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Figure from:Series Byzantina, vol. IX, 2011. FULL TEXT.

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Fig. 5c.Caffa (Féodossia), Saint-Georges. Plan d’aprés H. Khalpakhtchian Fig. 4b. Plan d’aprés H. Khalpakhtchian. — Figure 5 c.Caffa (Féodossia), Saint-Georges. Plan d’aprés H. Khalpakhtchian Fig. 4b. Plan d’aprés H. Khalpakhtchian.

Related Figures (192)

Fig. 1. Gospel of Mlke. Canon: Nilotic scene (Venice, Library of Armenian Patriarchate, no. 1144/86)

Fig. 2. Gospel of Mugni. Canon: Egyptian hieroglyphs (Yerevan, Matenadaran, no. MS 7736)

Fig. 3. Khachkar from Ani (952), Source: A. Jacobson, Armianskie khachkary, Yerevan 1986, pl. 4 Fig. 4. Khachkar from village Mec-Mazr (991) Vardenis region, Source: ibid. pl. 13 ‘ig. 5. Khachkar from Noraduz 996). Source: ibid., pl. 14

Fig. 8. Dongola ruins. Source: http://www.ani- matedweb.it/imagestore/images/deserti/ olddongolain1.jpg

Fig 9. Faras, fresco St. Anna, Warsaw National Museum

Fig. 12. Swastika on Ani ram- parts. Source: Z. Sarkysian. Fig. 11. Medhame Alem church Source: http:// farm4.static.flickr.

Fig. 13. Beta Mariam (House of Mary) Interior. Cross as Tree of Life relief. Source: G. Gerster, op.cit. pl. 66

Fig. 16. Bishop Hovsep. Relief from the church of St. Hovannes, Sisian, Armenia, dated end of 7 century. Source: L. A. Durnovo, op.cit., p. 54

Fig 14. Window in the Cell of Christ in the Church of Golgotha. Source: photo author

Fig. 1a. Round Church rotunda — interior (southwest); 1b - Round Church rotunda — interior

Fig. 2a. Round Church — aerial view (photo by Kamien Vlakhov); 2b - plan

erect a splendid and richly decorated baptistery with Byzantine support, beacause it si in- cumbert uon him to baptize his subjects and, in so doing celebrate the greatness and dignity of the newly converted Bulgarian people and of its ruler. “ ~ * ~ In its original appearance the baptistery took on the form of a rotunda scalloped with uine exedrae, without the inner circle of columns. The dome was born by the elaborately ‘urrowed wall, whereby the vertical thrust of the cupola was received by the massive diers, while the large conches whose concave walls protrude prominently to the outside lissipated the lateral force (Figs. 3a and b). The thus alternating weight-bearing elements, lifferent in nature, united at the tops in a wreath of arches. The baptismal font was under he ciborium. The building was richly decorated, on the inside and outside and the dome 1ad a coat of gold paint. A graffito scribbled on the coating of the narthex bears the name of St. John the Baptist as was common for such buildings. Lg) a a a : i: a : ee a, i er i i ee hi) > 2 en ee ee: es i i ne be

Fig. 4a. Tre-foil, quatre-foil and multi-foil churches in Armenia and Georgia

Fig. 4b. Tre-foil, quatre-foil and multi-foil churches in Armenia and Georgia

Fig. 5. Zoravar: a - interior; b - exterior (photos by Armen Kagazyan) These plans appear to be severely under-represented in the capital of Constantinople and its vicinity. A couple of early Constantinopolitan structures merit being mentioned here by virtue of the fact that they adhere to the multi-foil architectural conception. The martyrium of St Euphemia at the Hippodrome was the central hall of the 5" century palace of the “praepositus” Antiochus." It is a sturdy hexagonal structure. Five exedrae jut out of five of the sides of the hexagon, respectively. Another fifth century structure, referred to as one of the Mangana churches exhibits a multi-foil typology as well. Five perfectly shaped niches inscribing more than a semi-circle are embedded in the masonry of the peripheral wall whose contours are difficult to define from the plan. Seyh Suleyman Mescidi, an early Byzantine structure in the capital is an octagon inscribed in a square. Eight niches pro- trude from each of the sides of the octagon - four semi-circular niches alternating with four rectangular ones. It is thought to have been a baptistery. Ti i Oa a ee a ee ee ee ce check ax Jeeta acl ahs ecco ees ech 2h

Fig. 7a. Round Church rotunda/Holy Savior at Ani (composite image by Stefan Boyadjiev); 7b - plan of Holy Savior

Fig. 8. Round Church rotunda: a - longitudinal section (reconstruction by Stefan Boyadjiev); b - Holy Savior at Ani - interior; c - Holy Savior at Ani -interior/exterior (photos by Yaruz Ozkaya)

The Armenians made up the largest non-Greek ethnic group of Byzantine society and were very visible.?° The great migratory waves of Armenians in the Byzantine Empire to Thrace, in particular, were clearly in evidence in the 7%, 8? and 9'»*3 centuries. This oc- curred under the auspices of the emperors Maurice, Constantine V Copronymus (741-775), Leo IV (775-780), John Tzimiskes but the latter remains out of the chronological scope of this paper. The intent was to move and reinstate in Thrace Armenians in great numbers. The reason was twofold: firstly, it was to dilute the precariously large indigenous concen- trations of Armenians who were considered heretics by the empire as well as the heretical

Fig. 1b. Plan d’aprés M. Petrossyan, 2008 Fig. 1a. Monastére Sainte-Croix (Sourb Khatch) prés de Sourkhat. Eglise Saint-Signe (1358) et narthex. Vue générale S.O. ce qui prévalait au Moyen

trées en milieu urbain.

Fig. 2a. Soudak, chapelle Saints-Apdtres. Vue du S.E.

Fig. 2b. Plan d’aprés Yu. Tamanyan

Fig. 3b. Caffa (Féodossia), Hayots Berd/Quar- antaine. Chapelle a nef unique Saint-Etienne (milieu XVe s.). Vue N.O.

Fig. 3c. Caffa (Féodossia), Hayots Berd/Quar- antaine. Chapelle a nef unique Saint-Etienne (milieu XVe s.). Intérieur

fig. 3d. Caffa (Féodossia), Hayots Berd/Quar- untaine. Chapelle a nef unique Saint-Etienne milieu XVe s.). Plan d’aprés Yu. Tamanyan

Fig. 4a. Caffa (Féodossia), Hayots Berd/Quar- antaine. Eglise Saint-Jean Baptiste (c. 1348) et son narthex. Vue S.O.

