Yoruba

This article highlights narratives of enslavement held in the
Church Missionary Society and Methodist Missionary Society
archives for the Sierra Leone, Yoruba, and Gambia missions
in the nineteenth century. Its particular focus is on
testimonies of Africans who experienced enslavement in
Africa and were subsequently sold to Europeans on the
coast and embarked on trans-Atlantic slave vessels. These
documents form part of the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council (SSHRC)-funded SHADD: Studies in the
History of the African Diaspora – Documents project, a
digital publication of the Harriet Tubman Institute for
Research on Africa and its Diasporas at York University
(http://tubman.info.yorku.ca/publications/shadd/). This article
catalogues both the narratives uncovered to date – among
the longest unpublished accounts of enslavement in Africa –
and research strategies for uncovering more. It concludes
with an appendix indexing digitized and transcribed
documents available on the SHADD database as research
and teaching resources.

Este texto transcreve as entrevistas dos babalaôs Ifáiyemí Elebuíbon, de Òsogbo, e Awoyemí Aworeni, Arabá de Ifé, fornecidas ao Jornal Nigerian Compass, publicadas em 23 de Maio de 2009, que tratam da crença iorubá de Àkúdàáyà, o morto-vivo, que se acredita ter morrido antes do tempo determinado, de que forma o falecido, não volta ao mundo espiritual imediatamente, mas continua a viver aqui neste mundo, em outro lugar que ninguém o conheça, com a aparência normal de um vivo. Palavras-chave: religiões africanas, religião iorubá, iorubás.

Vivemos num mundo em ruinas, vivemos no limite das condições de existência, vivemos na
beira da barbarei e ao mesmo tempo desde sempre somos à beira da floresta. A vida é
co-existência, co-evolução e já não podemos nos dar mais o luxo de dizer “floresta” como se
fosse algo externo a nós. Ela não é meio ou em todo caso somos meio junto com ela, somos
continuidade fractal com ela. Isto é, conjugar o verbo “humano” é conjugar um verbo
composto que sempre é “humano-floresta”. Neste par e conglomerado “humano-floresta” se
abre a possibilidade de pensar “entre” e “com”, de pensar o devir de entre-humanidades com
a floresta como multiplicidades e heterogeneidades que da ruina, ainda fazem emergir algum
possível, alguma novidade em meio ao esgotamento. A floresta sempre re-nasce e nos cabe
cuidar de sua potência genética.

This paper examines three M-toned and three H-toned elements in Yoruba. On
the one hand are the mid-toned mora (MT/-l), the mid-toned ni and the midtoned
ti. On the other hand are the H-toned mora (HT/-l), the H-toned nl and the
H-toned 6. I propose that the parallels between these elements are syntactically
and semantically conditioned. Every occurrence of a M-toned element shows
agreement in the nominal domain whereas every occurrence of a H-toned element
shows agreement in the verbal or extended verbal domain. I show that the
pairs converge in their semantic role as case assigners. In particular, I claim that
genitive Case assignment is carried out by the MT/-l or ti. I treat this as an instance
of Case alternation. I further propose that when the two jointly assign
genitive Case to the possessor, this is an instance of Case stacking.

This is a theme that transcends religions, traditions and ways of life. It is not always easy, as we don't always like or agree with our elders. However, respecting does not have anything to do with liking or loving, as we often hear of the adage "respect your enemies". The problem with respecting your elders is that its the exception to the rule. Normally, respect is earned, not given unconditionally or blindly. In American culture, despite the predominance of Christians,(to whom respecting elders is a tenet) it is less a given, than outside of it. In fact, if we look at Western societies, their elders tend to be less respe cted than in African or Eastern societies. I think this has something to do with compromising one's values for money. In other words in the West and particularly the US, our society has changed to more of a gangster mentality, few want to take the longer, traditional path to success, with the home being the major investment and a 9 -5 job with the wife staying at home. Today the West tends to look for loopholes, justifications, rationalizations, and equivocations. In the East, African and Caribbean societies, there seems to be more focus on community and the family unit, here conversely we see less "we" and more "me". Elders are a casualty of this shift.

