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Figure from:A Hypothesis on the Origin of Old Chinese Pharyngealization (上古漢語咽化聲母來源的一個假設)

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A hypothetical model of the formation of the Old Chinese pharyngealization contrast ULE Way DaCk LO ULE Calll€st UG GHIIESe, However, as Baxter & Sagart observe (2014:73-74), such a phonological system is typologically unusual: languages with pharyngealized consonants generally have more nonpharyngealized consonants than pharyngealized ones. We think of typologically unusual features as short-lived and unstable, though not necessarily impossible. It is entirely possible that the onset consonant inventory in Table 1 existed only for a short period of time at the end of the oc period.

Table 1 A hypothetical model of the formation of the Old Chinese pharyngealization contrast ULE Way DaCk LO ULE Calll€st UG GHIIESe, However, as Baxter & Sagart observe (2014:73-74), such a phonological system is typologically unusual: languages with pharyngealized consonants generally have more nonpharyngealized consonants than pharyngealized ones. We think of typologically unusual features as short-lived and unstable, though not necessarily impossible. It is entirely possible that the onset consonant inventory in Table 1 existed only for a short period of time at the end of the oc period.

Related Figures (6)

SOURCE: BAXTER & SAGART (2014:69). LE 1 Nonpharyngealized and pharyngealized onset consonants in Old Chinese
SOURCE: BAXTER & SAGART (2014:69). LE 1 Nonpharyngealized and pharyngealized onset consonants in Old Chinese
SIGURE1 <A hypothetical model relating oc pharyngealization and Lushai vowel length.
SIGURE1 <A hypothetical model relating oc pharyngealization and Lushai vowel length.
\BLE 4 The bimoraic constraint in Munda BLE 3 PAN monosyllabic roots, with bound forms (monomoraic) and corresponding Bunun free forms (bimoraic)
\BLE 4 The bimoraic constraint in Munda BLE 3 PAN monosyllabic roots, with bound forms (monomoraic) and corresponding Bunun free forms (bimoraic)
these ‘stretched’ monosyllabic roots as free forms, with geminate vowel and optional glottal stop (Table 3). Personal pronouns also show traces of this alternation. The root *-Su ‘2sg’ occurs unchanged as the last syllable of di- or polysyllabic forms Thao éhu ‘thou, Atayal isu? ‘you’, Amis k-iso ‘you’, Kanakanabu ii-kasu ‘thou/you’; as a free form, however, it exhibits vowel gemination in Bunun su(?)u ‘you’, Saisiyat sho?o ‘you, Tsou suu ‘thou’. Similarly, the root *-mu ‘zpl’ occurs unchanged in Atayal simu ‘you and he/she’, Saaroa /¢da-mu'you, Bunun a-mu ‘you (pl.), Amis ka-mo ‘you (pl.)’, Kavalan é-mu ‘you (pl.), but has vowel gemination in the free forms Bunun mu(?)u ‘you (pl.), Tsou mzu ‘you (pl.).
these ‘stretched’ monosyllabic roots as free forms, with geminate vowel and optional glottal stop (Table 3). Personal pronouns also show traces of this alternation. The root *-Su ‘2sg’ occurs unchanged as the last syllable of di- or polysyllabic forms Thao éhu ‘thou, Atayal isu? ‘you’, Amis k-iso ‘you’, Kanakanabu ii-kasu ‘thou/you’; as a free form, however, it exhibits vowel gemination in Bunun su(?)u ‘you’, Saisiyat sho?o ‘you, Tsou suu ‘thou’. Similarly, the root *-mu ‘zpl’ occurs unchanged in Atayal simu ‘you and he/she’, Saaroa /¢da-mu'you, Bunun a-mu ‘you (pl.), Amis ka-mo ‘you (pl.)’, Kavalan é-mu ‘you (pl.), but has vowel gemination in the free forms Bunun mu(?)u ‘you (pl.), Tsou mzu ‘you (pl.).