Fig. 6a. Monastére Sainte-Croix (Sourb Khatch). Eglise Saint-Signe (1358) et narthex. Vue du S.

Fig.7. Saint-Etienne ou Saint-Georges (de Kazarat ?) au-dessus du monastére Sainte-Croix, prés de Sourkhat. Plan d’aprés Fr. Babayan et E. Korkhmazyan, 2008 ss = lhe ele sont trés répandus en Arménie méme depuis la fin du XIIe siécle et s’inscrivent dans le cadre d’échanges étroits entre Arméniens et Seldjoukides au XIIe—XIIIe siécle. On les trouve en Crimée au XIVe—XVe siécle, outre les monuments arméniens, sur des édifices musulmans, juifs et karaimes, et sur un vestige grec”. Coté arménien, ces éléments sont particuliérement présents sur deux des principaux monuments : Saint-Jean Bap- tiste de La Quarantaine (1348) et Sainte-Croix prés de Sourkhat (1358). Les traits en question sont : a btn Rhea Bae aa eee Na OF, lA A Aw ee la kdl bee Ae Bee ees Te. LAA Re

Fig. 8a. Caffa (Féodossia), Hayots Berd/Quaran- taine. Saint-Jean et narthex. Vue S.O.

Fig. 8b. Caffa (Féodossia), Hayots Berd/Quaran- taine. Plan d’aprés H. Khalpakhtchian

Fig. 9b. Caffa (Féodossia). Monastére Saint-Serge Plan d’aprés H. Khalpakhtchian tue peut-étre une reproduction malhabile de déambulatoire occidental’®. On peut y ajou-

Fig. 9a. Caffa (Féodossia). Monastére Saint- Serge. Eglise (1363 [?]), partie de narthex et porche. Vue N.O.

Fig. 10c. Coupes et élévations d’aprés H. Khal- pakhtchian Fig. 10b. Plan d’aprés A. Jakobson et Yu. Tam- anyan

Fig. 10a. Bakhtchéli (Bogatoié). Eglise du monas- tére Saint-Sauveur (ou Saint-Elie). Vue S.O.

Fig. 12.a. Caffa (Féodossia). Eglise Saints-Archanges (1408). Vue S.O. Fig. 11a. Caffa (Féodossia). Eglise Saints-Arch- anges (1408). Plan d’aprés A. Jakobson et Y. Tamanyan Fig. 11a. Caffa (Féodossia). Eglise Saints-Arch- anges (1408). Plan d’aprés A. Jakobson et Y. Tamanyan

Fig. 12b. Intérieur, voiite longitudinale et coupole

Fig. 12c. Intérieur, coupole et couverture du transept

Fig. 13. Portails arméniens de Crimée : 13a. Saint-Jean- Baptiste de Caffa (c. 1348) exemples : 1-3) au sommet de la coupole, dans la conque® et sur le portail de Sainte Croix de Sourkhat, 4—5) au centre de la croisée d’arcs et dans la conque du Saint-Sauveu: de Bakhtchéli, 6) en haut de la facade occidentale des Saints-Archanges de Caffa®*°, 7-8 sur deux plaques a inscriptions arméniennes, relatives a la construction de fontaines ¢ Caffa, et portant des blasons génois*’ ; 9-11) sur trois parties de Saint-Serge de Caffa*® On s’accorde a voir dans la présence de ce motif un trait d’influence occidentale (pa: forcément d’adhésion au catholicisme)*®. En Crimée méme, outre les monuments armé: niens, l’agneau a labarum-croix n’est conservé que sur un monument génois : une plaqu: 4 inscription latine de 1363 (qui provient peut-étre d’une église arménienne de Caffe dédiée a la sainte Trinité)°°. -A c6té du modeéle de nortail « orientalisant » 4 large chambranle rectansulaire évoane

Fig. 14b. Saint-Sauveur de Bakhtchéli, porte nord Fig. 14. Impostes 4 stalactites : 14a. Saint-Jean- Baptiste (c. 1348), vue intérieure zénithale 9! Eadem, p. 87, signale un méme dispositif sur la porte nord de Saint-Jean-Baptiste de La Qua- ate apap lhcae: Signe ons: 9 FB, . Baba’ yan, E , E. Kork hmazyan, o , op. cit +» DP. 53 —54, 56 —57-

Fig. 15. Décors sculptés fig- urés : 15a. Saint-Jean-Baptiste On construit en pierre des édifices 4 la planimétrie relativement rigoureuse, agrémentés de bandes sculptées avec soin autour des portes. Les décorateurs possédent a la perfection le répertoire ornemental « arméno-seldjoukide » qui plait alors 4 toutes les communautés. Loin des restrictions métropolitaines sur les images peintes, on enrichit les intérieurs de peintures murales et pour cela, comme dans les manuscrits, on recourt aux modeéles grecs alors en vogue.

Abb. 1. Turm Nr. 6 (hinten) und Turm von Baldo Guarko (1394) in der unteren Verteidigungslinie der genuesischen Burg von Sougdaia, Ansicht vom Nordosten (Foto: Alexander Dzanov) Ein Lowenrelief aus Sougdaia:* zur Definitionsproblematik des Kunststils der spatmittelalterlichen Krim

Abb. 2. Turm Nr. 6, Spolie mit einer Tierdarstellung (Foto: Verf., Zeichnung — E. Kazakova) Der Block mit dem Relief ist auf der einzig erhaltenen nordéstlichen Turmwand, in eine H6he von ca. 3,5 m, eingelassen. Der umgebende Fugenm6ortel wurde in Folge einer Res- aurierung, vermutlich bereits Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts,3 erneuert. Der Block besteht aus sinem hellen Kalkstein, wahrscheinlich einem Nummuliten-Kalkstein lokaler Herkunft. Die Nutzung dieser Steinart als Dekorationsmaterial war auf der mittelalterlichen Krim veit verbreitet. Die helle Farbigkeit des Materials setzt sich von dem gr6Btenteils aus dunk- eren Sandsteinblocken bestehenden Mauerverband deutlich ab.* Der Steinblock misst in ler Ansicht ca. 60 cm x 40 cm, der rechte Rand war schon beim Einbau abgebrochen. Das Steinrelief wurde von der Forschung bisher nicht beriicksichtigt.5 Eine fliichtige Erwah- 1ung findet es in einem Ortsfiihrer der 1920er Jahre, verfasst vom Simferopoler Kiinstler Nikolaj Lapin.° Auf dem Block lasst sich heute nur eine Tierdarstellung erkennen, die den ‘echten, gr6Beren Teil einnimmt (Abb. 2). Ob den linken Teil ebenfalls eine Darstellung ierte, muss wegen starker Verwitterung gegenwartig offen bleiben. ierte, muss wegen starker Verwitterung gegenwartig offen bleiben.