Le tambour apíntí du viLLage de tchetti (iFẹ`du bénin) D ans les villes et villages du département des Collines au Bénin, le tambour apíntí (ou abíntí) est notamment joué pour les rituels que rendent les populations Ifẹ̀, Iṣà et Ìdáìṣà, d'origine yorùbá, à la divinité Nàná Bùrùkúù. En Afrique subsaharienne, Nàná Bùrùkúù est connue et révérée par plusieurs com-munautés yorubaphones du Bénin, du Togo, du Ghana et du Nigeria. Son sanctuaire

Abstract

The article discusses the cult of spiritual dolls which is an integral part of Cuban spiritism. It describes ceremonies of making a Mama Francisca doll, explains its place in the spiritual pantheon, and its connection to religious and magical traditions of Palo and Ocha. Drawing on my own field research and an array of ethnographic data, I argue that spiritual dolls play an important part in preserving the ethnic-cultural memory in the context of ethnic and religious diversity in Cuba. I further examine
connections between spiritual and magical practices of peoples from Central Africa and Afro-Сubans. The tradition of espiritismo cruzado itself may be seen as the bridge between different religious traditions existing in the island.

Аннотация.

Статья посвящена такому важному элементу кубинского спиритизма, как культ
спиритических кукол. В ней приводится церемония, в ходе которой создается кукла Мама Франсиска, объясняется ее место в спиритическом пантеоне, ее связь с религиозно-магическими традициями оча и пало. На основании полевых исследований и этнографических данных делается вывод о значении спиритических кукол для сохранения этнокультурной памяти в условиях этнического и религиозного разнообразия Кубы. Также прослеживаются связи в духовно-магических практиках народов Центральной Африки и афро-кубинцев. Сама же рассматриваемая традиция спиритизм крусадо предстает мостом между бытующими на острове религиозными направлениями.

The concept of mutual illumination between texts, genres, arts, and disciplines has been used in scholarly work for decades (Weisstein, 1973, 1993). Nevertheless, much of this literature lacks a firm anchor with regard to a literal source of the analogy " mutual illumination. " We argue that by observing natural phenomena that actually mutually illuminate, influence and otherwise affect each other, greater insight into how texts interact in similar ways can be achieved. Thus, drawing concepts from astrophysics, with specific reference to multiple star systems, a conceptual framework is derived in which analogous relations are proposed and interrogated. This framework couches the discussion in a stylistic analysis of our primary text, Jí mi S ̣ó lańke ̣ ́ 's O ̣̀ na ̣̀ La ̣̀ , which is analyzed both on its own and also with reference to other texts which are interconnected, interrelated, and serve to " mutually illuminate " each other. We find that when considered in light of other related texts, the analysis of O ̣̀ na ̣̀ La ̣̀ becomes much richer and, in the process, the understanding of the other texts is also enriched. Stylistic tools used in the analysis include various types of intertextual and intratextual parallelism, repetition, and silence.

Throughout the history of mankind, preference and preservation of one's kin or kind has been evident, an up-close observation of this behaviour birthed such theories as kin selection, social identity theory, realistic group conflict theory and reciprocal altruism. The sense of ''weness'' and ''theyness'' has largely precipitated most devastating wars and conflicts that have besieged the world, though incompatible goals or scarce resources are usually fronted as responsible. Such wars and conflicts have been called by different names like racism, xenophobia, nationalism or ethnocentrism. The term xenophobia has particularly gained wide recognition most especially in the wake of South-Africa’s crisis in the past. Nigeria has equally experienced such conflicts in the past and still does, however the magnitude of the violence in Nigeria has been played down due to the term used to describe such violence; sometimes it is called prejudice or discrimination or sometimes ethnocentrism or hegemony. This paper makes the argument that the phenomenon of xenophobia exists in Nigeria, may be more common than we realise and also may be an adaptive mechanism employed by people for personal and group survival. Examples of xenophobic acts in Nigeria are discussed and theoretical explanations for their existence and perpetuation are addressed, together with recommendations of managing their occurrences.

