Women's Right to Equality

Sikhism is the world's fifth-largest religion. It was founded during the late 15th century in the Punjab region of the Indian subcontinent. Its adherents are known as Sikhs. Currently, there are about 30 million Sikhs worldwide. Most of them live in the Indian state of Punjab. As per Sikh tradition, Sikhism was established by Guru Nanak (1469-1539) and subsequently led by a succession of nine other Gurus. Before his death, the tenth Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708), bestowed the status of Guru to the sacred scripture of Sikhs, Adi Granth, which is presently known as Sri Guru Granth Sahib (SGGS) [1]. The Adi Granth was first compiled by Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, in 1604. Its second and final version has been the handiwork of Guru Gobind Singh, who added the hymns of his father, Guru Teg Bahadur, the ninth Sikh Guru [2], at Damdama Sahib, Talwandi Sabo, Punjab, in 1705. The holy Sikh scripture, SGGS, contains 1430 pages of text in poetry form. In addition to the hymns of the six Sikh Gurus and four Sikhs, it includes hymns composed by fifteen saints (Bhagats) and eleven poet laureates (Bhats) of the Guru's court. Muslims and Hindus, Brahmins, and "untouchables" all come together in one congregation to create a universal scripture. It is a compendium of mystic, metaphysical and religious poetry written or recited between the 12th and 17th centuries in the Indian sub-continent [3]. Sri Guru Granth Sahib, through its comprehensive worldview, offers a perfect set of values and an applicable code of conduct. Its cardinal message is addressed to the welfare of all humans irrespective of their caste, color, creed, culture, and religion. SGGS emphasizes love, respect, empathy, and acceptance of others' existence. It prohibits us from infringing on the freedom and rights of others. The life and works of the Sikh Gurus exemplify the practicability of these ideas. Their inter-faith dialogues highlighted that human unity and oneness could be achieved through tolerance, communication, and respect for others [4].

Research confirms that girls do not get an equal education to boys. This paper will explore education pitfalls that lead to girls being shortchanged, especially in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. It will also examine how females downplay their public achievements to maintain their femininity and get along with males. Other topics that will be looked at are whether there is a gender difference in intellectual ability, and how a girls' empowerment program can counter biases.

Le présent article analyse la constitutionnalité du régime fédéral encadrant l’accès à l’aide médicale à mourir tel que modifié par le projet de loi C-7 adopté dans la foulée du jugement Truchon c Procureur général du Canada ayant déclaré inconstitutionnel le critère de « mort raisonnablement prévisible ».

Les responsabilités constitutionnelles des législateurs fédéral et provinciaux sont examinées. Ceux-ci doivent assurer l’égale protection des droits précisément garantis par la Charte canadienne, dont (i) les droits à l’autonomie et à la sécurité ; (ii) le droit à la vie ou « droit de ne pas mourir » et la possibilité d’y renoncer depuis l’arrêt Carter ; (iii) l’égalité substantive protégeant l’égale valeur de toutes les vies, incluant celles des personnes victimes discriminées ou autrement vulnérables.

Certaines interrogations sont formulées quant à la constitutionnalité du nouveau régime fédéral. Le jugement Truchon ayant fondé le projet de loi C-7 contient des erreurs de droit déterminantes. De plus, il est incertain que ce régime protège au mieux les droits à l’autonomie et à l’égalité substantive. Est notamment considéré l’effet possiblement discriminatoire envers les femmes et les personnes combinant d’autres facteurs d’inégalités dont les troubles de santé mentale et le handicap. Enfin, est remise en question la constitutionnalité de l’inclusion dans le Code criminel d’une disposition prévoyant que la maladie mentale comme seule condition au soutien de la demande sera automatiquement légalisée dans deux ans, alors que les connaissances juridiques, éthiques et scientifiques actuelles ont justifié d’écarter cette ouverture.