Abb 3. Kalksteinplatte mit Lowendarstellungen aus dem 9./10 Jh. aus Cherson, grafische Rekonstruk- tion der Fragmente (nach Kolesnikova, ‘Chram v portovom rajone’)

Abb. 4. Spolien mit christlicher Symbolik in der genuesischen Befestigung von Sougdaia: a) Armenisches Chackar vom 6stlichen Pforteturm des Konsuls Barnabo di Franchi di Pagano aus dem Jahr 1414 (Foto: Verf.), b) Grabstein aus einer der stadtischen Nekropolen aus der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit aus dem Mauerwerk der 15. Kurtine, heute im Burgmu- seum (nach Majko, Srednevekovye nekropoli)

werks in seldschukischer Bildtradition konzipiert wurde.” Die historische Besiedlungssituation in Sougdaia (seldschukische und armenische Niederlassungen) und die genuesische Bautatigkeit grenzen die Datierung des Reliefs auf das 13./14. Jahrhundert ein. In der Kunst der anatolischen Seldschuken zierten figiirli- che Reliefs meist die weltlichen Bauten. Tierdarstellungen und speziell Lowenreliefs bzw. -plastiken (vermutlich noch teils als phrygische bzw. rémische Spolien) schmtickten Stadt-

Abb. 6. Tierkampfdarstellung am a4uBeren Torbogen in der GroBen Moschee (1163) in Diyrbakir (Foto: Yasser Tabbaa/Aga Khan Visual Archive)

Abb. 7. Elefantendarstellung tiber dem Eingang im Karatay-Han in Zentralanatolien (nach K. Branning, The Seljuk Han of Anatolia, http:// www.turkishhan.org/karatay.htm)

Abb. 8. Pulen der Krimer Pragung vom Ende des 13. bis zum Anfang des 15. Jahrhunderts mit Tier- darstellungen (nach Lebedev, ‘Korpus monet ...’) Auf der Krim selbst waren bisher keine Tierdarstellungen auf den direkt mit Seldschu- ken zu assoziierenden Denkmalern bekannt. Tiere aus der Gattung Panther?® begegnen uns jedoch auf Miinzen lokaler Pragung aus der Zeit der Goldenen Horde. Sie sind unter ande- rem auf zwei anonymen kupfernen Pulen mit dem Tamga des Batu-Hauses aus der Wende des 13./14. Jahrhunderts abgebildet.”” Ein weiteres Beispiel hierzu liefert das kupferne Pu aus der Mitte des 14. bzw. Anfang des 15. Jahrhunderts, das einen Lowen in zodiakale1 Komposition zeigt (Abb. 8).?8

Abb. 11. Plastik des befliigelten Lowen aus der Surb-Stephano: Kirche in Feodosija (Kaffa) (nach Ajbabina, Dekorativnaja kamennaja rez’ba) In diesem Zusammenhang erscheint die Definition des Kunststils der spatmittelalter- lichen Krim, der sich vor allem im Siidosten der Halbinsel etablierte, als “seldschukisch“ freilich ungliicklich.4° Eine Stilbezeichnung, die sowohl den Widerspruch als auch die Ahnlichkeit beider Bildtraditionen zulieBe, wiirde die krimsche Stilkomplexitat wesentlich dezidierter widerspiegeln und vor der Versuchung bewahren, eine schlichte Abgrenzung zwischen armenischer und seldschukischer Kunst anzustreben. zwischen armenischer und seldschukischer Kunst anzustreben.

Fig. 1. Eglise Saint Bethleheme, vue ouest

Fig. 4. Monastére Saint-Sau- veur, Cathédrale, intérieur

Fig. 5. Eglise “estivale” au sud de l’église Saint Minas, vue sud-ouest

Fig. 1a. Adoration des Mages, Eglise de Bethléem, Nouvelle-Djoulfa (Photo : S. Laporte)

Le renouveau est stimulé par un nouvel apport occidental, induit par l’essor économique exceptionnel de la communauté et par son role dans le négoce international®. L’opulence des marchands de la Nouvelle-Djoulfa, leurs voyages en Occident, le maintien de contacts permanents avec leurs compatriotes installés en Italie, en Europe centrale et dans |’Eu- rope du Nord, ont contribué a développer chez ces notables un goiit pour les décorations somptueuses telles qu’ils pouvaient les admirer, par exemple, dans les églises de Venise ou de Rome, mais aussi dans les édifices non religieux. Les voyageurs occidentaux a Ispa- han ont décrit la richesse des demeures arméniennes d’Ispahan, la pluspart fort belles, et magnifiquement basties, avec les toicts et les murailles peintes et dorées par dedans?. Le commanditaire des peintures de l’église Sainte-Bethléem est l’un de ces riches négociants, Khodje Petros.

Fig. 3a. Le Christ et la femme adultére, Eglise de Bethléem, Nouvelle-Djoulfa détail (Photo : S. Laporte)

picturales occidentales* (fig.3b). Le regard fixe et comme perdu dans le lointain, les pau- piéres lourdes, la bouche charnue renvoient quant 4 eux 4 des modes de représentation caractéristiques de la peinture slave et post-byzantine. D’autres artistes ont participé a la décoration des églises de la Nouvelle-Djoulfa, comme le vardapet Merkuz ou encore Astuacatur. Ce dernier émigrera 4 la Cour de Russie ot il poursuivra sa carriére sous le nom d’Ivan Bogdan Saltanov’’. L’examen stylistique du Portrait funéraire du tsar Feodor III Romanov nous laisse penser qu'il a travaillé en étroite collaboration avec Minas”. Les illustrations de la Bible de Natalis furent utilisées par de nombreux artistes

