Women's Right to Equality

Canada's Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women (MMIW) will soon begin its work. This paper reviews the history and current ways that Canada's laws and legal system have and continue to discriminate against indigenous women, from Indian status, to property rights, to marital separation rights, to protection from abuse, to health care, reproductive rights, drugs and prostitution laws. The paper asks various questions for the MMIW Inquiry to answer. This discrimination against indigenous women has lasted longer than Canada's existence. The 150th celebration of confederation is coming; the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is more than 30 years old. When will the discrimination end? When will the Charter finally provide equality and security of the person to indigenous women? When will Canada's legal system finally stop hating indigenous women?

Abstract
The recent rise in the intensity of the call for equality between men and women and the increasing number of accusing fingers pointed at the Islamic legislation vis-à-vis the woman, claiming that the Muslim Woman is oppressed, discriminated against and/or subjugated, calls for detailed studies of the status of women in Islam and the issue of equality. This paper looks at the status of Woman in Islam as a part of an intricate, perfectly-balanced, comprehensive, divine system and each component of which may be misconceived, misunderstood or misinterpreted when viewed in isolation. The paper is a self criticism of the Muslims’ poor practice of the ideals taught by Islam, and a refutation of accusations of women oppression labeled against Islam by many non-Muslim. The first discusses the status of women in before the coming of Islam, in modern times and in Islam. Then it identifies the areas in which women differ from men under Islamic Law, and concludes that equality is the general rule and that Islam does not differentiate between the two except in certain issues, mostly in mu'amalat. Subsequently, Issues such as Islamic legislations legal witness and inheritance are presented and placed in their proper context proving the perfection in this Divine Balance and refuting the mistaken notions of subjugation and or relegating women to an insignificant background in Islam.

This is the introduction to the RESEARCH HANDBOOK OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON
DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT (Elgar Publishing) that finds its place in  a series of volumes on international perspectives on equality and diversity management addressing the need to expand the study of equality and diversity management beyond the USA and to question basic assumptions inherent in these concepts as theorized in the USA.

The Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 1979 (CEDAW) is one of the core international legal instrument aiming at the protection and promotion of women's rights. It is considered as the most comprehensive code of women's rights at international level, with its overwhelming focus on socioeconomic , civil, political and cultural rights in all spheres of women's life. However, with the inherent weak enforcement mechanism and with the numerous number of reservations made by the State Parties it is sometime doubted how far the Convention serves as an effective tool for promoting and protecting women's right, since such reservations jeopardizes the very essence of the convention−to ensure 'substantive equality' both at public and private life of the women. This article examines these different aspects of the CEDAW, namely what it promises to achieve and in reality what are the impediments to materialization of those promises−the pain of the promise.

This article introduces the special issue on diversity and equality. We discuss the development of European Union anti-discrimination legislation, in particular as relates to gender and race/ ethnicity, and the ways in which different European countries have implemented equality legislation. We also explore the complexities of the translation of the North American concept of diversity to European contexts. In conclusion we consider the interconnections between law and the 'voluntary' initiatives of employers and trade unions, and compare the contributions of the articles that follow.

Diriez-vous d'un tribunal dont on limite la compétence qu'on lui coupe les couilles? Diriez-vous d'une enfant violée qu'elle a vécu une « aventure sexuelle »? Diriez-vous de 30 avocates et d'un document qu'« ils » se trouvent dans la salle d'audience? Si vous avez répondu « non » à ces provocations, vous aimerez cet article. Si vous avez répondu « oui », vous en avez besoin.

Nous traquons ici le sexisme dans la langue du droit. Effacer les femmes, pathologiser les mères, banaliser les violences: tels sont quelques-uns des effets discriminatoires de ce sexisme langagier que nous entre-prenons de détailler sous toutes ses coutures.

L'analyse du sexisme langagier doit devenir un champ d'étude en bonne et due forme. À cette fin, nous offrons une nomenclature des sexismes jurilinguistiques (lexical, grammatical, terminologique…), ainsi que deux nouvelles notions: la féminisation ostentatoire, un féminin marquée à l'oral, et le plafond de verre linguistique, cette obstination à nommer au masculin les femmes occupant de hautes fonctions.

