist tradition as well. Each of the Kings of Sambhala is an emanation of a particular Bodhisattva or of a particular Krodharaja (“Wrathful King”—-a Protector), Ten are named in lines i2b-Ida of the Mila Tantra quotation, indicating which Kings are their emanations, These ten are: Vighnasatru, Vajrapagi, Ksitigarbhe, Yamintaka, Sarvanivaranaviskambhi, Jambhaka, Manaka, Khagarbha, Maiijughosa, and Lokaniitha. Yaias as the first Kalki is an emanation of Maiijughosa, or Mafijusri, and is often referred to as Maiijuéri-Yadas. frequently wrongly Sanskritized as Mafijusri-kirti, Note the similarity between Majijusri- Yasas of the Buddhist tradition and Vignu-Yasas of the Hindu tradition. In the other half of the Hindu Purana and epic sources on the Kalki Avatara of Vignu, he is stated to be Visnu-Yasas himself.3 The Tibetan tradition apparently does not count Yasas a second time in this list of the Kings of Sambhala because Raudra is considered to be a reincarnation of Yasas, ie., Mafijusri!¢ Thus the occurrence of the name Yasas immediately preceding Raudra in the list is explained by this tradition: Raudra is here considered to be Maiijusri-Yaéas himself, reborn. The dual Hindu tradition, then, of the Kalki Avatira of Vignu being either the son of Visnu-Yasas, or Visnu-Yasas himself, is paralleled by the Buddhist tradition of the Kalki Raudra, who is either the son of Yasas and an emanation of Maijusti, or is Maajuéri-Yasas himself. In either case, the Buddhist Kalki Raudra is an emanation of Maiijuért, just as the Hindu Kalki is aa incarnation of Vignu.The Kings of Sambhala 9 There are in the Puranas, connected with the Kali-Yuga and Kalki Avataza prophecies, computations utilizing the cycle of the Great Bear, or Big Dipper.” The Great Bear, or as it is known in Sanskrit, the Seven Rishis (Saptarsi), are said to revolve around the circle of the twenty-seven asterisms (naksatra-s), staying in each of them for one hundred years. Each asterism is 13° 20’ in extent. This cycle is considered to be mythological, since astronomically the fixed stars do not have any such movement, At best they can be considered to move at the rate of the precession of the equinoxes, approximately one degree in seventy-two years. This unusual cycle is strikingly reminiscent of the one hundred year reigns of the seven Dharmardjas and twenty-five Kalkis of Sambhala, Before proceeding to the list of these Kings, there yet remains a problem with the eleventh Kaiki, From the Tibetan translation, rGyal-dka’, we would expect Ajaya, “Unconquered.” However, ail eight manuscripts read Aja, “Unborn,” for which we would have to have something like “Ma-skyes-pa” in Tibetan. The meter is faulty here and lacks a syllable, making a perfect setting, for restoring Ajaya. But as may be noticed in this whole quotation, the meter is often faulty, and it is clear that the author didn’t mind being a syllable off, plus or minus. Indeed, Pundarika informs us that his own text was purposely written with little regard for rules of grammar, in order to destroy the pride of those attached to perfected form rather than to the meaning.'® So again, for the moment we are obliged to retain Aja as the eleventh Kalk rather than the Ajaya indicated by the Tibetan rGyal- dka’, Here, then, is the list of the true Sanskrit names of the Kings of Sambhala, taken from the lost Kalacakra Mala Tantra, the Paramddibuddha, as quoted in the Vimalaprabha, and provisional renditions of same into English, now made accessible for the first me: The Seven Dharma-tajas according to Sanskrit manuscripts 1, (Su)candra—The (Auspicious) Moon 2. Surefvara—Lord of the Gods 3. Teji—Possessor of Splendor 4. Somadatta-—-Given by the Moon 3. Suresvara—Lord of the Gods 6. Vigvamirti—He Whose Form is the All, ie., the Universe 7. Suresina—Ruler of the Gods The Twenty-five Katkis according to Sanskrit manuscripts 1. Yagas--Renown 2. Pundarika—-White Lotus 3. Bhadra—Auspicious 4. Vijaya—Vietory 5. Sumitra—Good Friend 6. Raktapini—He Whose Hand is Red 7. Vignugupta—Hidden by Visnu 8. Arkakirti—He Whose Fame is like the Sun 9. Subhadra—Very Auspicious 10. Samudravijaya—He Whose Victory is like the Ocean HL. Aja—Unborn (Tib.