INTRODUCTION

1. LES RESPONSABILITÉS CONSTITUTIONNELLES DES LÉGISLATEURS EN MATIÈRE D’AIDE MÉDICALE À MOURIR

1.1 Adopter un régime législatif assurant l’égale protection des droits précisément garantis par la Charte canadienne
a) Les droits à l’autonomie et à la sécurité de sa personne : une protection constitutionnelle distincte du seul consentement médical
b) Le droit à la vie ou « droit de ne pas mourir » et la possibilité d’y renoncer
c) La protection substantive du droit à l’égalité

1.2 Assurer la protection législative des droits constitutionnels en jeu conformément à la norme de l’article premier de la Charte canadienne

2. LA CONSTITUTIONNALITÉ DU RÉGIME LÉGISLATIF DÉCOULANT DE L’ADOPTION DU PROJET DE LOI FÉDÉRAL C-7

2.1 Le régime fédéral tel que modifié par le projet de loi C-7
a) L’abrogation du critère limitant l’accès à l’aide médicale à mourir aux personnes dont la mort naturelle est devenue raisonnablement prévisible
b) La « maladie mentale » comme seule condition médicale invoquée pour fonder la demande officielle d’aide médicale à mourir
c) La mise en place de mesures de sauvegarde distinctes selon que la mort naturelle du patient est devenue raisonnablement prévisible ou non
d) L’assouplissement des mesures de sauvegarde applicables à la fois lorsque la mort du patient est raisonnablement prévisible et lorsqu’elle ne l’est pas
e) La renonciation au consentement libre et éclairé au moment où l’aide médicale à mourir est fournie

2.2 La constitutionnalité du nouveau régime législatif : quelques interrogations
a) Le législateur devait-il modifier le régime en raison du jugement Truchon ayant
déclaré inconstitutionnel le critère de « mort naturelle devenue raisonnablement prévisible » ?
b) Le régime protège-t-il les droits à l’autonomie et à l’égalité substantive ? Le cas de la
discrimination systémique envers les femmes et les facteurs d’inégalités additionnels
incluant la maladie mentale et le handicap
c) L’inclusion dans le Code criminel d’une disposition prévoyant que la maladie mentale comme seule condition au soutien de la demande sera automatiquement
légalisée dans deux ans est-elle constitutionnelle ?

CONCLUSION

Canada's Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women (MMIW) will soon begin its work. This paper reviews the history and current ways that Canada's laws and legal system have and continue to discriminate against indigenous women, from Indian status, to property rights, to marital separation rights, to protection from abuse, to health care, reproductive rights, drugs and prostitution laws. The paper asks various questions for the MMIW Inquiry to answer. This discrimination against indigenous women has lasted longer than Canada's existence. The 150th celebration of confederation is coming; the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is more than 30 years old. When will the discrimination end? When will the Charter finally provide equality and security of the person to indigenous women? When will Canada's legal system finally stop hating indigenous women?

The task to reshape governments in the countries confronted with the Arab Spring prompts the question whether there are necessary conditions to realize a stable society that simultaneously seeks to eliminate the elements that have led to the uprisings. Acknowledging some constitutional rights seems indispensable in such a process. I argue that such a state of affairs is indeed the case, at least now that the ‘old’ justifications to differentiate between people do not suffice anymore. That is not to say that the countries involved will have identical laws in each respect, but merely that a common basis has to be realized, manifested in political and legal equality, so this given does not derogate from the fact that each country’s specific legislation needs to be shaped in the light of its own history. Such a basis has no ‘moral’ character, but is simply a necessary condition to prevent sedition.

Kadınların eşitlik mücadelesi ceza kanunlarında cinsel suçlara ilişkin pek çok hususu değiştirmiştir. Bu yazıda söz konusu değişimin öyküsü, seçilen konu başlıkları üzerinden anlatılmaktadır Bu konulardan bazıları cinsel suçlarla korunan ve zamanla değişen hukuki menfaat, bu değişimin teknik olarak kanun metinlerine etkisi, cinsel taciz ve stalking suçlarına ilişkin güncel gelişmeler, evlilik içi tecavüz, direnme yükümlülüğü ve tamir edici evliliktir.