In this article, I seek to update and deepen the conversation about female same-sex sexuality in Candomble´through description and analysis of the ethnographic data that I have gathered in Salvador da Bahia, Brazil for the past ten years. Instead of focusing on the topic of male same-sex sexuality in the religion, which has been studied internationally by numerous scholars since the late-1930s, I concentrate on black lesbians' experiences in Queˆto houses of Candomble´in Salvador. In the article, I argue that lesbians find different forms of affirmation in Candomble´than do gay men; these differences stem from certain theological and hierarchical aspects of the religion and from the influence of Brazilian gender and sexual ideologies on the religion. Unlike gay men, who find affirmation both as men and men who have sex with other men, lesbians are only affirmed as women and not as sexual beings in this purportedly matriarchal religion. This analysis of black lesbians' encounters with Candomble´also highlights the inability of present-day academic discourses about same-sex sexuality, which typically focus on men's behavior, to describe adequately the lived experiences of black lesbians in Brazil, and throughout the African Diaspora. [sexuality, Brazil, Candomble´, women, lesbianism]

In her landmark interdisciplinary study of African diaspora religious systems through dance performances, Yvonne Daniel considers three religious systems that rely heavily on dance behavior-Haitian Vodou, Cuban Yoruba (commonly called Santería), and Bahian Candomblé. Dancing Wisdom: Embodied Knowledge in Haitian Vodou, Cuban Yoruba, and Bahian Candomblé offers the rare opportunity to see into the world of mystical spiritual belief as articulated and manifested in ritual dance.

A B S T R A C T

Twinship and Sacred in the Yoruba Traditional Sphere (Benin Republic).

A fascinating fact about the Yoruba peoples is that they have the highest twin birthrate world-wide. 45 out of every 1,000 births is a twin birth. This birth rate is four times higher than those registered in the United States and Great-Britain. Since the power of Òrìṣà Ibéjì is associated with twins, a twin birth is believed to bring good luck to its progenitors. However, this has not always been the case. Before the 18th century, twins were thought to bring bad luck to their families and the lineage set. Devoted to Òrìṣà Ibéjì, twins do exist simultaneously in three different universes: the “wilds”, the spiritual entities‘ world and the humanized world. The association of twins with the ghost world seems to be more abstract than the prescribed link between the wilds’ wildness and them. Called èjìrẹ, sharing together a common soul and destiny, according to the Yoruba (Benin) they are also believed to be àbíkú, reborn children (or spirits), whom are doomed to die untimely during infancy. In times past twins were usually killed at birth. Although they are no longer murdered at birth, they are distinguishable from àbíkú by particular birth signs. Praxiological study of these individual cults shows the same ritual demands: protection of the social group (against identically reduction ratio) and preservation of system of thought —i.e. beliefs in a reincarnation principle taking part in the ancestor-making process.

R É S U M É

Les naissances gémellaires comme phénomène biologique sont exceptionnellement courantes chez les Yorùbá. 45.1 ‰ sont des jumeaux. Ce taux de natalité est quatre fois plus élevé que celui des États-Unis ou de la Grande-Bretagne. Les parents des jumeaux accueillent leur naissance à la fois comme une bénédiction et un opprobre. Les jumeaux multiplient tout par deux. Ils causent deux fois plus de troubles, mais apportent le double de richesses aux parents qui prodiguent les soins appropriés. Les jumeaux, voués à l’Òrìṣà Ibéjì, existent simultanément dans trois univers différents : la “brousse”, le monde des entités spirituelles et le monde humanisé. L’association des jumeaux avec le monde des esprits est un peu plus abstraite que celle avec le monde inculte et sauvage de la brousse. Les jumeaux sont désignés comme étant èjìrẹ puisqu’ils partagent une âme et une destinée communes. Pour les Yorùbá du Bénin, ils sont également des àbíkú, des esprits incarnés destinés à mourir en bas âge. Les jumeaux comblent une lacune entre le monde des êtres divins et celui des humains. Bien que àbíkú et ibéjì ne présentent pas les mêmes caractéristiques propres aux signes des naissances particulières, l’étude praxéologique de ces cultes individuels révèle les mêmes exigences rituelles : la préservation de la société (démultiplication du même) et du système de croyance au principe de réincarnation participant au processus d’ancestralisation.

Aunque yo, NICOLAS FLAMEL, escribano y vecino de París, en este año de 1399, y residiendo en mi casa de la rue des Ecrivains, cerca de la capilla de St. Jacques de la Boucherie. Aunque -digo-no haya aprendido más que un poco de latín, debido a los escasos medios de mis padres, que eran estimados, incluso de mis envidiosos, como gente de bien: sin embargo, por la gracia de Dios y la intercesión de los bienaventurados santos y santas del paraíso, y sobre todo de monseñor Santiago de Galicia, he podido llegar a los libros de los Filósofos y aprender sus ocultos secretos.