ils sont a peine suggérés sur la peinture murale, tandis qu’ils sont repris avec vigueur sur la miniature, mais rayonnant cette fois-ci tel un luminaire au-dessus de la scéne. Il est intéressant de constater que les artistes de la Nouvelle Djoulfa ne se contentent pas d’emprunter a l’art occidental des éléments relevant du mode de représentation des motifs iconographiques, qu’il s’agisse de la composition ou du style, comme nous en avons fourni quelques exemples ci-dessus. Ils introduisent également certains contenus jusqu’alors ab- sents de l’iconographie arménienne. C’est le cas, nous semble-t-il, de la représentation de Dieu le Pére. On trouve parfois la premiére hypostase représentée sous une forme humaine dans la peinture monumentale ou la miniature arménienne. On citera comme exemple les fresques médiévales de l’Eglise Sainte-Croix d’Alt’amar, ot Dieu, dans la scéne de la Création d’Adam, est représenté comme homme d’age miir, de méme qu’Adam qu'il tire du néant et crée a son effigie"®. Un second exemple est une miniature de l’Evangile du peintre Nahapet de Surb Gamatiel datée de 1391 représentant une vision dans laquelle la premiére personne de la Trinité apparait sous la forme d’un vieillard a4 la barbe blanche”°. Cepen- dant, ces occurrences sont l’exception : dans la plupart de ses représentations, la premiére hypostase apparait sous la forme conventionnelle d’une main surgissant d’une nuée. Or, dans de nombreuses peintures et miniatures de la Nouvelle-Djoulfa, on retrouve Dieu le Pére sous la forme d’un vieillard avec une barbe blanche et une longue chevelure. Ce motif est emprunté 4 l’iconographie de l'Europe occidentale, ot il apparait au Moyen age. Il correspond 4 la vision décrite dans le livre de Daniel: un vieillard s‘assit ; son véte- ment était blanc comme la neige, et les cheveux de sa téte blancs comme une laine pure iconographiques, qu'il s’agisse de la composition ou du style, comme nous en avons fourni

Fig. 6. Epigonation ou Konker, 1713, Musée du Catholicossat, Etchmiadzine (Photo : Musée de Fourviére)

as major cities of the Byzantium and Ottoman Empire.? Impressive floor mosaics (Fig. 1) with Armenian inscriptions from the fifth to the seventh centuries survive in the Hol; Land.‘ The first two centuries of printing with Armenian type, the sixteenth and sev- enteenth, were essentially a diasporan endeavour, for instance the press set up in Lwow in 1616 by Yovhannés K‘armatanents‘.5 Ceramics, bindings, liturgical objects, altar cur- tains, carpets- as well as the expected tombstones- were left by Armenian communities from Europe to the Far East bearing Armenian inscriptions as a kind of proof of manu- facture or ownership, or a sort of trademark or hallmark. r,t... _ ee a ee: eee

Fig. 2a—b. Liturgical pitcher, inscribed in Armenian and dated 1510 on its base crafted in the Arme- nian-Ottoman ceramic centre of Ktitahya. British Museum, formerly in the Godman Collection The oldest dated Armenian ceramics are a liturgical pitcher of 1510 (Fig. 2a—b) and a bot ‘le of 1529 (Fig. 3a—b) both manufactured in the western Anatolian town of Kiitahya.® Th olue and white pitcher and bottle are incidentally the oldest dated ceramics to be produce within the Ottoman Empire. Kiitahya was most famous for the massive series of more tha 10,000 tiles and objects produced there in 1719-1721, which now decorates the Armenia Cathedral and Patriarchate of St. James in Jerusalem. At least from the fourteenth centur until the Armenian Genocide of 1915, the illustrious ceramic industry of Kiitahya was domi nated entirely by Armenians.’ Among the patrons of the ceramics created for Jerusaler was Abraham Vardapet, whose monogram (Fig. 4b) was fashioned on a number of Kiitahy pieces, like the dish of 1719 showing the beheading of St. John the Baptist (Fig. 4a) now i

Fig. 3a—b. Liturgical bottle, inscribed in Armenian and dated 1529 on both the base and the upper ring, crafted in the Armenian-Ottoman ceramic centre of Kiitahya. British Museum, formerly in the Godman Collection

Fig. 4a—b. Decorative dish of the beheading of St. John the Baptist inscribed and dated 1719 in Ar- menian with the monogram of Abraham Vardapet of Jerusalem on the back, made in the Armenian- Ottoman ceramic centre of Kiitahya. Venice, Congregation of the Mekhitarist Fathers, San Lazzaro

the collection of the Mekhitarist Fathers of Venice. The hundreds of inscribed Kitahya pieces that have survived suggest that, at least in the first half of the sixteenth century and again from the early eighteenth the display of Armenian/Christian writing in some spheres of a Muslim empire had become acceptable and even normalised. St ee ee Rtn eS ee Se ee Oe Se Sa ee ee ee a See Abraham’s monogram leads us to a series of Armenian ceramics, mostly undated, but robably all from the beginning of the eighteenth century from an eastern centre of the liaspora: Iran. They were most certainly potted in New Julfa, the Armenian suburb of sfahan, the capital of the Safavid dynasty. The Armenian town was founded by refugees rom ancient Julfa on the Arax, displaced and deported in 1604-1605 by Shah Abbas.? (hese monogrammed pieces (Fig. 5a—c), loosely classified as part of Safavid ceramics, are nore enigmatic because Armenian was already an esoteric script in Iran, but their mono- ‘ram form makes them still more mysterious. Perhaps the most famous are the large blue ind white dishes with a symmetrical design of aster flowers (Fig. 5a) in the centre of which here is the elegant monogram “Nazaret’”..° There are specimens in Venice, London, Phoe- 1ix, Boston, Russia, and elsewhere suggesting that Nazaret‘ of New Julfa commissioned an ntire personal dinner set. Other bowls and cups have the names of Nikoghos (Fig. 5b),"

12 Paron Safraz (d. 1728) from New Julfa, white Safavid dish with monogram in centre, inv. 2714-1876; sand pot (?) blue and white with the same monogram, painted upside down, inv. 1248-1876; blue and white pitcher, monogram at top, inv. C. 1851977, London, Victoria and Albert Museum, for which see, Y. Crowe, Persia and China, Safavid Blue and White Ceramics in the Victoria & Albert Museum 1501-1738, La Borie 2002, pp. 205-206, respectively nos. 354-356.

amily, 1680”.° There is also an interesting hybrid volume containing both a printed Cal- ndar of 1669 from the Armenian press in Amsterdam and a manuscript of miscellaneous ‘hurch texts, including calendars, commissioned by Aghek‘sander himself in 1697-1698, ound together with the inscription: “Aghek‘sandr Vardapet, 1698.” I have argued that n the mind of someone like Aghek’sander there was not a dramatic difference between he old technology of hand copied manuscripts, and the new one of printing; thus, bind- ng them together was not a problem.” The inscribing of leather bindings with the use of stamping tools is a phenomenon, almost unique, to the Armenian workshops of New Julfa »f the second half of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth century.” The beginning »f this practice corresponds to the launching of an Armenian printing press at the mon- istery-cathedral of New Julfa in the mid-seventeenth century; the stamping tools used or the inscriptions were recycled printing fonts. The inscriptions on manuscript covers served, at least in Aghek‘sander’s case. 2 A surprise discovery on the eve of the conference is the source of this addition to my paper.