Summary
Women’s equality struggle changed a lot of things in criminal codes about sexual crimes. In this work, the story of the said change is told at selected headlines. Some of these subjects are the legal value which is protected and which is changed by the time, effect of this change on legal texts, latest advances in sexual harassment and stalking crimes, martial rape, obligation of resistance and reparatory marriage.

Introductory courses dealing with sex, gender and sexuality are usually quite biased, going as far as to deny the reality of biology. Drawing on the Catholic tradition (Aquinas), this article presents an accessible argument aimed at restoring deliberative balance in the classroom.

From the earliest campaign against Augusto Pinochet’s repressive practices to the recent massive demonstrations against the World Trade Organization, transnational collective action involving nongovernmental organizations has been restructuring politics and changing the world. Ranging from Santiago to Seattle and covering more than twenty-five years of transnational advocacy, the essays in Restructuring World Politics offer a clear, richly nuanced picture of this process and its far-reaching implications in an increasingly globalized political economy. The book brings together scholars, activists, and policy makers to show how such advocacy addresses—and reshapes—key issues in the areas of labor, human rights, gender justice, democratization, and sustainable development throughout the world.

A primary goal of transnational advocacy is to create, strengthen, implement, and monitor international norms. How transnational networks go about doing this, why and when they succeed, and what problems and complications they face are the main themes of this book. Looking at a wide range of cases where nongovernmental actors attempt to change norms and the practices of states, international organizations, and firms in the private sector—from debt restructuring to protecting human rights, from anti-dam projects in India to the prodemocracy movement in Indonesia—the authors compellingly depict international nongovernmental organizations and transnational social movements as considerable, emerging powers in international politics, initiating, facilitating, and directing the transformation of global norms and practices.

Talk of gender identity is at the core of heated current philosophical and political debates. Yet, it is unclear what it means to have one. I examine several ways of understanding this concept in light of core aims of trans writers and activists. Most importantly, the concept should make good trans people’s understanding of their own gender identities and help understand why misgendering is a serious harm and why it is permissible to require information about people’s gender identities in public life. I conclude that none of the available accounts meets these essential criteria, on the assumption that the gender norms of femininity and masculinity are unjustified. But we can, and should, pursue the feminist project without “gender identity”. Such feminism can include trans people because it is possible to account for the specific harm of misgendering without assuming a claim to the recognition of our gender identities. I conclude that we should eliminate the concept of “gender identity.” To understand the phenomena that are putatively captured by “gender identity,” we are better off employing other concepts, such as “sexual dysphoria,” (assigned or aspirational) “gender roles,” and (internalised or endorsed) “gender norms”. These concepts can usefully replace “gender identity” in an individual evaluation of each of the trans people’s claims to inclusion into particular spaces.

Özet: Kişinin kendi bedeni üzerinde sahip olduğu haklar ve tasarruf etme yetkisi hukukun en çok üzerinde durduğu ve düzenlediği hususlardan biri olmuştur. Modern Çağ’da kölelik kurumunun yasal düzenlemelerle yasaklanması ve özgürlükçü düşüncelerin giderek egemen olması sonucu 21. yüzyılda her kişinin kendi bedeni üzerinde söz sahibi olduğu başka bir deyişle yasal düzenlemelerin kapsamında sınırlı mülkiyet hakkına sahip olduğu kabul edilmiştir. Bununla beraber insanlığın var olduğu zamandan günümüze kadının doğasına yapılan atıf sonucu kadının doğuran ve dolayısıyla üretim aracı olarak görülmesi ve bunun üzerinden tanımlanması söz konusu olmuştur. Bu çalışma kadının kendi bedeni üzerindeki tasarruf hakkı, kürtaj kavramı ve uygulamasına odaklanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede yasal düzenlemelere egemen olan ataerkil düşünce yapısının kadın bedeni üzerindeki etkileri incelenmektedir.
Anahtar Sözcükler: Türk Hukuku, insan hakları, kişilik hakkı, kadın bedeni, kürtaj hakkı

