Women's Human Rights

Los testimonios sobre la represión franquista: la mirada de las víctimas y la judicialización de la historia 1 HUGO GARCÍA E L mercado editorial español se está saturando de literatura testimo- nial en torno a nuestra historia reciente, y en concreto a sus episodios más traumáticos: la Guerra Civil y la Dictadura franquista. Las cifras hablan por sí solas: desde el año 2000, han entrado en el catálogo de la Biblioteca Nacional 101 «relatos personales» sobre la Guerra, sólo uno menos que en toda la década de los 90. Algunas de estas memorias, es cierto, se publican por primera vez, seguramente porque sus autores han sentido la necesidad de transmitir su experiencia al llegar a una edad avanzada. Pero la mayoría son reediciones de obras ya publicadas, lo que indica que el fenómeno no es sólo producto del paso del tiempo. El hecho de que una buena parte de estos libros sean memorias de víctimas de la represión franquista sugiere, más bien, que el auge del testimonio tiene relación con el proyecto de recuperación de la «memoria histórica» de la Guerra y la Dictadura que ha marcado el debate político y mediático de la última década. Un proyecto que, como han señalado Santos Julia y Paloma Aguilar, está en parte vinculado al repentino interés que el Partido Socialista empezó a mostrar por el tema tras sus derrotas electorales en 1996 y 2000, aunque en él haya podido influir también la llegada a la madurez de la generación de la democracia 2 . Pero que, al mismo tiempo, responde a la voluntad de un grupo de historiadores y periodistas de romper la «conspiración contra la memoria» impuesta por la Dictadura sobre sus excesos: una conspiración que, a juicio de estos autores, los gobiernos constitucionales no han sabido o no han querido desmontar 3 . La relación entre ambos fenómenos se refleja en el hecho de que los historiadores que han defendido con más ahínco la necesidad de recupe-1 Este texto se basa, en parte, en los consejos que me han dado mis compañeros del de-

TBB TV Youtube kanalında yayımlanan (Eğitimin linki: https://www.youtube.com/live/AowL52F-l1I?si=9VctPX0JkwbS7YJc) ve Türkiye Barolar Birliği Eğitim Merkezi ve TÜRAVAK tarafından düzenlenen Çalışma Hayatında Kadın Hakları Eğitim Programına katıldım. Eğitimin her aşaması, kadın hakları ve eşitlik konusunda derinlemesine bilgi edinmemi sağladı.
Öncelikle, değerli bilgilerini bizlerle paylaşan tüm konuşmacılara teşekkür ederim. Gerçekten çok aydınlatıcı ve faydalı bir eğitimdi. Bu program kadınların da insan olduğunu ve eşit haklara sahip bireyler olarak kabul edilmesi gerektiğini içselleştirmiş, cinsiyet veya hayat görüşü fark etmeksizin gerçek insan hakları savunucularının önemine güçlü bir vurgu yapmıştır.
Bu eğitim, bana umut verdi ve Atatürk’ün "Umutsuz durumlar yoktur, umutsuz insanlar vardır" sözünün ne kadar doğru olduğunu tekrar hatırlattı.
Ne yazık ki, bu değerlere sahipmiş gibi görünen ancak gerçekte oldukça uzak olan kişi ve yapılarla hayatın her alanında karşılaşabiliyoruz. Bu nedenle, samimi ve tutarlı bir hak savunusunun ne kadar kıymetli olduğunu bir kez daha görmüş oldum.
Bu eğitim programına katılımımın ardından, kendi çapımda küçük bir katkıda bulunabilmek adına eğitimde aktarılan bilgileri ve dikkatimi çeken bölümleri ders notu haline getirdim. Notum, kişisel görüş içermemekte olup yalnızca TBB – TÜRAVAK Çalışma Hayatında Kadın Hakları Eğitim Programı’ndaki konuşmacıların aktardıkları ve dikkatimizi çeken bölümler özetlenerek, sunumlarının içeriğine yer verilmeye çalışılmıştır. Eksiksiz bir çalışma olmayı taahhüt etmemektedir. Ekte bulabilirsiniz.
Ve son olarak, 8 Mart Dünya Kadınlar Günümüz kutlu olsun! 💜 ✨ 
#KadınHakları #İnsanHakları #Eşitlik #TBB #TÜRAVAK
Prof. Dr. Gaye Burcu YILDIZ
Av. Hediye Gökçe Baykal
Av. Dilşad Çiğdem Sever
Birce Albayrak (she/her/hers)
Türkiye Barolar Birliği
TBB Türavak

L'obtention récente du droit de vote des Koweïtiennes à la faveur d'un amendement à la loi électorale, voté le 16 mai 2005, rappelle s'il en était besoin que le suffrage des femmes n'est pas partout et toujours allé de soi. La France, qui se présente volontiers comme la patrie des droits de l'homme, n'échappe pas à ce constat. Aussi, en une année particulièrement riche en commémorations célébrant le soixantième anniversaire d'une victoire chèrement acquise sur la barbarie nazie, convient-il de rappeler que la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale a également coïncidé avec l'accession pleine et entière des Françaises à la citoyenneté.