Fig. 8a-c. Three Armenian monograms of the seventeenth century in stucco and stone from houses in Zamos¢ and Lwow: a) stucco Armenian monogram on the house of “Saldan” or Soltan Sachwelowicz with his initials S and S in Polish above and below, Ormianska St., Rynek, Zamos¢; b) stone monogram “Avag” on the corner house at Ormianska St. and the Rynek, Zamos¢c; c) detached stone with Armenian monogram perhaps reading “Vardan/Vartan”, Lwow, in a restau- rant on a street perpendicular to Dovbusha St., near the Museum of the History of Religion

Fig. 9a—d. a) Safavid carpet dated by style to 1620-1625; b) detail of lower left; c) detail of the name Yakob/Hakob woven in Armenian majuscules; d) drawings of the two Yakob/Hakob inscriptions. Adelaide, Art Gallery of South Australia, formerly in the William Bowman Collection Was the use of monograms, instead of clearly spelled out words, as we find on the ce- ramics or that of Soltan Sachwelowicz on Ormianska Street in ZamoSs¢ a question of dis- cretion on the part of the Armenian merchant-magnates of New Julfa or simply a design feature? It is hard to know. The value of discretion is clearly demonstrated by an extraor- dinary carpet (Fig. 9a—d) woven in Isfahan or its Armenian suburb in a style that became known as “polonaise.””” These were apparently special large rugs with atypical designs that

Fig. 10a—b. a) Armenian altar curtain, stamped and painted in 1798 in Madras, India, with the prin- cipal motif made up of exotic trees and bushes from southern India with legends in both Armenian and the local India language, with a mounted St. George to the left (not visible), b) detail showing the coconut palm with the Armenian inscription “narglitzar”, coconut palm, from the Arabic nargil and Armenian izar, tree. Jerusalem, Armenian Patriarchate, Church of St. T‘oros ease —oe ene There are of course hundreds if not thousands of textiles with Armenian inscriptions created in diasporan communities: embroidered and woven textiles, liturgical garments, lace of various types, chalice clothes, and even large altar curtains.2> The most impres- sive group of the latter is a series of stamped and painted cotton curtains with traditional scenes from the history of the Armenian Church manufactured in southern India around Madras.*° These date from the late seventeenth through the eighteenth century. They were commissioned by rich Armenian merchants, most of them native of New Julfa trading in commissioned by rich Armenian merchants, most of them native of New Julfa trading in

Fig. 11a—c. a) and b) Ottoman postage stamps depicting Fenerbahce, lighthouse of Istanbul, issues of 1914 and revised post-Genocide issue of 1920; c) (above) the line in cryptic Armenian in the 1914 version reading “mankind will worship God”. Istanbul, Orlando Carlo Calumeno Collection, courtesy of Osman Koker.

Fig. 1. Descent, Targmantchants-Gospel, 1232

Fig. 3. Descent, 1400s; Unknown Artist-Khizan Q

Fig. 2. Galilean-Mountain, Toros Roslin

Fig. 4. Women-Targmantchants Gospel, 1232

In 1577 and 1578 successively the two brothers of Ioan Voda ruled in Moldova. They were Garabed Ioan Potcoava and Alexandru Serpega. Also the son of the latter, Petru Cazacul, briefly became the ruler in Moldova in 1592.4

Fig. 2. Zamca Monastery Fig. 3. Zamca Monastery aa Armenian art was influenced by and has influenced the local culture. Even though in some cases the influence of Armenian art is very visible, it has not always been recognized as such; sometimes, especially in the more recent literature, the most one can find is a mention made in passing that one monument or another has some ‘Oriental’ influence — not named as be- ing Armenian. For example, not even Razvan Theodorescu, who, in general, as we shall see further, recognises foreign contribution by concretely naming them in his other books, in Pi- atra Trei Ierhahilor he does not name the Armenian contribution to this particular church in concrete terms. Theodorescu says: “[The Romanian civilization] is one, I would dare to write, with persistent tendencies towards universality, in which the founders’ taste cannot produce any wonder, but at the same time with discernment towards the country’s traditions, the Late Renaissance, the Western Baroque, and towards the Turkish-Persian or Caucasian East — fot which [...] some princely buildings of Iasi, such as the Three Hierarchs with Oriental ‘embroi- dered’ stone facades, exemplarily bring testimony”.’ As noted here, these remarks do not go into the details of the meanings of the words ‘Caucasian East’ or ‘Oriental’. sometimes, especially in the more recent literature, the most one can find is a mention made

Fig. 6. Monastery, Curtea de Arges

Fig. 7. ‘Three Hierarchs’ monastery, Iasi ~ “ue he mentions Armenians first in his list of non-Romanian inhabitants of the principality in the Descriptio Moldaviae. Armenian churches, he says, are just as large and decorated as those of Romanians, and the representatives of this nation enjoy full religious freedom.” There is a huge distance from the situation he describes to that which barely mentions the representatives of this nation at the moment.

Fig. 1. Premiére page du manuscrit de Siméon de Pologne. Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, Akc. 10761 Angéle Kapoian En posant cette question « Siméon Dpir Lehac’i. Qui est-il? » ce que Dachkévytch regrette, en fait, c’est que notre connaissance de Siméon se borne a ce qu'il veut bien nous dire car nous n’avons a notre disposition, du moins pour le moment, que trés peu de sources ex- térieures le concernant? .

Fig. 2. Magnus Bicschlager, Plan of Armenian church in Zamoé¢é, State Archive in Lublin

Fig. 3. Holy Virgin Graceful, Szczebrzeszyn, franciscans church

Fig. 5. Reliquary, Cathedral Museum in Zamos¢

Fig. 1. Lazarus Gospel Book from 1606, Mekhitarist Library in Vienna, no. 97

Fig. 2. Lazarus Gospel Book from 1606, Mekhitarist Library in Vienna, no. 97

Fig. 3. Gospel Book, 1629, Mekhitarist Library in Vienna, no. 272

Fig. 5. Breviary from the turn of the 16" and 17 century, Czartoryscy Library in Cracow, no. 2406

Fig. 1. Hymn- and Songbook (1424, Amasia, I 12671), p. 7, The National Library in Warsaw 4 Biblioteka Narodowa. Katalog Rekopiséw, vol. 7, ed. K. Muszynska, Warszawa 1969, p. XIX. Ownership of the codex is indicated by an ex libris placed on the internal side of the book cover. Alek- sander Czolowski had an extensive manuscript collection, its history and contents with bibliographical references are discussed in: P. Kennedy Grimsted, “The Stefanyk Library of the Ukrainian Academy of

Fig. 2. Hymn- and Songbook (15"-16" c., Ake. 4097), f 168v, The National Library in Warsaw

Fig. 3. Hymn- and Songbook (1344, Surchat, Ake. 4097), The National Library in Warsaw

(pp. 8, 7, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30, 32), but only four of them have floral marginals (pp. 6, 7, 10 F, Macler, Rapport sur une mission..., pp. 115-124. Macler gives the full text of the colophon with translation into French, which shows that the codex was finished in 1051 of the Armenian era, that means in 1602. Akinian dated the codex to 1600: N. Akinian, Katalog der armenischen..., pp. 23-26.