                          THE  RIGHT TO AN ABORTION UNDER TURKISH LAW

Abstract: The legal rights of a person and his/her power of disposition concerning his/her own body has been one of the most deliberated issues by law which also happen to be one of the most regulated. Today, in 21st century every person has a say on his/her own body. As a result of the abolition of slavery by legal action and thanks to the gradual increase in favor of Libertarian thought throughout the Modern Era, at this point within the scope of legal regulations every person is considered to have a limited right on own body. It is argued that as a consequence of constant enquiries into the nature of women, women are conceived and defined as a means of production. This study will focus on the women’s right to their own bodies with giving a special emphasize on the concept and practice of abortion. In this context the negative effects of the patriarchal mentality that reflects on the regulations will be assessed as an intervention to the body of women.
Key Words: Turkish law, human rights, personality rights, women body, right to abortion

This manual was created in the context of the “DIONE” project for the main purpose of empowering current and future working mothers by providing basic information and guidelines with respect to their labour rights and addressing incidents of dismissal or discrimination on grounds of pregnancy or maternity. This manual is also a useful tool for professional bodies that offer support (counselling, psychological, legal, ancillary) services to working or dismissed women as well as employers and human resource managers, who wish to enhance their knowledge on this issue.

Disclaimer:
This publication was prepared with the financial support of the Rights, Equality and Citizenship (REC) Programme of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of author and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Commission.

Sponsored by the elected hereditary peer Lord Lucas (12th Baron Lucas and 8th Lord Dingwall) The Equality (Titles) Bill was a private member’s bill to:  “make provision for the succession of female heirs to hereditary titles; for husbands and civil partners of those receiving honours to be allowed to use equivalent honorary titles to those available to wives; and for connected purposes”.

The Bill was introduced into the House of Lords on 14 May 2013 and passed Second Reading on 25 October 2013.

As an interested party, The Standing Council of the Baronetage, the official body representing baronets (hereditary "Sirs"), commissioned a formal Opinion from Rafe Heydel-Mankoo.

The Opinion was issued as the Bill entered the Committee stage.

In summary, the Bill dealt with two issues:

1. Female succession to hereditary peerages and baronetcies
2. The conferral of titles on the husbands and same-sex married partners of titled persons.

For many interested parties, the first issue can be subdivided into two similar but separate issues:
1 (a):  Female succession to hereditary peerages and baronetcies to prevent sex discrimination.
1 (b):  Female succession to hereditary peerages and baronetcies to prevent the extinction of peerages and baronetcies due to lack of male heirs.

Rafal Heydel-Mankoo acknowledged that The Equality (Titles) Bill was well-intentioned, and its proponents, undoubtedly inspired by the Succession to the Crown Act 2013 (an Act to change the
law of succession to the British throne from male-preference primogeniture to gender-neutral absolute primogeniture), were clearly motivated by laudable principles of fairness and equality. 

However his conclusion was that an admirable motivation did nothing to alter the fact that The Equality (Titles) Bill was fundamentally unsound and suffered from poor drafting and a failure to comprehend the complexity of the baronetage, the peerage and peerage law.

Pričujoči prispevek tematizira vprašanja (ne)enakosti spolov v akademskem polju v Slo- veniji in vlogo institucij pri reproduciranju neenakosti v njem. V članku najprej na osnovi nekaterih izbranih statističnih podatkov predstavimo trenutno »stanje stvari« v slovenskem akademskem prostoru in ugotavljamo, kakšna je razporeditev moči (odločanja) v njem. V nadaljevanju z analizo samopredstavitvenih dokumentov treh slovenskih univerz, dostop- nih na njihovih spletnih straneh, posebnih institutov, ukrepov ali politik enakosti spolov na tem področju skušamo poiskati odgovor na vprašanje, kako spol mislijo izbrane akademske institucije v Sloveniji. Zbrane podatke in ugotovitve nato primerjamo s stanjem na izbranih bližnjih akademskih institucijah (Univerza na Dunaju in Univerza v Bologni), ki vzpostavljanje enakosti spolov razumeta kot prednostno nalogo. Glede na tako pridobljene in primerjane podatke prispevek sklenemo z ugotovitvijo, da akademske institucije v Sloveniji spola ne mis- lijo.
KLJUČNE BESEDE spol, ženske, enakost, moč, akademsko polje, institucije