—-Unconquered) 12, Sarya—The Sun 13, Vigvardpa—He Whose Body is the10 Kélacakra Research Publications All, ie., the Universe 14. Sasiprabha~—The Light of the Moon 15. Ananta—Infinite 16. Mahipala—Protector of the Earth 17. Sripala—Protector of Fortune 18. Harivikrama—He Whose Courage is like a Lion's 19, Mababatn—Great Strength 20. Aniruddha-—Unobstructed 21. Narasinha—Man-Lion 22. Maheévara—Great Lord 23. Anantavijaya—Endless Victory 24. Yasas—Renown 25. Raudra—Fierce NOTES 1, From a Theosophical perspective names such as these are considered to be composed of logograms, See The Secret Doctrine, by H, B. Blavatsky, London: 1888, vol. 2,p. 335, 2. Sekoddesajkd of Nadapada (Naropa), edited by Mario E. Carelli, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, XC, Baroda: 1941, p. 2 3, The Religions of Tibet, by Helmut Hoffmann, New York: 1961, p. 125, 4. published in Abhandlungen der Kéniglich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 29, no. 3, Munchen: 1915, see pp. 74-78. 5, Tibetan Painted Scrotis, by Giuseppe Tucei, Rome: 1949, vol. 2, pp. 598-599, 6, Kalacakra-Tantra and other Texts, Part 1, edited by Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra, Satapitaka Series, 69, New Dethi: 1966, pp. 5-6. 7. eg. “A Geography and History of Shambhala,” by Gar-je K’am-triil Rinpoche, Tibet Journal, 3:3 (Autumn 1978), p. 8 4 New Tibeto-Mongol Pantheon, edited by Lokesh Chandra and Raghu Vira, New Dethi: 1972 (illustrations of Kings reprinted in Kalachakra Initiation: Madison, 1981), The Kalacakra Empowerment, by Kalu Rinpoche, San Francisco: 1982, p. 8; to say nothing of the Tibetan writings of KLon rdot bla ma, Thu'u bkwan bio bzan chos kyi fii ma, etc. 8. as given in the Fimalaprabha, found in The ‘Tibetan Tripitaka, Peking Edition, vol. 46, Tokyo-Kyoto: 1958, p. 131, fol. 5;and found in The Collected Works of Bu-ston, Part 1, ‘New Delhi: 1965, fol. 352, line 5, to fol. 353, fine 4. 9. Der Weg nach Sambhaia, by Albert Grinwedel (see note 4 above), pp. 74-75, contains our verses numbered 1-2, 1-19 and half of 20; 4 Grammar of the Tibetan Language, in English, by Alexander Csoma de Kors, Calcutta; 1834, p. 193, contains our verses 1-2, 10. A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanserit Manuscripts in the Government Collection, under the care of The Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. I, Buddhist Manuscripts, by Hara Prasad Shastri, Calcutta: 1917, pp. 73+ 82, ms. no, 4727, palm-leaf, old Newari script, incomplete, goes through verse 31 of first patala only. ms. no, 10766, palm-ieaf, old Bengali script, complete except five missing folios near beginning. LL. Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions: ms. no. MBB I-24, paper, Devanagari script, first patala goes through verse 92 oniy, lacks fifth patala, otherwise complete.The Kings of Sambhala i ‘Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project: ms. no. 3-238, reel no, B81/ 16, paim-leaf, old Newari script, incomplete, is first patala only, that with seventeen missing fotios. ms. no, 5-240, reel no. A48/1, palm-leaf, oid Newiri setipt, incomplete, starts approx. verse 36 of first patala and ends approx. verse 45 of fifth pajala, with many intervening missing folios, ms. no. 5241, reel no. A 142/8, paper, Devanagari script, incomplete, goes through verse 35 of first patala only. reel no, D 46/7, paper, Devanagari seript, incomplete, with sections out of order, incindes first patala through verse 92 only, and portions of second, third, and fourth patalas, iacks fifth pataia, reel no. E 618/5, E 619/1, paper, modern Newari script, first patala goes through verse 92 only, lacks fifth patala, missing one folio, otherwise complete. Tt should be noted that mss, nos. 5-240 and S241 above are incorrectly catalogued as being the Kalacakra Tantra. 12. These are as fallows: A — ASB no. 10766, 9B/4-10A/2 B — NGMPP no, 5-240, broken folio at beginning of film C= NGMPP no, 5-238, 26A/1-27A)3 D— ASB no. 4727, 184/4-i8B/6 E— IASWR no. MBB I-24, 14B/2-15A/4 F ~ NGMPP reei no. E 618/5, E 619/1, 19B/2-204/8 G — NGMPP ree! no. D46/7, 14A/6-14B/8 8 — NGMPP no. 5-241, 14B/4-15A/5 13. The Tibetan Tripitaka, Peking Edition, vol. 46, Tokyo-Kyoto: 1958, p. 131, fol. 4, tine 3,10 p, 132,fol. {line 2; The Collected Works of Bu-ston, Part 1, New Deihi: 1965, fol. 351, line 4, 10 fol. 353, line 3; The Sde-dge M©ishal-par Bka™'gyur, vol. 102, Delhi: 1977, and Sde-dge Bstan-'gyur Series: vol. 11, Rgyud ’Grel, vol, 10, Dethi: 1982. 