Yoruba is a race of many tribes united by common descent, history, culture and language. Inhabiting a large area in the Guinea forest region of West Africa that covers some part of the present day Nigeria and Republic of Benin. This group of people were divided into seven Yoruba kingdoms before the civil wars that disbanded them, there are some Yoruba settlement in Cuba, Brazil, and United States of America who originated from Oduduwa's Ile-Ife Yoruba in present South West of Nigeria in Gulf of Guinea in west Africa. Yoruba is a famous tribe in the world whose relevance is inherent in archetypal image wielded by the mention of the name. "Yoruba Hegemony" searched through the world history from primeval period to the present by forensic method to ascertain the claim to their greatness.

O presente trabalho analisado, descrito e construído por Juana Elbein dos Santos foi condensado em uma síntese dos capítulos do livro que descreve o sistema Nagô, nome dado ao um dos grupos de negros capturados que compartilhavam assim como outros grupos, o idioma Yorubá.

The Yoruba diaspora in Central America differed substantially from betterknown examples such as that in Brazil, Cuba, and Trinidad, where Yoruba influence proved particularly strong. Colonial Costa Rica, arguably among the most isolated and neglected of all ...

PentecoStudies Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 160-177, 2017

Since the 1980s, Pentecostalism has grown immensely in Nigeria. At the same time, witchcraft fears have intensified and stories about flying women, ritual murders and secret cults have been spread through the Nigerian media. Books allegedly written by former initiates of witchcraft are read by Pentecostals and non-Pentecostals alike. Witchcraft beliefs are cultivated in Pentecostal churches, and researchers credit much of their appeal to the fact that they take such beliefs seriously and address them publicly. This paper gives an example from the field by comparing two Pentecostal churches in urban southwestern Nigeria to discuss how and under which circumstances Pentecostals deal with witchcraft in a public or private manner. It concludes that Pentecostals appropriate global discourses when dealing with witchcraft and oscillate between the private and the public sphere in doing so.

Content Questions often display a similar structure to that of focus constructions. A possible reason could be that focus constructions are mostly used in the corresponding answers where the interrogative phrase is replaced by new information. Thus, interrogative phrases are often focused in the same way – to stress, that exactly this constituent indicates the need of new information. In Fula, Hausa and Yoruba, three major languages of West Africa, exactly this is the case. To focus the interrogative phrase, not only a displacement occurs, but also a particle that is as well used in copula constructions. Several discussions have arisen about the question if this particle is a copula and if the constructions should be analysed as cleft sentences. These discussions emerged about each of the languages separately but no comparative study has been conducted. Hence, this thesis shall compare the three languages and classify the constructions somewhere between the prototypes of cleft sentences and plain left dislocation.

About the Prophecy of Nostradamus about the Black Pope, that doesn’t refer to a Black Pope, it s about the Spiritual Return of Baba Odùdúwà, the Ancient Yoruba Patriarch, Yoruba Christ, the Highest Soul of Evolution of this Planet. About the Curse given by the Yoruba King to his people. Also gives the prophecies that Odùdúwà gave through a Medium about this times, and how the Yoruba Spiritual tradition will spread through the Planet.

For years, self-identified witches have demanded the public acknowledgement of witchcraft as “religion” in Nigeria. These political debates are reflected in a long-ongoing scholarly discussion about whether “witchcraft” in Africa should be regarded as religion or not. At its core, this discussion concerns the quest for African meanings. I argue that we should focus on the translingual practice as the reason for today’s perception of “African” and “European” differences as incommensurable. Tracing back today’s understanding of witchcraft among the Yoruba (àjé), the Alatinga anti-witchcraft movement of the early 1950s becomes the nodal point of Yoruba witchcraft history. Discussing the Alatinga as translingual practice, I understand Yoruba witchcraft concepts as products of a global religious history. Only in the aftermath of the Alatinga, a hybrid movement, did the need arise to demarcate “African” and “European” meanings. Thus, Yoruba translingual practice has also affected European understandings of religion and witchcraft today.

