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Figure from:Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro

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Table 5.5: Results for monoclausality in Koro multi-verb constructions and cannot be nominalized.’* This further confirms the suspicion that the resultative is no longer a productive construction, since it cannot undergo this productive syntactic process. The findings of this section are summarized in Table 5.5. As can be seen from the examples in (5.1-5.10) above, there is no overt marker of sub- ordination or coordination in any of the putative SVCs. In some cases a coordinator can be inserted, but this changes the syntactic behavior of the construction. For example, inserting a coordinator in a negated SVC requires negation to be marked separately on each verb. In the resultative construction in (5.55), preverbal negator ta occurs only before V;, but has scope over the whole construction. If coordinator mwa is inserted, as in (5.55b), a single negator can no longer take scope over the two verbs. Instead, ta would be required before each verb, and pwi would be required after each object.

Table 5 5: Results for monoclausality in Koro multi-verb constructions and cannot be nominalized.’* This further confirms the suspicion that the resultative is no longer a productive construction, since it cannot undergo this productive syntactic process. The findings of this section are summarized in Table 5.5. As can be seen from the examples in (5.1-5.10) above, there is no overt marker of sub- ordination or coordination in any of the putative SVCs. In some cases a coordinator can be inserted, but this changes the syntactic behavior of the construction. For example, inserting a coordinator in a negated SVC requires negation to be marked separately on each verb. In the resultative construction in (5.55), preverbal negator ta occurs only before V;, but has scope over the whole construction. If coordinator mwa is inserted, as in (5.55b), a single negator can no longer take scope over the two verbs. Instead, ta would be required before each verb, and pwi would be required after each object.