14, Edwin Bernbaum, unpublished thesis, University of California, Berkeley: 1980, The Myth of Sambhaia in Buddhist and Hindu Mythology, pp. 20, 34: Kalki Purdra 2.12 Vignu Purdna 4.24.98 Bhagavata Purdna 322.18 Marsya Purina 47.248 Agni Purdna 16.8 15, Edwin Bernbaum, loc, cit.: Mahabharata (crit. ed.) 3.188.89 Harivanssa 31.148 Braltmainda Purdisa 2.3.73.104 Vayu Purdna (ref, omitted) 16, see addenda 17. for a convenient composite edition and wranslation of the Puragic accounts see: The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, by FE. Pargiter, 1913, reprint: Delhi, 1975, pp. 37-63, 74-76, 18, Vimalaprabhd, ms. D, fol. 21B-22A, ms. §, fol. 17B: ay a qeeenict queanefearene apdeperarenbarer 0 wet Greece arabreata + |12 Kalacakra Research Publications VARIANT READINGS In editing these verses I have taken no account of orthographic provincialisms. such as the doubling of consonants after “1”, the spelling “satva” for “sativa”, or the interchange of “s” (dental) for “S” (palatal), nor have I recorded them in the variant ‘readings except incidentally. Neither have I taken account of or recorded the use of anusvara for the five nasals and vice versa, However, it should la EF aeqeredt 2b C qa aa 3b C Reeth arabe wer eT A Were 1 BRETT 4b G Toya” 5b CE SFT | 6a HORT 6b Do wer FE weet see Fase sat gb HR 9a Fo areerent 9b G Aetaeerr Ho Pea 10b Co arcenrant F fraTeag Hb Gar Ra Faerretre:” G “maquethe: 12b E,F,G,H - frerere: © Do afaieta: + Ba C awnfnqarncd: 13b Co aIAaTR: Sa A.C ee HO adtexT be noted that all manuscripts speil. Sambhala with the dental sibilant: Sambhala, On names, Ihave not retained the spellings Arkakirtti (mss, D,F: Arkkakirtti), Visvamiirtti, Sdryya, etc., for the same reason that I have not retained sarvva, dharmma, pirnna, eto. it have also disregarded obvious omissions and repetitions of letters, which are frequent in mss. C and D. 15b Geechee 16b B,E,F,H afr” G aft aentiter Va C amie: " D* Sa: | (where the & is a scribal error repeating the of the follow- ing #74, as is so often the case ‘with this manuscript.) Go eater sr HO aga aa 1 17> G > farareratemng | 18> F werrar 19a C srrafamaerat 20a G Teaaenfirt 1 20b E,F “wmeat™* 2la C omits 2a F.G.H seater BE asaeite: dar HU derenThe Kings of Sambhala 13 ADDENDA Isent a draft copy of this article to John Newman, presently in India, who has been researching the early Tibetan Kalacakra traditions as reported by Bu-ston (1290-1364 A.D.) and mKhas-grub (1385-1438) in connection with translating the first portion of the Kalacakra Tantra and Vimalaprabha. He kindly sent mea long reply containing much new information, which 1 summarize below: There was considerable controversy over this list of Kings among early Tibetan scholars. There was some question as to whether Raudra should be inchided in the group of twenty-five Kalkis; ie., whether he was the twenty- fifth Kalki, or whether he came after the twenty-five Kalkis, making him the twenty-sixth Kalki, It is reported by both mKhas-grub (Dus Khor tik chen, in Yab sras gsurt bum, mKhas-grub, vol. kha, fol. 150, line 6, and fol. 437, line 6) and Bu-ston (Rin chen gces pa‘i Ide mig, in The Collected Works of Bu-ston, Part 4, fol. $5, line 5) that “some” “former lamas” (un-named) heid that the twenty-fourth name, Anantavijaya, should be two Kalkis, Ananta and Vijaya, and that there were twenty-six Kalkis altogether. It is also reported that of the two main Kalacakra transmission lineages into Tibet, Rwa and "Bro, the Rwa tradition counted Sripala and Harivikrama as two Kalkis, and the "Bro tradition counted Supalaharivikrama as one Kalki (7ik chen, 438/2-3; Bu-ston’s annotations, Collected Works, Part i, 353/34). Concerning this, Bu-ston says (De mig, 59/5.6), “Making the Kalkis Sripdla, Hari, and Vikrama as one Kalki is unacceptable. Since Sripila, and Hari, and Vikrama are said to have different cas¢ endings in the Indian manuscript(s), they should be accepted as different.” (rigs Idan dpal skyon/ sen ge/ mam rol [sic] rigs idan gcig tu mdzad pa ni/ mi "thad de/ dpal skyon dan sen ge dan rnam