De la clasificación de las artes mágicas hecha por Pedro Ciruelo en su Reprobación de las supersticiones y hechicerías (1538) puede deducirse que la magia tiene estos dos objetivos fundamentales: ampliar la extensión de las zonas de luz del conocimiento (o bien la rapidez del desocultamiento) u obtener un poder sobrehumano con el que disponer sobre los bienes o el Mal. Las artes mágicas pueden servir, a) "para saber algunos secretos de cosas que por curso de la razón natural no se pueden saber o no tan presto"; o b) "para alcançar algunos bienes o para se librar de algunos males deste mundo, que no se pueden haber por diligencias de los hombres, o no tan fácilmente" (Ciruelo 33). Sabiduría y poder: es entre las artes encaminadas a conseguir este segundo objetivo, el poder, donde Ciruelo sitúa las artes sobre las que trata este capítulo. Me refiero a las técnicas de las que el mago, el curandero, el sanador o saludador se vale para la curación de los males de este mundo. Se trata de técnicas en las que, por lo general, la palabra cobra una gran relevancia. Y ello a pesar de una singular característica suya, de la palabra, que sirve frecuentemente para oponerla a la realidad material: su "vanidad", su carácter de cosa vana, vacía (de vacío-sin-cosa diríamos más bien). El propio maestro Ciruelo parecería darlo a entender en las siguientes líneas si hubiera nacido en tiempos posestructuralistas: "se ordenan para sanar algunas enfermedades sin medicinas, sino con solas palabras o con otras cosas vanas [...], se llaman los ensalmos o enxarmos o conjuros". 1 El ensalmo, pues, puede venir configurado mediante solas palabras o acompañado de otras cosas menos vanas en su materialidad pero, de acuerdo al juicio moral, no menos vanas en cuanto a sus pretensiones: algunos ensalmos "son de solas palabras y ninguna otra cosa ponen al paciente; otros juntamente con las palabras ponen otras cosas sobre la herida o llaga" (Ciruelo 65). En culturas tan marcadas por el cristianismo como la hispánica (el cristianismo como un arado cuyas rejas horadan el terreno más o menos hondamente dependiendo de la dureza relativa de cada parcela) el peso otorgado a la capacidad curativa del componente material de todo ensalmo (hierbas, ungüentos, tacto, soplidos, etc.) parece haberse enfrentado tradicionalmente a mayores problemas de credibilidad o legitimidad moral que el componente oral o, más ampliamente entendido, simbólico, de esta fórmula mágica. Recuérdese el largo historial de condenas eclesiales que ha recaído sobre las prácticas mágicas, mejor dicho, que ha afectado igualmente a las prácticas que hoy distinguiríamos netamente bien como mágicas o bien como científicas: toda vez que la magia ha competido (o compite) en el mismo terreno epistemológico que la ciencia, cualquier poder otorgado a las cosas -materia o energía, estrellas o bacterias-ha sido terreno abonado para el anatema desde una perspectiva religiosa integrista. Sólo si el 47 método científico prevalece en la contemplación del mundo, esto es, sólo cuando y sólo donde se dan las condiciones para hacer neta esa distinción entre magia y ciencia, la magia de las cosas pierde todo su poder: "Es, por esto, una perogrullada, casi una tautología, decir que la magia es necesariamente falsa y estéril, pues si llegase alguna vez a ser verdadera y fructífera, ya no sería magia, sino ciencia" (Frazer 76). Más difícil nos está resultando, todavía hoy, hacer neta esa distinción entre magia y religión. Casi tanto como puede resultar el intento de despojar de todo poder cultural al componente amaterial, simbólico, del ensalmo y de la constelación de prácticas curativas o preventivas en la que orbitan este tipo de fórmula mágica y también muchas de nuestras prácticas todavía actuales (amuletos, consultas del horóscopo, ciertas oraciones, determinados tabúes o ritos cotidianos u ocasionales cuya verdadera función no se explica a nadie más que a uno mismo...). En mi opinión, ambas dificultades, la de distinguir entre magia y religión, y la de desalojar a la palabra y a otros símbolos de sus poderes mágico-terapéuticos, están estrechamente relacionadas en origen. En este capítulo, trataré de ilustrar el origen común de ambos problemas a partir de unos pocos textos de las culturas hispánicas que, no obstante, se muestran suficientemente significativos por su relación con la magia terapéutica y por el amplio recorrido histórico que abarcan: desde el folklore aragonés hasta la literatura contemporánea, pasando por la Conquista de América. En todos estos textos la magia y la religión muestran una compleja, tortuosa a veces, pero siempre íntima relación. Es como un nudo del que nuestra cultura contemporánea se declara ya distanciada, aunque sus cabos maestros disten mucho de haberse desentrañado y, por tanto, puedan estar situados aún más allá de esa distancia que creemos tomar. La palabra, el lenguaje, goza de un estatus privilegiado entre los "objetos" simbólicos de la realidad, entendidos éstos como aquellos cuyo valor operativo en nuestra realidad viene dado no tanto por el material del que están hechos (piedra, aire, tinta) sino precisamente por su capacidad de configurar nuestra realidad. Ya el Maestro Ciruelo atisbaba algo de esto: "'Dios, ángel, cielo, hombre, piedra' y todas las otras [palabras] de nuestra lengua de España, no sinifican sino aquellas cosas que quisieron darles los que primero hallaron esta lengua; y, ansí, es de las otras lenguas" (139). Los objetos mismos pueden acarrear un valor simbólico claro y distinto: por ejemplo, el metal de una herradura colocada en el lugar donde resulta funcional, en la pezuña de un caballo, no tiene ningún valor simbólico; pero la disposición de esa herradura en el umbral de una puerta tiene sin embargo un alto poder simbólico. La vanidad de la palabra, la maleabilidad de su vacío material -poco más que salpicaduras de saliva y, de acuerdo con Ciruelo, "un poco de aire que el hombre echa de su boca" (70)-le permite otorgarse un fortísimo poder simbólico. Vista así, la palabra es entonces el material necesario para configurar instituciones sociales como la literatura, pero además aquellas que, como la Iglesia, sustentan sus cimientos no sólo en una piedra: también sobre un modo fuertemente simbolista de contemplar el mundo, un reino que no es de este mundo. A través de la lectura de los pocos textos que presento -anteriores, coetáneos y posteriores a la cruzada que la Iglesia emprendió contra las prácticas mágicas-pretendo el ensalmo