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Figure 1.1: The geographical distribution of the Admiralties languages
Figure 1.1: The geographical distribution of the Admiralties languages
Figure 1.2: Higher-order groupings in the Austronesian language family
Figure 1.2: Higher-order groupings in the Austronesian language family
Figure 1.3: The geographical position of Admiralties languages within the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.3: The geographical position of Admiralties languages within the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.4: Probable first-order groupings in the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.4: Probable first-order groupings in the Oceanic subgroup
Figure 1.5: The position of Koro within the Admiralties subgroup
Figure 1.5: The position of Koro within the Admiralties subgroup
Table 1.1: Koro independent personal pronouns
Table 1.1: Koro independent personal pronouns
Table 1.3: Koro numerals and numeral classifiers
Table 1.3: Koro numerals and numeral classifiers
Table 1.4: Consonant phonemes in Koro
Table 1.4: Consonant phonemes in Koro
Table 1.5: Vowel phonemes in Koro
Table 1.5: Vowel phonemes in Koro
Table 2.1: Subject agreement paradigm for irrealis and perfect markers
Table 2.1: Subject agreement paradigm for irrealis and perfect markers
Table 2.2: Surface positional slots in the Koro verbal clause
Table 2.2: Surface positional slots in the Koro verbal clause
Table 2.6: Comparison of contexts in which irrealis marking is expected in different types of systems
Table 2.6: Comparison of contexts in which irrealis marking is expected in different types of systems
Table 2.7: Distribution of irrealis marking in Koro
Table 2.7: Distribution of irrealis marking in Koro
Table 2.8: Comparison of contexts that trigger irrealis marking in Koro (irrealis = temporally non-specific) and Nanti (irrealis = unrealized)
Table 2.8: Comparison of contexts that trigger irrealis marking in Koro (irrealis = temporally non-specific) and Nanti (irrealis = unrealized)
Table 3.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of path and location predicates
Table 3.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of path and location predicates
Table 3.3: Demonstrative enclitics and pronouns in Koro
Table 3.3: Demonstrative enclitics and pronouns in Koro
Figure 3.1: The syntax of prepositional path/locative verbs
Figure 3.1: The syntax of prepositional path/locative verbs
Table 3.4: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 3.4: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 4.2: Typology of SVC-like constructions, based on criterion of main verbhood
Table 4.2: Typology of SVC-like constructions, based on criterion of main verbhood
Table 5.3: Results for main verbhood in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.3: Results for main verbhood in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.7: Results for single eventhood in Koro multi-verb constructions A similar construction is illustrated in (5.72). In this example, like that above, the main verb tut ‘forget’ takes unmarked realis, while subordinate verb tuwe ‘boil’ takes irrealis kz. Again, the interpretation is that the forgetting event has already happened, while the boiling event was intended to happen at a later time.
Table 5.7: Results for single eventhood in Koro multi-verb constructions A similar construction is illustrated in (5.72). In this example, like that above, the main verb tut ‘forget’ takes unmarked realis, while subordinate verb tuwe ‘boil’ takes irrealis kz. Again, the interpretation is that the forgetting event has already happened, while the boiling event was intended to happen at a later time.
Table 5.8: Syntactic/semantic argument sharing in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.8: Syntactic/semantic argument sharing in Koro multi-verb constructions
Table 5.9: Criteria for SVCs as applied to multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table 5.9: Criteria for SVCs as applied to multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table 5.10: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 5.10: Deictic properties of locative predicates in Koro
Table 5.11: Modal-aspectual functions of Koro locative constructions minor verb in the imperfective SVC.
Table 5.11: Modal-aspectual functions of Koro locative constructions minor verb in the imperfective SVC.
Figure 6.1: Structure of SVCs according to Baker (1989)
Figure 6.1: Structure of SVCs according to Baker (1989)
Figure 6.2: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Baker and Stewart (2002)
Figure 6.2: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Baker and Stewart (2002)
Figure 6.3: Structure of covert coordination according to Baker and Stewart (1999:11)
Figure 6.3: Structure of covert coordination according to Baker and Stewart (1999:11)
Figure 6.4: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Collins (1997:474)
Figure 6.4: Structure of resultative SVCs according to Collins (1997:474)
Figure 6.5: The structure of verbal clauses in Koro
Figure 6.5: The structure of verbal clauses in Koro
Figure 6.6: Complementation analysis of the directional /allative
Figure 6.6: Complementation analysis of the directional /allative
Figure 6.8: Manner adverb after V, In a directional SVC, adverbials can occur after either V, or V2, as shown in (6.16-6.17).
Figure 6.8: Manner adverb after V, In a directional SVC, adverbials can occur after either V, or V2, as shown in (6.16-6.17).
Figure 6.9: Manner adverb after V2 There is evidence, however, that the ordering of directional and allative constituents — in contrast to the ordering of directionals and adverbs — does in fact have a structural basis. Unlike purely directional constituents, allative constituents cannot be freely permuted with manner adverbs. As shown in (6.19-6.20), the ordering where the manner adverb precedes the allative constiuent is strongly preferred, with the opposite order deemed highly questionable.
Figure 6.9: Manner adverb after V2 There is evidence, however, that the ordering of directional and allative constituents — in contrast to the ordering of directionals and adverbs — does in fact have a structural basis. Unlike purely directional constituents, allative constituents cannot be freely permuted with manner adverbs. As shown in (6.19-6.20), the ordering where the manner adverb precedes the allative constiuent is strongly preferred, with the opposite order deemed highly questionable.
Figure 6.10: Associated motion construction: SVC analysis
Figure 6.10: Associated motion construction: SVC analysis
Figure 6.11: Associated motion construction: auxiliary analysis
Figure 6.11: Associated motion construction: auxiliary analysis
Table 6.1: Comparison of the properties of auxiliaries, lexical verbs, and associated motion morphemes in Koro
Table 6.1: Comparison of the properties of auxiliaries, lexical verbs, and associated motion morphemes in Koro
Figure 6.12: Associated motion construction: uv analysis
Figure 6.12: Associated motion construction: uv analysis
Table 7.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table 7.1: Morpho-syntactic properties of multi-verb constructions in Koro
Table B.1: Speaker IDs and biographical details
Table B.1: Speaker IDs and biographical details
Figure C.1: Sketch map of Los Negros Island
Figure C.1: Sketch map of Los Negros Island
Figure C.2: Sketch map covers Ndran Tewi, Papitalai and Poloka area
Figure C.2: Sketch map covers Ndran Tewi, Papitalai and Poloka area