Fig. 6. Four Gospels (1639, Lviv, III 12677), p. 510, The National Library in Warsaw AT Sea: See SEEN ee Tw bius’ Letter (pp. 10-11), eight Canon Tables (pp. 12-19), images of the Evangelists (p. 40, 210, 322, 510), four incipit pages (p. 41, 211, 323, 511), and the many marginals, all refer to the best Armenian pictorial traditions. Only the full-page miniatures are simplified, less refined and more decorative. From the Evangelist representations only the miniature of St. John and Prochorus (p. 510) is more elaborate, indicating the mountainous scenery of the island of Patmos. Furthermore, gold is rarely used; one can see it only in vignette decorations. Par- ticularly interesting is the way of using colour - palettes made up of intensive hues can be seen in the full-page miniatures, whereas the marginals were painted with a less vivid choice of colours. Noteworthy is also the diversity of motifs used in the incipit pages.** On each

Fig. 7. Psalter (17" c., 1 12676), p. 13, The National Library in Warsaw

Fig.1. The antique map of Kamenets from 1691 the map wiev, 1691, engraving, National Museum, Warsaw

Fig. 2. The Armenian Quarter on the map of Kamenets from 1672

Fig. 3. The Armenian Quarter on the map of Kamenets from 2008 (by R. Atoyan)

Fig. 1. Carpet, so-called ,,tapis polo- nais”, Kashan, Persia, 16-17" century. (Czartoryski Museum)

Fig. 3. Estoc with scabbard, Arme- nian workmanship, 17" century (The Royal Castle of Wawel) Fig. 4. Hetman’s mace be- longed to Michal Wisniowiecki, ond half of 17 century (Czartoryski Museum)

Fig. 7. Kalkan shield, Armenian workmanship, lat- ter half 17 century (The Royal Castle of Wawel) Lwow they were especially known as the makers or decorators of various weaponry parts. They made “embroidery on yuft leather, chamois, quiver and bow cases, saddle bags, sad- dles, [...] saddle blankets and other things needed by soldiers”.** Armenian goldsmiths prided themselves for making “costly sabre settings, rich decoration of horse tack, detailed smithing of shields, kalkan shields, chain mail hoods, quivers and cartridge boxes in gold and silver.” Armenians made excellent, flexible and strong sabres which they often deco- rated with oriental hilts scabbards.° Parts and pre-fabricated elements were imported from the East, which was the speciality of, among others the trading house of the Nikorowicz family.” The elements were then put together and fitted. It is therefore not easy to dis- tinguish Armenian production from Oriental imports. Such is the case of several dozer kalkans preserved in Poland. The majority of these round shields are typical of Turkish art. A number of such objects in the Wawel collection seem to be the work of Armenian craftsmen, according to Zdzistaw Zygulski Jun. Armenian artisans worked not just in Lwow. In ZamoS¢, in 1585, Murat Jakubowicz

Fig. 9. Saddle and housing supposed to have belonged to Jan Lacki, Armenian workmanship, 17" century (The Royal Castle of Wawel)

Fig. 11. Detail of shield, a Turk’s head made of coral

Fig. 14. Kontusz Sash. Woven by the manufac- turer Leo Madzarski, Stuck, Karol Radziwill factory, 1780-1807 (Na- tional Museum Warsaw)

Fig. 16. Kontusz Sash. Woven by the manufacturer Paschalis, factory in Warszawa-Lipkdéw, 1788-1790 (Na- tional Museum Warsaw)

Fig. 1. Fragment of silk with Christ enthroned from the collection of the National Museum in Warsaw, cat. SZT 52

Fig. 2. Silk from the cope from the Historical Museum in Yerevan, 1601, in: Armenians Gold and Treasures, Musée des Tissus et des Arts décoratifs de Lyon

Fig. 3. Silk with Christ NIKA from the collection of the National Museum in Warsaw, inv. SZT 53. Phelonion from the Stauroprigiansky Museum in Lvov and the back of a chasuble from the Central Museum of Textiles in L6dz, inv.2028, are made from similar silk.

Fig. 4. On the right: Sakkos of Patriarch Joseph from Moscow Kremlin, around 1640, in: The Moscow Kremlin State Historical and Cultural Museum-Monument, Moscow, 2001.0n the left: Silk with Christ (3862), before 1583, Benaki Museum in Athens, in: Byzantium Faith and Power (1261-1557), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2004 (Bursa or Constantinople) as the inscriptions flanking the cross indicate. The image of Christ is rather schematic with linearly treated cloth. In both one can notice an error in the image of Christ blessing with the left hand. Christ on the MNW fragment is closer to Armenian miniature paintings in the way the face is drawn — the symmetry, underlined eyes, and lines of the cloth are very subtle when compared with the linearly treated vestment of the Bursa textiles. TWnhke the cilk from the Benaki Museum related to the scene often met in Orthodox

Fig. 1. Gilt leather with coloured (purple red) transparent varnish from the Casino of Venice. (Photo: Magdelena Stoyanova)

Fig. 2. Silver printed velvet attributed as Venetian and put up for sale few years ago in the USA. (Source: www.TextileAsArt.com) Armenian Gilt Leather gut leather pieces or the venice State Archive, in Palazzo Labia (Venice), on altar hangings from Val di Zoldo, on some of the pieces displayed in the Correr Museum in Venice as well as on several items in French and German gilt leather collections. To them belong also the gilt leather wall hangings actually in the Wawel Castle in Krakow, brought there from Venice.* In the area of Savoya (France) has been documented a conspicuous group of leather altar hangings, sometimes back signed as Venetian. All of these are characterized by decorations with transparent varnishes coloured with kermes. In the same region, more precisely in the archives of Ro- dez, documents about a gilt leather merchant, Andre Enjalran, with an Armenian family name, have recently come to light.%°

Fig. 3. Gilt leather datable in the 16th century and conserved in the Bologna Medieval Museum. (Source: Fortini Brown P. Private life in Renaissance Venice. London 2004) Magdelena Stoyanova by the end of the 19" century. Further research should establish if Br is present also on 38 In the last twenty years , at the ICOM-CC meetings and in the restoration documents, the cleaning with thin alcohol of the lipid varnishes - without preliminary analytical investigations and nearer to a sort of handicraft mending as to scientific conservation - has been reported principally by Maria Regni (Italy) and by C. Bonnot-Diconne (France). In the book dedicated to the restoration of the Doge’s Palace in Venice, sponsored by the Banco Popolare di Verona (Palazzo Ducale, Storia e restauri, ed. G. Romanelli), there is any description indeedabout the interventions the gilt leather wall hangings there underwent, despite the prescriptions of the famous International Venice Restoration Chart signed 1964.