Paule Marshall uses a West African cosmology in Praisesong for the Widow (1983) to color the physical and spiritual journey of the protagonist Avatara “Avey” Johnson. This cosmology is visible through the presence of African orishas (deities). Though Marshall references other orishas in the novel, including Legba, Erzulie, Yemoja, and Oya, she underscores Ogun by utilizing symbolism related to him throughout the novel. Extending the critical discourse on Praisesong, this  article elucidates Ogun’s appearances by examining Marshall’s skillful  employment of Ogun symbolism within Avey’s journey. This article further argues that in addition to invoking Ogun because of his association with deeds of “destruction and creation,” Marshall uses Ogun because he is a totemic figure of conquering transitions, and Avey is in a state of transition from destruction to re-creation over the course of the novel.

Nigeria, the most populous country on the continent of Africa, has long been the home for a varied mélange of faiths over the last few centuries of which Christian, Muslim, and indigenous practices are the most dominant. Nigerians, through the necessity of proximity and engagement, have long had to operate in a state of required interreligious dialogue with each other especially noting that the country is nearly evenly split between identification as a Muslim or as a Christian. In 1976, as a result of religious strife and interreligious dialogue and activity in the capital city of Lagos, a Yoruba man named Tela Tella ceased identifying solely as a Muslim and founded the Chrislam movement in order to unite both Abrahamic traditions into what Dr. Marloes Janson, an expert in Chrislam at SOAS University of London, labels an “assemblage” of belief, practice, and engagement which transcends any socio-religious boundaries thus viewing both traditions as halves of a greater whole1. Originally developed in Lagos, where it is still at its strongest, it has now spread with the Nigerian diaspora internationally, and, though small, the Chrislam movement continues to grow. This paper aims to be an overview of Chrislam through not just the lens of the scholars who have studied it before or the practitioners who have spoken publicly on it but also through the filter of interreligious dialogue formation and theory among other theological insights to provide further perspective into this unique and syncretic movement which has begun to become more and more popular especially in online interfaith and syncretic circles.