Notre étude offre des outils aux juges, avocat·es, notaires, légistes et autres practicien·nes du droit pour démasquer le sexisme caché dans leurs communications et se familiariser avec les nouveaux développements en matière de rédaction inclusive.


English:
Would you say of a court whose jurisdiction was reduced that it was “emasculated”? Would you say of a child who was raped that she enjoyed a “sexual adventure”? Would you say of a high-ranking woman that “he” got the job? If you answered “no” to these provocations, you will enjoy this article. If you answered “yes”, you need to read it.

Here we track sexism in the language of the law. Erasing women, pathologizing mothers, normalizing violence: these are but some of the discriminatory effects of the linguistic sexism that we undertake to detail in its every shape and form.

The study of linguistic sexism must become a proper area of research. To this end, we offer a nomenclature of jurilinguistic sexisms (lexical, grammatical, terminological), as well as two new notions: ostentatious feminines and the linguistic glass ceiling. The former qualifies feminine forms that are significantly different from the masculine. The latter refers to some people’s stubborn designation of women in power in the masculine form in French.

Our study offers tools for judges, lawyers, notaries, legists, and other legal practitioners to unmask the sexism hidden in their communications and familiarize themselves with new developments in inclusive writing.

s there a human right to be governed democratically? And what are the considerations that might ground such a right? These are the questions raised in Joshua Cohen’s 2006 article, ‘Is There a Human Right to Democracy?’ – a paper over which I have agonised since I saw it in draft form, many years ago. I am still uncomfortable with its central claim, that while justice demands democratic government, the proper standard for human rights demands something less. But, as I hope to show, the reasons for that discomfort are occasioned less by the thought that democracy may not be a human right than by the very significant gaps in our understanding of rights which debates about the human rights status of democracy exemplify.
I therefore start by situating Cohen’s paper within philosophical debates about the structure and justification of human rights. I then look at the debate about democracy and human rights which it has occasioned, and explain why this debate is not easy to resolve. Finally, I point to difficult issues that arise for a philosophy of human rights if one accepts, as we probably should, that democratic government is not best thought of as a human right, at present. My hope is thereby to contribute to the political philosophy of human rights which, I assume, a commitment to democratic government requires, whether or not democracy is, itself, an object of human rights.

The article reveals a historical source that has been overlooked in the research of Israeli society and women, including the history of Israeli feminism: the Hebrew journal Ha'ishah bamedinah, edited by Tehila Matmon and published for just four years, between 1949 and 1953. The journal's declared mission was to raise the awareness of Israeli women to the intolerable gap between the State's declared equality between men and women and the situation in real life, and to urge women to take action and release society of the chains of discrimination. The journal's unique content and rhetoric may be one reason why it succumbed to oblivion. From a historical perspective, its editor was way ahead of her time.

For women and girls, gender-sensitive legislation is one of the greatest gateways to security and improved status within society. Outdated legal frameworks, discriminatory legislation, and inaccessible justice systems are just some of the issues women and girls contend with the world over. In the case of the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), the legal framework has yet to adapt to contemporary developments. The history of the region can be read in the current legislation, which is a patchwork of laws from various current and historical administrations. Indeed, the current legal framework in the oPt is a mixture of Jordanian, Egyptian, Palestinian, Ottoman and British laws, as well as Israeli
military orders, many of which were inherited from the colonial period. Yet, in the past decade, attempts at legal reform have encountered a series of barriers. Efforts on the ground persist,but change is slow to come.

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Pričujoči prispevek tematizira vprašanja (ne)enakosti spolov v akademskem polju v Slo- veniji in vlogo institucij pri reproduciranju neenakosti v njem. V članku najprej na osnovi nekaterih izbranih statističnih podatkov predstavimo trenutno »stanje stvari« v slovenskem akademskem prostoru in ugotavljamo, kakšna je razporeditev moči (odločanja) v njem. V nadaljevanju z analizo samopredstavitvenih dokumentov treh slovenskih univerz, dostop- nih na njihovih spletnih straneh, posebnih institutov, ukrepov ali politik enakosti spolov na tem področju skušamo poiskati odgovor na vprašanje, kako spol mislijo izbrane akademske institucije v Sloveniji. Zbrane podatke in ugotovitve nato primerjamo s stanjem na izbranih bližnjih akademskih institucijah (Univerza na Dunaju in Univerza v Bologni), ki vzpostavljanje enakosti spolov razumeta kot prednostno nalogo. Glede na tako pridobljene in primerjane podatke prispevek sklenemo z ugotovitvijo, da akademske institucije v Sloveniji spola ne mis- lijo.
KLJUČNE BESEDE spol, ženske, enakost, moč, akademsko polje, institucije