This paper examines the theoretical alignment between feminism and multiculturalism, focusing on their shared goals of equality, diversity, and challenging societal norms. It explores how both movements use law to promote rights and address discrimination, while considering the feminist critique of multiculturalism, particularly regarding practices that harm women. The paper highlights the tension between cultural autonomy and women's rights, emphasizing the complexities of navigating these issues in liberal societies.

Caste discrimination and domestic violence against women are pervasive societal issues that intersect, perpetuating cycles of oppression and inequality. This paper explores the historical, social, and legal dimensions of these interconnected problems, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive approach to address them. By analyzing case studies, legal frameworks, and social reform initiatives, this research highlights the gaps in policy and the importance of empowering marginalized communities, particularly women, to create an inclusive and equitable society. In the context of Nepal, rape cases and incidents of domestic violence against women occur frequently, highlighting the pervasive nature of such issues. These activities are particularly prevalent in countries like Nepal and India. A concerning example is the plight of female doctors who dedicate themselves to serving patients in hospitals, only to face the threat of sexual violence from the very individuals whose lives they strive to save. This raises a pressing question: why do such individuals commit such heinous acts, targeting those who offer them care and compassion? In some remote areas of Nepal, daughters are often unable to say 'No' to their families, regardless of whether the family's decisions are right or wrong, reflecting deep-rooted patriarchal norms and limited autonomy for women in such regions.

In some Middle Eastern ethnicities, in order to end conflicts triggered by murder, a girl from the killer's family marries a man from the victim's family as part of the compensation. Given that the right to choose a spouse and freely consent to marriage is one of the bestknown women's human rights, this type of marriage is an example of violence against women and gender-based discrimination. Identifying the types of traditional dispute resolution rituals that lead to compensation marriage and delineating the extent of this custom reveals the importance of a solution; and by investigating the origins, acceptance, and durability of the phenomenon, we can discover why traditional societies tend to preserve it. Interpretation of the data makes it clear that these societies are transitioning from tradition to modernity, but patriarchal thinking and commodification of women still dominate the collective tribal spirit.

En este artículo me enfocaré en analizar ciertas complejidades metodológicas que se presentaron cuando trabajé desde una mirada antropológica prácticas sexuales y eróticas de mujeres mexicanas en la red social Twitter (ahora X). Posicionándome en la cuestión de la otredad y la implicación en el trabajo de campo, produzco una crítica hacia ciertos postulados de lo que se considera la “etnografía tradicional”, que exhiben que cuando una metodología creativa y particular es propuesta, irremediablemente se presentan problemas académicos y personales que están entrelazados principalmente con la moral, la ética y el género, lo que me posibilita reflexionar esta situación bajo una mirada feminista,
a favor de la creación de etnografías más flexibles y dinámicas.

El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar un diagnóstico de las violencias e impactos, así como de las necesidades de atención psicosocial que las mujeres defensoras de derechos humanos en Kivu Norte (República Democrática del Congo) identifican a partir de su experiencia. En concreto, aportamos información de utilidad en dos direcciones: por un lado, para las propias mujeres defensoras que ejercen su labor en este complejo escenario –y, especialmente, para las que han participado en la elaboración de este diagnóstico–, con objeto de que puedan reforzar sus demandas y posicionamientos; y por otro lado, para las organizaciones de la cooperación internacional que trabajan en el este de la RDC, de manera que puedan orientar su acción en este ámbito clave del fortalecimiento individual y colectivo de las defensoras. Para ello, presentamos la metodología del diagnóstico y varias características de las defensoras en Kivu Norte participantes en el mismo. Posteriormente, repasamos algunas de las violaciones de derechos humanos que enfrentan las defensoras y señalamos los impactos principales que tienen en sus vidas. Y, finalmente, sobre esta base, examinamos qué necesidades de atención psicosocial identifican, tanto con respecto a las víctimas supervivientes de violencia que acompañan, como con respecto a sus propias necesidades de atención y protección.

