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Figure from:"Agent Exclusivity" Effects in Hebrew Nominalizations

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tie VeltUal Ylauior, allue teprhy db DUI 2VU iJ). Following works which posit an embedded verbal structure within nominal- izations (e.g. Hazout 1991, 1995; Fassi-Fehri 1993; Fu et al. 2001; Engelhardt 1998, 2000; Alexiadou 2001; Borer 2013), I assume that both structures contain a little v layer. However, on the basis of case marking and the status of the subject/external argument (obligatory vs. optional/implicit), I propose that ACC- OBJ nominals necessarily contain (non-passive) Voice (see Ahdout In preparation) (10a). In contrast, GEN-OBJ nominals pattern with English nominals of the type (1c). Below are the structures for the two constructions:

Figure 1 tie VeltUal Ylauior, allue teprhy db DUI 2VU iJ). Following works which posit an embedded verbal structure within nominal- izations (e.g. Hazout 1991, 1995; Fassi-Fehri 1993; Fu et al. 2001; Engelhardt 1998, 2000; Alexiadou 2001; Borer 2013), I assume that both structures contain a little v layer. However, on the basis of case marking and the status of the subject/external argument (obligatory vs. optional/implicit), I propose that ACC- OBJ nominals necessarily contain (non-passive) Voice (see Ahdout In preparation) (10a). In contrast, GEN-OBJ nominals pattern with English nominals of the type (1c). Below are the structures for the two constructions:

Related Figures (2)

10.4.2. Discussion: DP-causers in Hebrew
10.4.2. Discussion: DP-causers in Hebrew
Importantly, the difference between the two proposed structures in (66) cannot be reflected in morphology, as Greek (and Romanian) nominals do not retain the verbal active-middle distinctions typical of the verbal alternation (64). As shown above, in Hebrew this ambiguity is resolved by both prepositions and marking of the alternation directly on the nominal (see Ahdout 2017 on this contrast in the domain of psychological predicates): me-ha-hedef. middle V + causer
Importantly, the difference between the two proposed structures in (66) cannot be reflected in morphology, as Greek (and Romanian) nominals do not retain the verbal active-middle distinctions typical of the verbal alternation (64). As shown above, in Hebrew this ambiguity is resolved by both prepositions and marking of the alternation directly on the nominal (see Ahdout 2017 on this contrast in the domain of psychological predicates): me-ha-hedef. middle V + causer