Academic Institutions in Slovenia and Gender (In)Equality
The paper addresses the issue of gender (in)equality in the academic field in Slovenia and the role of institutions in the reproduction of inequality therein. On the basis of selected statistical data, the article begins by presenting the “state of affairs” in the Slovenian academic field and determins the distribution of its (decision-making) power. We continue with an analysis of the ”self-presentation documents” from three Slovene universities, of the special institutes, and of the measures or gender equality policies in this field. Thus, we try to find an answer to the question of how gender is thought of by the selected academic institutions in Slovenia. We then compare the collected data and findings with the situation at selected nearby academic institutions (University of Vienna and the University of Bologna) which understand gender equality as a priority. According to the obtained and compared data, the article concludes that the academic institutions in Slovenia do not think gender.
KEYWORDS gender, women, equality, power, academic field, institutions

This article analyzes how concepts of gender, gender equality, and secularism have been addressed by the higher judiciary in India in cases dealing with matters of religion. The discussion focuses on three landmark decisions of the Indian Supreme Court on gender equality. The cases involve challenges to discriminatory religious practices that target women in the Muslim-minority and Hindu-majority communities. In each case, gender equality is taken up in relation to religion in ways that produce several outcomes for women that are problematic rather than ones that are unequivocally progressive or transformative. The judicial reasoning in each case resonates with the Hindu Right's approach to gender, gender equality, and secularism. Each concept is used to advance the Hindu Right's majoritarian and ideological agenda, which seeks to establish India as a virile "Hindu" nation. Ironically, interventions by progressive groups, including feminist and human rights advocates opposed to the Hindu Right's makeover of the Indian nation, have not proved to be disruptive of gender norms; nor have they pushed back the tides of Hindu (male) majoritarianism that are increasingly determining the terms of engagement on issues of gender and faith in law.
Keywords: secularism, Hindu Right, gender, equality, freedom of religion, religious majoritarianism.

The Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 1979 (CEDAW) is one of the core international legal instrument aiming at the protection and promotion of women's rights. It is considered as the most comprehensive code of women's rights at international level, with its overwhelming focus on socioeconomic , civil, political and cultural rights in all spheres of women's life. However, with the inherent weak enforcement mechanism and with the numerous number of reservations made by the State Parties it is sometime doubted how far the Convention serves as an effective tool for promoting and protecting women's right, since such reservations jeopardizes the very essence of the convention−to ensure 'substantive equality' both at public and private life of the women. This article examines these different aspects of the CEDAW, namely what it promises to achieve and in reality what are the impediments to materialization of those promises−the pain of the promise.

During the early 20th century when white English women were writing by using pseudonyms, Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain a Muslim married woman (institutionally uneducated) wrote a science fiction. Despite barriers like gender, religion, language, and subordination from both Western feminists as well as her counterparts from non-Muslim backgrounds, she didn’t cry for equality rather claimed her voice and became one of the most significant feminist voices in the history of the twentieth century world literature.

The article reveals a historical source that has been overlooked in the research of Israeli society and women, including the history of Israeli feminism: the Hebrew journal Ha'ishah bamedinah, edited by Tehila Matmon and published for just four years, between 1949 and 1953. The journal's declared mission was to raise the awareness of Israeli women to the intolerable gap between the State's declared equality between men and women and the situation in real life, and to urge women to take action and release society of the chains of discrimination. The journal's unique content and rhetoric may be one reason why it succumbed to oblivion. From a historical perspective, its editor was way ahead of her time.