Fig. 5. Chassuble attributed as Italian (Venitien), recently put up for sale in the USA. now in unknown private collection. (Source: www.TextileAsArt.com) Fig. 4. Lining (doublure) of a manuscript binding, stamped cotton with floral stripes, inscribed binding of 1700, Venice, San Laz- zaro, Library of the Mekhitarist Fathers, MS 1527. (Photo: Dickran Kouymjian, see the on-line Index of Armenian Art)

Magdelena Stoyanova metric forms appear (Fig. 3), these are typical of the decoration of a very popular kind The pomegranate, one of the symbols of Armenia, has its well established semantics

Fig. 7. The Gospel from Nea Julfa, 1610. (Source: Durnovo L. Armenische Miniaturen. Koln 1960, 174-175) aesthetic and ethical values (Fig. 6). The ornamental patterns still preserved on the gilt leather wall hangings in the Doge’s Palace and in the Casino of Venice, are surprisingly near to the fantastic and, at the same time, naturalistic spirit of some Armenian 17" century miniatures originating from New Julfa, (Fig. 7) famous for having enriched the preceding tradition with Iranian and Euro- pean elements.*+ As a whole, Armenian miniatures are unanimously recognized amidst the highest achievements of Byzantine book art, due as to their fascinating manner of stylising

Fig. 1. Ewon Mikonowicz a Constantinopolitan, Silk Sashes, 18" Century, National Museum in Krakow

Fig. 2. Silk Sashes, 18" Century, National Museum, Krakow The following examples of sashes are: one from the National Museum in Warsaw (inv. no. 156565) with illegible signatures, including just two motifs of flower bushes.3 Two sash- es are from the National Museum in Warsaw,” two are from the Museum of the Archdioce- san of Warsaw® and one from the National Museum in Krakow,” are all without signatures and form a group of similar works- they are in a similar style and technique (Fig.2), (inv. no. MNK XIX-4951). Another one from the National Museum in Krakow has a signature situated in the right hand corner and includes a border filled with the Armenian language” (Fig. 3, MNK.XIX-2528). This sash was made in taffeta technique with broaches and lances made with silken and golden thread. On their ends these sashes repeat three times the mo- tif of the bush of flowers formed with two shoots of mallow tendrils. | i ne i ee: eS a ee a ) ee Tre

Fig. 1. Megerditch Givanian L’arrivée du « vapor » sur les rives du Bosphore, collection privée

Fig. 3. M. Givanian, Panorama des hauters de Pera, collection privée

Fig. 5. Megerditch Melkonyan, Panorama, 1844, Musée naval, Istanbul

Fig. 6. Megerditch Melkonyan, Panorama, 1844, Musée naval, Istanbul

Fig. 7. H. Aivazovsky, La mosquée d’Ortak6y au cou- cher du soleil, Musée russe, Sankt Pétersburg a rive asiatique du Bosphore, ou le Sul- tan Abdulmecid le décore de l’ordre du Mecidiye. Il y revient une seconde fois en 1857 avec son frére Kapriel, prétre 4 Venise. En 1874, il est invité par le sultan Abdulaziz. Il réside un mois chez l’architecte Sarkis Balian 4 Kurucesme (Kurutchechmé). Il y réalise les tableaux commandés par Abdulaziz pour le Palais de Dolmabahce (Dolmabahtché). Il est décoré a cette occasion de l’ordre ottoman/osmaniyé. La vie culturelle et artistique est A son sommet a cette époque. Les artistes arméniens de Bolis se retrouvent tous 4 un moment ou un autre chez Sarkis Balian. Givanian et Aivazovsky se voient a cette occa- sion. Mayda Saris rapporte qu’Aivazovsky avait déja vu les ceuvres de Givanian exposées devant l’ambassade de Russie. II profite de leur rencontre pour lui dire qu’il apprécie ses ceuvres. I] aurait poussé la plaisanterie jusqu’a lui suggérer de signer ses marines du nom d’Aivazovsky, ajoutant qu'il pourrait ainsi vendre ses ceuvres beaucoup plus cher, ce que Givanian ne mit jamais en pratique. i a en pn

Fig. 8. M. Givanian La pointe du Sérail, collection privée

Fig. 9. M. Givanian, Une vue de Fenerbahce, collection privée

Fig. 11. H. Aivazovsky, La mosquée d’Ortakéy, Musée des Beaux-Arts de Brest Fig. 10. H. Aivazovsky, Les murailles maritimes, Galerie nationale d’Armenie

ME ROLLER, DME Wk EEE EEL SAUER ALES PU PUD IRD VU Y Gavin. David Efendi Ciraciyan (1839-1907) peint plusieurs fois la Tour de Léandre. Dans deux tableaux ou. l’angle de vision est pratiquement le méme, il réussit 4 nous dévoiler une sen- sibilité différente. Le plan rapproché, les couleurs dorées, les voiliers et le ciel habité de nuages blancs du premier peint en 1904, s’opposent a l’atmosphére plus dynamique du second, caractérisé par une mer trés bleue et la fumée d’un « vapeur » au loin. Les vues des iles des Princes sont rares bien que des gravures en existent. Givanian nous a laissé quel- ques vues d’approche, perdues dans la brume.

— Eee Ee a Calousd Cilingiryan , qui signe en ottoman ou le plus souvent Calusd ou Calousd, 1 peint dans un trés grand tableau de 140x100 cm le tombeau de Selim II®.(ph.15) Aucun yersonnage ne vient animer ce tableau. Par sa belle facture et un plan rapproché, l’artiste porte toute son attention sur le batiment du tombeau. Nous nous situons face 4 l’entrée du ombeau, il s’est décalé légérement sur la gauche, Le choix de cet ang] permet de donner ime perspective et de la profondeur au batiment. Peint de face, le tombeau aurait pu parai- re plat et sans Ame. Les dimensions du tableau de Cilingiryan sont rares chez les artistes arméniens et méritent d’étre signalées.