The Ife–Sungbo Archaeological Project explores new perspectives on the history and chronology of the urbanization and socio-political dynamics of the forests of West Africa. It is key to the on-going re-assessment of the chronology of urban development in the humid forests of the Gulf of Guinea. Often forgotten in mainstream African historiography, the Guinean tropical forests witnessed the rise and decline of major demographic and civilizational centers, before the opening of the Atlantic trade in the 15th century CE. We focus on 1) the town of Ile-Ife, mythic center of the Yoruba civilization and a major archaeological site; and 2) the monumental enclosure of Sungbo’s Eredo, a system of banks and ditches now lost under dense forest cover. We aim at documenting, dating, and replacing these forgotten sites into their context.
The first season of the project took place from June 1 to July 5, 2015. The team of 35, led by Gérard Chouin  (Department of History, William & Mary, USA) and Adisa Ogunfolakan (Director of the Natural History Museum, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria) , included professional archaeologists, students, and volunteers from Nigeria, USA, France, and the UK. The main funding was provided by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with additional support from a variety of partners, including William & Mary and Total Nigeria PLC.
The focus of this first archaeological season was the ancient embankment system of the city Ile-Ife, specifically a section of the system located on Federal lands at Ita Yemoo. The site was already the focus of archaeological work by British archaeologist Frank Willett in 1957–8 and 1962–3, but his findings have remained largely unpublished. Our objectives were to re-excavate the city walls and to retrieve the notes of Willett. Both objectives were successfully completed. Several trenches were sunk into the Ita Yemoo embankment, which resulted in a reconstruction of the depositional history of the site in 8 different phases over more than a millennium. In addition, material left behind by Willett, including photographs, sketches, and excavation records, were located in the archives of the Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow. The comparative analysis of both sets of data will uniquely contribute to a clearer understanding of the archaeology of this major ancient city.
Several other sites were visited in preparation for the 2016 season, which will focus on a 170 km-long embankment (Sungbo’s Eredo) that encircled an ancient polity just north of modern Lagos. Three different portions of this monumental site were rapidly assessed. Charcoal samples were collected to assist with the dating of these massive but under-studied systems of ditches and banks. Photography drones were used to assist in the reconnaissance of the embankment and enabled us to identify archaeological features that had never before been noticed. A site located within the campus of the newly built Augustine University at Ilara, Lagos State, was selected as a primary focus for the 2016 excavation season.
We expect to publish our findings after a careful analysis of the different sets of data recovered during this first season. Pending additional funding, we intend to process at least 10 new radiocarbon dates to structure our understanding of the development of urbanization in the forests of West Africa during the first and second millennia CE.

Un viaggio iniziatico attraverso l’antica saggezza degli Oracoli e la loro storia. Dalla geomanzia, ovvero la Grande Madre dell’Astrologia, fino ai misteriosi Orixà della tradizione afro-brasiliana, e il lancio delle conchiglie. Viene trattata anche la Tasseomanzia, ovvero la lettura delle foglie del tè e dei fondi di caffè. Il tutto unito da prove pratiche che guidano all’interno di questo misterioso e affascinante viaggio nel mondo degli Oracoli.

Studies in pre-colonial intergroup relations among communities in ancient Yoruba kingdoms have shown that no people have for once lived alone and can live alone. This simply means that inter-group relations between these kingdoms as in the case of Ondo and Odigbo is as old as the people themselves. As a corollary, this article meticulously concerns itself on the political relations that took place between the people of Ondo and Odigbo in the pre-colonial period. It points out several areas of their political relations which, according to research must have begun during their migration periods. It hopes to discuss the geographical location of the kingdoms as well as factors that propelled the political relations such as geographical proximity, migration and so on. The article also enumerates the benefits of the relations to both kingdoms.

Print reference
Gilles-Félix Vallier, « Klein, Debra L. – Yorùbá Bàtá Goes Global »,  Cahiers d’études africaines, 208 | 2012, 1020-1022.

Electronical tag, — Online reference
Gilles-Félix Vallier, « Klein, Debra L. – Yorùbá Bàtá Goes Global »,  Cahiers d’études africaines [En ligne], 208 | 2012, mis en ligne le 31 octobre 2012, consulté le 12 février 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/etudesafricaines/14431