Academic Institutions in Slovenia and Gender (In)Equality
The paper addresses the issue of gender (in)equality in the academic field in Slovenia and the role of institutions in the reproduction of inequality therein. On the basis of selected statistical data, the article begins by presenting the “state of affairs” in the Slovenian academic field and determins the distribution of its (decision-making) power. We continue with an analysis of the ”self-presentation documents” from three Slovene universities, of the special institutes, and of the measures or gender equality policies in this field. Thus, we try to find an answer to the question of how gender is thought of by the selected academic institutions in Slovenia. We then compare the collected data and findings with the situation at selected nearby academic institutions (University of Vienna and the University of Bologna) which understand gender equality as a priority. According to the obtained and compared data, the article concludes that the academic institutions in Slovenia do not think gender.
KEYWORDS gender, women, equality, power, academic field, institutions

Evidence of gender bias isn't limited to Hollywood or politics. A search on The Chronicle for Higher Education website, using the term " gender bias " resulted in more than sixty articles published since January 2017. As we settle into and navigate the current socio-sexual storm, let's take a look at art and design education, especially our role in the preparation of the next generation of educators. This dark time in our gender equity culture, coupled with the higher education crisis of a shrinking pool of applicants, might be just the impetus we need. This paper isn't about raising your hand more and it resists hastily jumping into a design intervention. It is a presentation of seemingly unrelated, gender data points and experiences, and it includes an invitation to connect the dots in a new way. A different perspective could yield fresh thinking about gender equity in the art and design teaching workplace and set the stage for solution finding.

Özet: Kişinin kendi bedeni üzerinde sahip olduğu haklar ve tasarruf etme yetkisi hukukun en çok üzerinde durduğu ve düzenlediği hususlardan biri olmuştur. Modern Çağ’da kölelik kurumunun yasal düzenlemelerle yasaklanması ve özgürlükçü düşüncelerin giderek egemen olması sonucu 21. yüzyılda her kişinin kendi bedeni üzerinde söz sahibi olduğu başka bir deyişle yasal düzenlemelerin kapsamında sınırlı mülkiyet hakkına sahip olduğu kabul edilmiştir. Bununla beraber insanlığın var olduğu zamandan günümüze kadının doğasına yapılan atıf sonucu kadının doğuran ve dolayısıyla üretim aracı olarak görülmesi ve bunun üzerinden tanımlanması söz konusu olmuştur. Bu çalışma kadının kendi bedeni üzerindeki tasarruf hakkı, kürtaj kavramı ve uygulamasına odaklanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede yasal düzenlemelere egemen olan ataerkil düşünce yapısının kadın bedeni üzerindeki etkileri incelenmektedir.
Anahtar Sözcükler: Türk Hukuku, insan hakları, kişilik hakkı, kadın bedeni, kürtaj hakkı

                          THE  RIGHT TO AN ABORTION UNDER TURKISH LAW

Abstract: The legal rights of a person and his/her power of disposition concerning his/her own body has been one of the most deliberated issues by law which also happen to be one of the most regulated. Today, in 21st century every person has a say on his/her own body. As a result of the abolition of slavery by legal action and thanks to the gradual increase in favor of Libertarian thought throughout the Modern Era, at this point within the scope of legal regulations every person is considered to have a limited right on own body. It is argued that as a consequence of constant enquiries into the nature of women, women are conceived and defined as a means of production. This study will focus on the women’s right to their own bodies with giving a special emphasize on the concept and practice of abortion. In this context the negative effects of the patriarchal mentality that reflects on the regulations will be assessed as an intervention to the body of women.
Key Words: Turkish law, human rights, personality rights, women body, right to abortion