Esta publicación ha sido posible gracias, en primer lugar, a la colaboración del museo romano oiasso, de san telmo museoa, de la universitat de Barcelona, de la université toulouse III, de la université lyon 2, del laboratoire d'histoire et de patrimoine de montréal, de Icom-España y del Ecomuseu de les Valls d'Àneu. y, en segundo lugar, a los apoyos económicos de las siguientes instituciones: el Vicerrectorado del campus de gipuzkoa de la upV/EHu; la fundación canadá; el Departamento de Educación del gobierno Vasco; y el Departamento de cultura, turismo, Juventud y Deportes de la Diputación foral de gipuzkoa. por último, este libro se ha llevado a cabo en el marco del grupo investigación El patrimonio cultural y natural en tiempos de crisis. Retos, adaptaciones y estrategias en contextos locales (cso2015-68611-r) financiado por el ministerio de Economía y competitividad, y del grupo de Investigación en patrimonio construido (It890-16) del sistema universitario Vasco.

This article introduces the special issue on diversity and equality. We discuss the development of European Union anti-discrimination legislation, in particular as relates to gender and race/ ethnicity, and the ways in which different European countries have implemented equality legislation. We also explore the complexities of the translation of the North American concept of diversity to European contexts. In conclusion we consider the interconnections between law and the 'voluntary' initiatives of employers and trade unions, and compare the contributions of the articles that follow.

Abstract
The recent rise in the intensity of the call for equality between men and women and the increasing number of accusing fingers pointed at the Islamic legislation vis-à-vis the woman, claiming that the Muslim Woman is oppressed, discriminated against and/or subjugated, calls for detailed studies of the status of women in Islam and the issue of equality. This paper looks at the status of Woman in Islam as a part of an intricate, perfectly-balanced, comprehensive, divine system and each component of which may be misconceived, misunderstood or misinterpreted when viewed in isolation. The paper is a self criticism of the Muslims’ poor practice of the ideals taught by Islam, and a refutation of accusations of women oppression labeled against Islam by many non-Muslim. The first discusses the status of women in before the coming of Islam, in modern times and in Islam. Then it identifies the areas in which women differ from men under Islamic Law, and concludes that equality is the general rule and that Islam does not differentiate between the two except in certain issues, mostly in mu'amalat. Subsequently, Issues such as Islamic legislations legal witness and inheritance are presented and placed in their proper context proving the perfection in this Divine Balance and refuting the mistaken notions of subjugation and or relegating women to an insignificant background in Islam.

Women in Global Perspective

In this multidisciplinary course we are going to compare and contrast different social and cultural systems. We are going to analyze how these systems have affected gender ideologies and gender practices and how women’s social, cultural, economic, and political roles have changed over time.  The emphasis is on pre-industrial and contemporary “Third World” particularly in pre-industrial and “non-Western” societies, where the majority of the world’s female population lives. This course draws on recent anthropological, sociological, historical, political science and women’s studies research to understand factors related to gender inequality and women’s empowerment a global context.

By analyzing different country specific feminist movements, we are going to understand gender dynamics in contexts outside the United States and Western Europe in order to see the interconnection among societies (in examining the impact of colonialism and neocolonialism, for example) in shaping gender ideologies and practices.

We are using all these perspectives to understand, think, speak, and write critically about origins and development of gender ideologies and practices across historical periods, societies, and cultures.
By identifying important problems those women in different parts of the contemporary world face and solutions offered by different authors, we are going to indeepen the complexities of the issues that women face across the globe.

The development of the Macedonian female education began with the opening of the first female school in Prilep by the teacher Nedela Petkova in 1865. The request of Prilep municipality for educating girls in order to gain knowledge contributed to the formation of a center of the female education in Macedonia. After Nedela Petkova left the town, after a several-year closedown of its work, the school was re-opened again in 1870. Since then it worked continuously until the Balkan Wars. The number of girls who learned in the female school in Prilep was constantly increasing. Some of the most outstanding teachers in the XIX century were Sava Palasheva, Evgenia Jančuleva, Cvetanka Senokozlieva etc.