Fig. 14. K. Ekserciyan, La bonne aventure, collection privée ; G. Nichanian, La lettre, collection privée Bolis aimaient leur ville. Ils ’ont peinte

8 La tour de Léandre, située prés des cétes d’Uskiidar est un ‘lot rocheux, auquel sont attachées des légendes grecque et byzantine. Embléme d’Istanbul, elle servit de phare et de lieu dae quarantaine.

Fig. 1. The Education of the Balyan Family in Paris. The Collége Sainte-Barbe and the Labroustes

Fig. 2. Early Attempt at an ‘Ottoman Renaissance’ a la La- brouste? The Dolmabahce Palace, its Relief Carved Ornament and Triumphal Arches

i I a a the palaces such as Dolmabahce and Beylerbeyi that required particularly lavish interior decoration and furniture. This taste was procured so as to satisfy the requirements of the Sultan. As Theophile Gautier mentions in his account of his meeting with Karapet Balyan on the building site of the Dolmabahce Palace. Theophile Gautier states: “the Sultan, in the same spirit which makes us build Alhambras at Paris, chose to have a pal- ace in modern taste. At first, one is surprised at his caprice; but, on reflection, nothing can be more natural, if simply as an escape from monotonous harmony all around him, and all previous models. M. Balyan, however, had need of a rare fertility of imagination, to decorate, in different styles, more than three hundred halls or apartments, with the restriction, above named, imposed upon his materials.”** Although Gautier attributes this variety to the imagination of Balyan, it was also, in no small part, due to the wealth of his address book. TY... .2.2020 3 _*®, sy .. f....6e jBP yg... 2. FJ fF. Oy. J oe... 2. Lz Nn (®

Fig. 4. Umed Behzad, Armenian Painter Educated at the Cema- ran Mektebi (in Usktidar), Photograph by Gokhan Tan. Painting by Umed Behzad in the Surp Asdvadzadzin Church, Besiktas.

Fig. 5. Elite Armenian Craftsmen Working for the Balyans. Vortik Kemhaciyan and his Carpentry Work for the Beylerbeyi Palace

Fig. 7. Coastal Home of Migirdicg Cezayirliyan in Yenikoy by Jacob Melik (and Serkis Balyan?)

a TS, TOR: | ere PNT e ERE NV ERE nen A eee ne EI EE FD EES SOE Oe du professeur de dessin dans |’Ecole des Beaux-Arts, future Académie des Beaux Arts. Les premieres prémices des contacts avec le milieu arménien, sont confirmées par la correspondance durant depuis 1897, entre Teodor Axentowicz et le prétre Karol Bogda- nowicz, prévét arménien a Suceava en Bucovine’. Celui-ci le 1er mars 1897, vu la sugges- tion de l’archévéque Izaak Isakowicz, s’adressa 4 l’artiste, en tant qu’ancien paroissien de Suceava, en demandant de peindre pour l’église paroissiale, un nouveau tableau d’autel, représentant Saint Grégoire |’Illuminateur, qui remplacerait l’'ancien, non-esthétique. La proposition du prétre Bogdanowicz fut certainement la conséquence du fait que l’évé- que arménien Izaak Isakowicz — nota bene, Voncle de lartiste, recut en 1863 son premier presbytére indépendant, justement 4 Suceava. Le prétre Bogdanowicz dicta aussi le sujet de la peinture qui devrait présenter le baptéme des Arméniens, la reine et le roi Tiridate, conféré par Saint Grégoire l’Illuminateur. En méme temps, il informa l’artiste d’avoir col- lecté pour cette réalisation des fonds assez sobres®. Dans la lettre du 16 mars de la méme année, le prétre Bogdanowicz remercia Axentowicz de l’acceptation de sa proposition, tout en posant une question bien voilée sur les cofits de cette création, ainsi qu’en lui deman- dant de lui envoyer la photo de la vieille toile délabrée. Il supposa aussi que, probable-

Fig. 3. Teodor Axentowicz, Les Arméniens en Pologne, 1912. Collection privée

Fig. 4. Teodor Axentowicz, Le Houtsoul (Autoportrait), 1888. Collection privée

Fig. 6. Teodor Axentowicz, Portrait d’une fille d’artiste Jadzia, 1908. Collection privée Fig. 5. Teodor Axentowicz, Portrait d’une fille d’artiste Kazia, 1907. Musée National de Cracovie

ee Ces Celene anne Cnn & peintes avec élan, pour la toile Les Arméniens chez le roi Jean Casimir (connue aussi sous le nom Les Arméniens en Pologne)**, non réalisée, représentante le roi entouré des Arméniens habillés de fagon exotique. Cette composition fait rapport du décret du 1659, prononcé par le roi Jean Casimir sur demande de la communauté lvovienne et reconnais- sant les Arméniens égaux dans les priviléges aux bourgeois de Cracovie comme de Lvov portant les titres de noblesse. Les décrets avantageux pour les Arméniens étaient déja pris dans le passé par les ascendants royaux. La participation 4 la cérémonie des Voeux de Jean Casimir, prononcés dans la cathédrale de Lvov, fut de méme une élévation pour les Arméniens, habitants de cette ville. TT... . .. ~]}..2.2 J. V9. ........ J. rm... J_. aA... 222 tC ACO enc ty iw cg QB

Fig. 8. Teodor Axentowicz, Portrait d’archeve- que Izaak Mikolaj Isakowicz, 1886. La Galerie de la Peinture a Lvov

Fig. 9. Teodor Axentowicz, Ange, avant 1900. Collection privée

C’est ainsi que dans ce riche calendrier artistique de Teodor Axentowicz, tellement ap- précié, étant dominé par le sujet folklorique houtsoule, comme par les portraits au pastel, se trouva aussi la thématique arménienne, inspirée avant tout de histoire des Arméniens comme d’un fort attachement de I’artiste 4 ses propres racines et 4 sa généalogie. Axento- wicz, formé par les meilleures universités artistiques et les salons d’Europe les plus raffinés, le pilier de l’art de la Jeune Pologne, se sentit toujours un Arménien polonais pour qui les paroles d’un poéme datant du XVIe siécle - chant lyrique nomade anonyme, intitulé La Grue (Krunk) ne sont aujourd’hui qu’un fragment d’histoire:

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