L’objectif de ce travail est de présenter un état des lieux des violences et des impacts, mais surtout des besoins de prise en charge psychosociale que les femmes défenseuses des droits humains du Nord-Kivu identifient à partir de leur expérience. Ceci est indispensable afin de protéger leur vie et leur santé, soutenir leur travail et reconnaître leur contribution à la transformation des conflits et à la consolidation de la paix. Pour être précis, nous apporterons des informations que nous voulons utiles à deux niveaux fondamentaux : d’une part, pour les femmes défenseuses ellesmêmes qui effectuent leur travail dans ce scénario complexe – en particulier pour celles ayant participé à l’élaboration de ce diagnostic–, afin qu’elles puissent renforcer leurs revendications et leurs positions ; et d’autre part, pour les organisations de coopération internationale qui agissent dans l’est de la RDC, afin qu’elles puissent orienter leur action dans ce domaine clé du renforcement individuel et collectif des capacités des femmes défenseuses. A cet effet, nous présenterons dans ce qui suit la méthodologie de diagnostic ainsi que plusieurs caractéristiques des femmes défenseuses des droits humains du Nord-Kivu qui y ont participé. Par la suite nous passerons en revue certaines des violations des droits humains auxquelles sont confrontées les défenseuses et nous signalerons les principaux impacts que ces violations ont sur leur vie. Et pour terminer, prenant appui sur ces informations, nous examinerons quels besoins de prise en charge psychosociale elles ont identifiés, tant pour les victimes survivantes de violences qu’elles accompagnent que pour leurs propres besoins de soins et de protection.

This article explores the significance of NGO monitoring of Australia’s implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). As an active participant in mechanisms to protect women’s rights globally and domestically, Australia played an important role in the drafting of CEDAW, which obligates it to periodically report on its implementation efforts. We offer autoethnographic accounts of our advocacy experience at the Pre-Sessional Working Group of the CEDAW Committee, providing an exploration of feminist ethnography and the lived experiences of women in advocacy. By examining these experiences, the article highlights the critical role of civil society participation, particularly through an intersectional lens, in enhancing the effectiveness of UN processes.

Este texto analiza la evolu­ción de la aplicación del instrumento internacional específico de protección de los derechos humanos de las mujeres -la CEDAW- antes, durante y des­pués del conflicto que ha tenido lugar en la Repú­blica Democrática del Congo, un conflicto cuyas consecuencias vulneran, todavía a día de hoy, de manera especialmente flagrante los derechos hu­manos de las mujeres.
Para ello, el texto se divide en seis apartados. Tras la introductorio, en segundo lugar, se analiza brevemente la Convención para la eliminación de todas las formas de discrimina­ción contra la mujer, especialmente, su contenido y el Comité encargado de su aplicación y vigilancia. En tercer lugar, se recoge la evolución de la par­ticipación de la RDC en la CEDAW. Seguidamente, en cuarto lugar, se analiza el contenido de los in­formes presentados por este país. En quinto lugar, se estudian los obstáculos para la aplicación de la CEDAW y las recomendaciones realizadas por el Comité. Finalmente, en sexto lugar, se recogen al­gunas conclusiones.

The reception of the legal definition of feminicide by the Brazilian criminal justice system has, in practice, restricted its framework to the verification of four elements: (i) intimate affectionate relationship; (ii)
of the heterosexual type; (iii) committed by a cisgender man; (iv) against a cisgender woman. Through empirical research in the State Courts
of Justice in the Southeast Region and the feminist theoretical-critical framework, we intend to contribute to an interpretation of the criminal
type less biased by stereotypical or standardized constructs.

En este texto se expone un conjunto de ideas que tiene la finalidad de hacernos pensar sobre el archivo y la Archivística a partir de las inquietudes actuales. La información histórica se utiliza para mostrar cómo llegamos a este presente, que se caracteriza por problemas inéditos para los que no tenemos todas las soluciones necesarias. También se incluye un poco de prospección para tratar de dilucidar hacia dónde deberían dirigirse las acciones e intereses de la Archivística en los próximos años.

En este artículo, se analizaron los distintos estatus de las mujeres migrantes, refugiadas, desplazadas, apátridas y los instrumentos internacionales de derechos humanos específicos que regulan su situación. Se partió de una explicación del impacto diferenciado de género presente en los procesos de movilidad humana. Se analizaron textos internacionales buscando en ellos referencias a las mujeres, la igualdad y la presencia o ausencia del enfoque de género. Esto se vinculó con la Agenda 2030 y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible, en particular con el ODS 5. Se concluyó que los procesos de movilidad humana en general, y las migraciones en particular, no desaparecerán, por lo que se hace necesario que los sistemas de protección internacional de derechos humanos sigan transformándose para adecuarse a los nuevos retos que enfrentan las mujeres y la Agenda 2030 puede contribuir a que sus derechos se hagan realidad.