Research Question: Discuss how women's role (e.g. as a mother, worker, wife etc.) in the society has changed throughout the last century (the 20th century). Choose a specific society to give examples. Women's Roles in the 20 th Century When the humankind established civilization, they also developed social order to maintain it. This social order created some divisions between genders and there was always a competition among them in terms of acquiring superiority. In the ancient states, the matriarchal system was common because in the polytheistic religions fertility and plentifulness was associated, and the world was not integrated; thus, this isolation prevented the varieties and woman was the respectful and superior. However, when the monotheistic religions occurred and the economic dependence turned agriculture to trade based, world integration was inevitable. To clarify that, within the changes of religion and economy, structure of woman is also changed and the system becomes patriarchal. The new order, which was patriarchy, diminished the roots of matriarchy and tried to limit women and just consider their fertility and sexuality. This situation brings new gender stereotypes and roles. In order to be a part of society, women had to comply and accept male dominance, and this made women as secondary beings. However, after the Industrial Revaluation, women enter into work place and this was the beginning of groundbreaking. Because, patriarchal system put women into home and make them private, but when they see the public, they gain awareness and this situation gave a start for the feminist movements. Indeed, the 20th century is really crucial for the women rights because it includes radical changes in the patriarchal system. Feminism movement has an immense effect on changing women's roles and structure of gender mainstreaming in the 20th century in terms of changing dynamics of family foundation: domestic to public, political rights and economic power of women. The main essential reason why women's roles altered so rapidly in the 20th century is the effect of changing dynamics of family foundation on women roles; domestic to public. Family is the very first 1

Dacia Maraini’s 1970s dramaturgical oeuvre evidences an undisputable commitment to the cause of second-wave Italian feminism. While the interconnection between social protest and women’s self-representation in Maraini’s theatre has amply, and convincingly, been discussed, her use of feminist ideology in disrupting existing aesthetic conventions has largely been neglected by the Italian critical canon.
This talk will discuss two plays by Maraini belonging to what the author has identified as her most militant (‘barricade’) theatre: Il Manifesto (1969) and La donna perfetta (1974). Taking these works as emblematic of the social and political activism that informed Italian feminist dramaturgy at its onset, I will look at both the dramatic text (i.e. the stage dialogue) and the performance text (i.e. the original video recordings of the performances) to argue that the (female) body lies at the very centre of their discourse. My talk evaluates the extent to which theatre served as an ideological vehicle for feminism in representing and denouncing women’s gender roles in 1970s Italy, and it also assesses how, in turn, feminist ideology impacted on theatre in departing from existing dramatic conventions and introducing new aesthetic advances.
Continuing the line of mimetic rejection inaugurated in the Italian context by Luigi Pirandello amongst others whilst also distancing itself from the excess of experimentalism of the coeval (neo-)avantgarde, Maraini’s feminist theatre is a convincing political tool to restore the voice of women’s long silenced body — with the focus on the theatrical nature (‘theatrical’ in the sense of both dramatic and deliberately exaggerated) of the gender(ed) identity performed on stage. Starting from the premise that our masculine and feminine roles are not rooted in biology or anatomy, but in codes of behaviour that are learned and then re-enacted on a daily basis, the plays I will be discussing the way in which feminist performance can become a privileged site through which these reiterations emerge, and theatre the subversive space that makes this emergence possible.

As the Evangelical Theological Society celebrates 65 years of a blessed existence, we are looking back from where we came and looking forward to where we are going. But unless we can move forward with all evangelicals, our work will not survive.

The ETS is patently under-populated by women. Currently only 7% of the members are female. But even this percent is high compared to the (in)visible role of women within the society and in the journal. The object of this paper, therefore, will be to explore the dissonance between the purposes of the ETS, the mission of the journal, and the constitutional by-laws with actual member participation, journal involvement, and conference activity of women.