Talk of gender identity is at the core of heated current philosophical and political debates. Yet, it is unclear what it means to have one. I examine several ways of understanding this concept in light of core aims of trans writers and activists. Most importantly, the concept should make good trans people’s understanding of their own gender identities and help understand why misgendering is a serious harm and why it is permissible to require information about people’s gender identities in public life. I conclude that none of the available accounts meets these essential criteria, on the assumption that the gender norms of femininity and masculinity are unjustified. But we can, and should, pursue the feminist project without “gender identity”. Such feminism can include trans people because it is possible to account for the specific harm of misgendering without assuming a claim to the recognition of our gender identities. I conclude that we should eliminate the concept of “gender identity.” To understand the phenomena that are putatively captured by “gender identity,” we are better off employing other concepts, such as “sexual dysphoria,” (assigned or aspirational) “gender roles,” and (internalised or endorsed) “gender norms”. These concepts can usefully replace “gender identity” in an individual evaluation of each of the trans people’s claims to inclusion into particular spaces.

The two court cases that established the legal framework for reproductive rights in the United States -Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade -created a framework of negative rights that failed to give women any legal entitlements to reproductive health care. The U.S. framework for reproductive rights is based on the constitutional right to privacy; it thus allows women to make their own reproductive choices, but does not guarantee them the means to exercise those choices (Silverberg 3/12). This framework promotes a system of gender inequality by failing to address many of the reproductive health care needs of women. An alternative framework to reproductive health care is the rights-based approach; this approach recognizes reproductive health care and the preconditions to health as positive rights guaranteed to all women (Yamin 377), and also recognizes the legal duties of governments to provide those rights.

Women in Global Perspective

In this multidisciplinary course we are going to compare and contrast different social and cultural systems. We are going to analyze how these systems have affected gender ideologies and gender practices and how women’s social, cultural, economic, and political roles have changed over time.  The emphasis is on pre-industrial and contemporary “Third World” particularly in pre-industrial and “non-Western” societies, where the majority of the world’s female population lives. This course draws on recent anthropological, sociological, historical, political science and women’s studies research to understand factors related to gender inequality and women’s empowerment a global context.

By analyzing different country specific feminist movements, we are going to understand gender dynamics in contexts outside the United States and Western Europe in order to see the interconnection among societies (in examining the impact of colonialism and neocolonialism, for example) in shaping gender ideologies and practices.

We are using all these perspectives to understand, think, speak, and write critically about origins and development of gender ideologies and practices across historical periods, societies, and cultures.
By identifying important problems those women in different parts of the contemporary world face and solutions offered by different authors, we are going to indeepen the complexities of the issues that women face across the globe.

As the Evangelical Theological Society celebrates 65 years of a blessed existence, we are looking back from where we came and looking forward to where we are going. But unless we can move forward with all evangelicals, our work will not survive.

The ETS is patently under-populated by women. Currently only 7% of the members are female. But even this percent is high compared to the (in)visible role of women within the society and in the journal. The object of this paper, therefore, will be to explore the dissonance between the purposes of the ETS, the mission of the journal, and the constitutional by-laws with actual member participation, journal involvement, and conference activity of women.

If the ETS wants to move vibrantly into the future, we must evaluate our current trajectory. Underutilizing the expertise of trained evangelical women scholastics entails the quality of academic work is lopsided, and the theological mind dwarfed. While simply saying that female participation should represent gender percentage in the world would be not only unreasonable but also legalistic, fostering a learned environment that supports women’s academic advances and advancement must be more fully addressed. Our future depends on it.

“In the practice of spiritual cult there is no distinction nor can there ever be – between men and women” explains Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar.  Throughout his life, the author was deeply concerned about the conditions of women in society. He supported the emancipation of women from the bonds of dogma and ignorance. He laid the foundations of a society that accords men and women equal dignity and responsibility. P. R. Sarkar (1921-1990) was a spiritual guru and founder the international socio-spiritual organization Ananda Marga (“Path of Bliss”). – Richard Gauthier, Department of Chemistry and Physics, Santa Rosa Junior College, Santa Rosa, California, USA, April 24, 2021.