rol [sic] mams rgya dpe las rnam dbye tha dad du gowns pa'i phyir tha dad du ’thad do}. Later Tibetan tradition, of course, followed Bu-ston in counting three Kalkis here, against Rwa’s two and "Bro’s one. Bu-ston also reports the views of the Pandit Vibhaticandra (De mig, $6/ 1: see also. mKhas-grub’s Jk chen, 151/3): “Vibhiiticandra says Harivikrama is one, and Anantavijaya is one. Then, differentiating Yasas and Raudra, he asserts twenty-five (Kalkis), This should be scrutinized.” (bi bhi ti tsandra na re/ sen ge mam gnon geig/ mtha’ yas mam. rgyal gcig tu byas nas/ de nas grags pa dat drag po tha dad du byas nas fi su risa Thar ‘dod de/ briag go). Thus it would appear that Vibhilticandra’s position is in agreement with the findings of the foregoing paper. Bu-ston and later Tibetan tradition did not agree with differentiating Yadas (the second) and Raudra, apparently because of a prophecy in the Tantroitara (Toh. no. 363, Pek. no. $) in which Yadas (the first} says he will return in eighteen hundred years to destroy the barbarians. mKhas-grub understands this as meaning that Raudra is the “return” (slar byon pa), ie, the reincarnation of Yasas. The relevant half-verse of the Tantrottara isid Kélacakra Research Publications cited by mKhas-grub from a different translation than that found in the Peking edition of the Kangyur. mKhas-grub cites (Tie chen, 152/3-4): “de la beo brgyad lo yis raya phrag bsgyur te braya yis ’phags pa'i yul gyi ma kha la sogs par// kla klo mais Kyi grags pa gaa daa gan 4ig mun can gyur pa de mams bdag gis druns phyun ste.” The corresponding half-verse is found in the Peking edition, Japanese reprint, volume 1, page 180, folio 3, lines 6-7. Moving on to some other points, in connection with the above-mentioned prophecy mKhas-grub thinks that the reigns of two of the Kalkis must be longer than one hundred years (7?k chen, 153). He adds 82 years to the reign of Samudravijaya, making {82 years, and adds 121 years o the reign of Aja, making 221 years. These two reigns together add up to 403 years, a number forming the basis of chronological calculations, found in chapter I, verse 27, of the Laghu Kilacakra Tantra. Bu-ston, however, thought that Samudravijaya and Aja each reign for one hundred years ('De mig, 55/3). On Aja versus Ajaya, the form Aja is confirmed by its use in the prose commentary on chapter I, verse 27, of the Laghu Kalacakra Tantra. Yet the meaning “unconquered” is also confirmed, by an alternate Tibetan translation from the Rwa tradition, “ma-pham-pa” (Bu-ston’s annotations, Collected Works, Part }, 353/3). ‘On the date of the introduction of the Kalacakra teachings into India, there is evidence that this did not occur until the beginning of the Ith century A.D., rather than the more widely accepted date of circa 967 A.D, See The Wheel of Time: the Kalachakra in Comext, by Geshe Sopa, Roger Jackson, and Joan Newman, Deer Park Books, Madison, Wisconsin, 1985, page 65 and notes. Finally, on Suresvara as the second Dharmaraja being translated Lha-dbaai, and as the fifth, Lha-dbai-phyug: It is possible that the Lha-dbat of the first instance was chosen as an abbreviation of Lha-yi-dbat-po, the translation of Surega in chapter 1, verse 156, of the Laghu Kalacakra Tantra, where Sureéa is the form used for Sucandra’s son, Suregvara, the second Dharmaraja. Or again, it could simply have been due to the strict exigencies of Tibetan meter. (For whatever reason it was done, it still does obscure the fact that the names being translated are identical in the Sanskrit.)% gonfeae + ait a arrethfe a arate a arreathte + rater a aaa a ART a aera FT a aera a aaa a aera a arate a aaten: af awercrraat ania: wad Tete Hrenfata: aPeret: Pret agen sare They who do not know the Paramddibuddha {the Kalacakra Milla Tantra] do not know the [ Mafijusri-] Namasamegiti. They who do not know the Namasamgiti do not know the Wisdom-Body of Vajradhara. They who do not know the Wisdom-Body of Vajradhara do not know the Mantra Vehicle. They who do not know the Mantra Vehicle are all in and of samsara, separated from the path of Bhagavan Vajradhara. Thus the Paramddibuddha should be listened to by true disciples striving for liberation, and should be taught by the true teacher. 4