If the ETS wants to move vibrantly into the future, we must evaluate our current trajectory. Underutilizing the expertise of trained evangelical women scholastics entails the quality of academic work is lopsided, and the theological mind dwarfed. While simply saying that female participation should represent gender percentage in the world would be not only unreasonable but also legalistic, fostering a learned environment that supports women’s academic advances and advancement must be more fully addressed. Our future depends on it.

For women and girls, gender-sensitive legislation is one of the greatest gateways to security and improved status within society. Outdated legal frameworks, discriminatory legislation, and inaccessible justice systems are just some of the issues women and girls contend with the world over. In the case of the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), the legal framework has yet to adapt to contemporary developments. The history of the region can be read in the current legislation, which is a patchwork of laws from various current and historical administrations. Indeed, the current legal framework in the oPt is a mixture of Jordanian, Egyptian, Palestinian, Ottoman and British laws, as well as Israeli
military orders, many of which were inherited from the colonial period. Yet, in the past decade, attempts at legal reform have encountered a series of barriers. Efforts on the ground persist,but change is slow to come.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) has undoubtedly gone a long way in protecting the human rights of people in Africa. However, there is a need to further protect the rights of females, who have a significant player in peace,  growth and development,  particularly in Africa.

While the ACHPR provided the framework for the general protection of human rights in Africa, it did not adequately address the rights of women within socioeconomic and political circles. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) on the Rights of Women in Africa, also known as the Maputo Protocol, was designed to complement the ACHPR and further develop and protect women's rights in Africa.

This paper will briefly highlight the ACHPR to provide a better understanding of the Protocol, analyze the impact of the Protocol on the rights of women in Africa, the extent to which the Protocol has been complied with and eventually propose the way forward where there is little compliance with the Protocol.

The chapter deals with the global issue of advancing women's role in higher education and research (HE&R) as a mechanism for reaching the Sustainable Development Goal 5-gender equality. Gender analysis method is employed to identify historical and current differences between women and men relative to their participation in HE&R and access to decision-making and resources therein. The focus is on the global challenge of gender disparities, including horizontal and vertical segregation, the androcentric academic culture, and the gender pay gap. The authors warn of possible contamination of AI with human gender biases, which can be detrimental to academic hiring and assessment procedures. Summarizing gender-equality policies and practices available worldwide, the authors give recommendations on women's empowerment in HE&R on the global, national, and organizational levels. For the full text please revert to: https://www.igi-global.com/chapter/womens-empowerment-as-a-tool-for-sustainable-development-of-higher-education-and-research-in-the-digital-age/264075

במאמר זה אני דן בכלל המובא במשנה לפיו נשים פטורות ממצוות עשה שהזמן גרמן. אני מביא את המקורות במשנה, במדרשי ההלכה ובתלמודים בהם הנושא נדון. בהמשך המאמר אני מביא את התייחסותם של הוגי היהדות לאורך הדורות להסבר הכלל, למקורו ולסיבתו. כמו כן את דיוניהם בפרטי הכלל הזה וביוצאים מן הכלל. בסוף המאמר אני מביא את עמדת המחקר בן זמננו על הנושא.

Attempting to depict the status of women and their struggles in a patriarchal society in the movie suffragette (2015), this paper is expanded upon postmodern feminism, a theory which sees both men's and women's perspectives at once and defends human rights to establish a

“In the practice of spiritual cult there is no distinction nor can there ever be – between men and women” explains Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar.  Throughout his life, the author was deeply concerned about the conditions of women in society. He supported the emancipation of women from the bonds of dogma and ignorance. He laid the foundations of a society that accords men and women equal dignity and responsibility. P. R. Sarkar (1921-1990) was a spiritual guru and founder the international socio-spiritual organization Ananda Marga (“Path of Bliss”). – Richard Gauthier, Department of Chemistry and Physics, Santa Rosa Junior College, Santa Rosa, California, USA, April 24, 2021.