Women’s equality in the United States is still a somewhat recent concept. Less than one hundred and twenty years ago, there were still states that did not allow women to own land or control their personal savings. Less than one hundred years ago women were not allowed to express their political opinions with the right to vote. Finally, as recent as five decades ago there was no law preventing women from being paid a lower wage as a man who was doing the same exact job. Women have made great strides towards empowerment and equality in the last century, but how far are women from still truly having the same rights, opportunities and successes as men?

This manual was created in the context of the “DIONE” project for the main purpose of empowering current and future working mothers by providing basic information and guidelines with respect to their labour rights and addressing incidents of dismissal or discrimination on grounds of pregnancy or maternity. This manual is also a useful tool for professional bodies that offer support (counselling, psychological, legal, ancillary) services to working or dismissed women as well as employers and human resource managers, who wish to enhance their knowledge on this issue.

Disclaimer:
This publication was prepared with the financial support of the Rights, Equality and Citizenship (REC) Programme of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Commission.

From the earliest campaign against Augusto Pinochet’s repressive practices to the recent massive demonstrations against the World Trade Organization, transnational collective action involving nongovernmental organizations has been restructuring politics and changing the world. Ranging from Santiago to Seattle and covering more than twenty-five years of transnational advocacy, the essays in Restructuring World Politics offer a clear, richly nuanced picture of this process and its far-reaching implications in an increasingly globalized political economy. The book brings together scholars, activists, and policy makers to show how such advocacy addresses—and reshapes—key issues in the areas of labor, human rights, gender justice, democratization, and sustainable development throughout the world.

A primary goal of transnational advocacy is to create, strengthen, implement, and monitor international norms. How transnational networks go about doing this, why and when they succeed, and what problems and complications they face are the main themes of this book. Looking at a wide range of cases where nongovernmental actors attempt to change norms and the practices of states, international organizations, and firms in the private sector—from debt restructuring to protecting human rights, from anti-dam projects in India to the prodemocracy movement in Indonesia—the authors compellingly depict international nongovernmental organizations and transnational social movements as considerable, emerging powers in international politics, initiating, facilitating, and directing the transformation of global norms and practices.

This year's KAP survey has found significant differences across districts, genders, age groups, household sizes and disability in multiple areas such as: water quality and quantity, recycling practices, diarrhea prevention knowledge, volunteering disposition, complaint likelihood, and labor opportunities, amongst others. These results should prove of interests across the WASH sectors.

Having a constitution is necessary for every country. While a constitution is the supreme law of the land, it is much more than laws: it defines the values and beliefs of a nation, it guarantees rights and freedoms to individuals, it divides power between branches of the government, and it keeps a nation organized. Put simply, a constitution defines a nation, which is why each word of this document is critically important. To understand our Canadian Constitution, we need to examine how the Court interprets and applies it to cases. The Supreme Court of Canada is the highest court of appeal in the country, and its judges play a key role in shaping the society as they indeed have the power to change or invalidate legislation that comes into conflict with the Constitution. Therefore, the Supreme Court judges could have huge impacts on our lives as Canadians. The Court uses the Constitution to make decisions; however, the language of our Constitution can sometimes be vague or unclear, thus requiring interpretation by judges. In such a situation, the question is: how should judges interpret the Constitution? This question opens the debate for whether the Court should construe our Constitution as a living tree capable of growth or, on the other hand, continue with the original meaning of the legislation.

Purpose:
(1) To provide an in-depth analysis of Parliament’s constitutional responsibilities under the Canadian Charter and the Supreme Court decision in Carter;
(2) To present a critical analysis of the proposed policy under which “persons whose sole underlying medical condition is a mental illness” would not be eligible to medical assistance in dying, but persons whose death is not reasonably foreseeable, and who are suffering from a mental illness and an additional underlying “grievous and irremediable medical condition” under section 241.2 of the Criminal Code would be eligible;
(3) To analyze whether the proposed bill could be unconstitutional and challenged on the basis that it affects the rights to life, liberty, security, and substantive equality of the more vulnerable, in particular women victims of sexual abuse and domestic violence.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) has undoubtedly gone a long way in protecting the human rights of people in Africa. However, there is a need to further protect the rights of females, who have a significant player in peace,  growth and development,  particularly in Africa.

While the ACHPR provided the framework for the general protection of human rights in Africa, it did not adequately address the rights of women within socioeconomic and political circles. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) on the Rights of Women in Africa, also known as the Maputo Protocol, was designed to complement the ACHPR and further develop and protect women's rights in Africa.

This paper will briefly highlight the ACHPR to provide a better understanding of the Protocol, analyze the impact of the Protocol on the rights of women in Africa, the extent to which the Protocol has been complied with and eventually propose the way forward where there is little compliance with the Protocol.

Histories of equal rights for women in international law normally begin with post-World War II initiatives. Such an approach leaves out two treaties signed at the 1933 Montevideo Pan-American Conference, the Equal Nationality Treaty and the Equal Rights Treaty, which remain forgotten among international lawyers. By reconstructing their inception and intellectual background , this article aims to raise awareness about debates on international law among feminist activists in the interwar years. In turn, the focus on activist work allows for the recovery of the contribution of women to the development of the discipline in that seminal period, a contribution usually obfuscated by men's predominance in diplomatic and academic roles. By outlining the contribution of two key promoters of the Montevideo treaties-Doris Stevens and Alice Paul of the National Woman's Party-the article takes a step towards the re-inclusion of women's rights activists within the shared heritage of international law and its history.

This Article addresses a common characteristic of antidiscrimination law: To what extent should one antidiscrimination campaign be held accountable for other, related, discriminatory structures that it does not and cannot purport to correct? Plaintiffs in antidiscrimination cases are sometimes expected to account for the larger social context in which their claim is made. Defendants invoke this larger context as a way of rebutting the discrimination claim, by arguing that the plaintiff’s claim has “discriminatory residue” that would exacerbate related discriminatory structures. For example, in a case in which same-sex couples seek the right to contract with surrogate mothers, the defendant can argue that accepting the plaintiffs’ claim that they are discriminated against on the basis of sexuality might exacerbate the exploitation of surrogate mothers. This Article dubs such rebuttal claims RADARs: reciprocal antidiscrimination arguments. It offers a framework for weighing RADARs’ feasibility, by mapping both their potential and their limitations. It concludes that RADARs can be useful analytical tools for legislators and policymakers when assessing the overall impact of specific antidiscrimination measures. RADARs are also helpful for cause lawyers in considering the long term impacts of antidiscrimination litigation. In contrast, courts should be cautious in accepting RADARs made by defendants in antidiscrimination cases due to the inherent institutional and procedural limitations of adjudication.

In the philosophies of Marx Weber (Prucia, 19th century) influenced by John Locke (England, 18th century), sublimity of French amour-ism found similitude in the vision of aristocrat-ism swaying merchantilism, Dominion-ship blends within territorial boundaries to sooth inequality. Forming the characteristics of a Monarchy, Revolution found Legitimization in Traditionalization, shifts trends to adjust performance of fragile organizations to bewilder with charisma. In Gender Equality, Parsimoniously Frugal Parental-ism is viewed conspicuously a from of inequality, therefore traditionalization speaks of Individualism, certainly of Collectivism. In the Magnanimous interest of the elite, it invites comfortability in the surrounding of super-symmetry of ecliptic design. Synchronous with the harmonious production of entrepreneurs, the Princely/Kingsley network of coordinated fragile establishment ventures capital to continuously proliferate.

A partir da experiência de uma aluna na UFRN que foi expulsa da sala de aula por estar acompanhada de sua filha de 5 anos, o artigo explora o fato de que o direito à igualdade material requer atenção às particularidades de cada pessoa, sobretudo as ligadas ao gênero.

Despite the fact that many Iranian women are directly struggling with major effects caused by landmines, they have never been given a major role in mine action. In Iran, landmine clearing remains a male preserve. Women’s presence is limited to Mine Risk Education programmes, where they play a significant role in reducing the injuries caused by mines in Iran. The presence of women within mine action would undoubtedly cause a rebalancing of this supposedly ‘masculine’ job, paving the way to eliminating mines completely.