This study aims to analyze the governance of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in overcoming gender-based cyber violence. Good governance in policy frameworks and institutional institutions is needed to meet cybersecurity needs in an inclusive and gender-sensitive manner. Using DCAF's simple security tools, the NAPRI tool helps its users analyze how the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina can apply the principles of good governance and gender inclusion. This study uses qualitative methods with descriptive analysis using secondary data. The findings of this study are that the legal framework of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina is regulated in the framework of gender equality, the framework of violence against women, criminal law, international treaties, and conventions. The law analyzes cybersecurity and gender mechanisms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Institutional governance practices are catalysts for combating the gender effects of cybersecurity incidents and acce...

is one of the sub caste of Erukula which come under schedule tribes and indigenous people, a most vulnerable, least population group, rarely find in rural, urban and suburban areas of Kadapa district of Andhra Pradesh. The population is distributed in B.Kodur, Badwel, Porumamilla, Kadapa and Jammalamadugu Mandals The families live in groups away from the residential areas in hemispherical thick cloth or plastic sheet roofing small huts. Five or more persons include children and wives live in the small hut. No records are available for the population, number of voters, habitations, habitats and the employees in the caste. 2. The Population The tribes populated in the Rayalaseema district, Kadapa, Ananthapur, Kurnool and Chittoor of Andhra Pradesh. They live in urban and rural areas away from the residential area. The urban camps consist 5 or 10 families and rural colonies consist 20 to 30 families. The Government provided pacca houses to rural tribes.But they dislike living in houses and live in huts constructed near colonies. No records are available for the population and number of voters. They are interested to enroll in the voter list. The local political leaders enroll them for their interests. A random sample of 3 urban camps and 4 rural colonies in Kadapa district were selected for enumeration of the population. Some empirical and extrapolation statistical method was used to estimate the population in Kadapa district. The total estimated population is to be 1320 in which the men to be 328 women to be 472 and children to be 520 and sex ratio is to be 80:100. The adult literacy is to be 1.8% and child literacy is to be 5% and school dropout is to 99.9%. 3. Livelihoods The main occupations of the families of the caste in urban and semi urban areas are pig rearing, wild palm tree leaves broom sticks and basket making waste hair (removed while combing ladies head) collection, and soothsaying. The women have greater role in the above activities. The pig rearing is main occupation because of availability of waste food and shelters and rest places (drainages) for pig rearing. They hide the pigs when Municipality alert to fire due to swine flue. The women make and sale the broom sticks, collect and sale the waste hair, beg food to feed children and pigs, soothsaying. The children and adult beg food in the residential areas. They hunt the birds for food. Man (Husband) dictates the women. The women temporarily migrate to other areas for soothsaying, collection of waste hairs, saler of boom sticks. The families living in the rural area are depending on above livelihood activities except pig rearing, because they have threat from the local farmers for damage of crops by stray pigs. So the rural families stopped pig rearing and mainly depend on the broom sticks due to availability of raw material wild palm tree leaves availability for making broom sticks. The rural migration to urban area is increasing to sustain on pig rearing and availability of fruit and vegetable waste in the dump yards and food waste from hotels for pig rearing. 4. Health Status:

This research examines the law and practice governing health and safety at the workplace in Tanzania, with an emphasis on identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the existing legal framework and its implementation. The study delves into the Occupational Health and Safety Act, 2003, as the primary legislation, alongside other relevant statutes, regulations, and international standards to which Tanzania is a signatory.  The research explores the institutional structure, focusing on the roles and effectiveness of the Occupational Safety and Health Authority (OSHA) and other regulatory bodies. Through a comprehensive analysis of legislative provisions and case studies, the study highlights critical areas such as workplace hazards, employee rights, employer responsibilities, enforcement mechanisms, and the legal remedies available to workers.
This methodology provides a holistic understanding of how laws are applied in practice and the real-world challenges faced by workers and employers in complying with health and safety standards. The findings reveal significant gaps in the current regulatory framework, including issues related to inadequate enforcement, limited resources and capacity of regulatory bodies, and low levels of awareness and compliance among employers and employees. The research also identifies best practices and lessons from other jurisdictions that could inform policy reforms and improve workplace health and safety in Tanzania.
Ultimately, the study offers well-reasoned recommendations aimed at enhancing the effectiveness of health and safety regulations. These include strengthening the legislative framework, improving enforcement mechanisms, increasing funding and capacity building for regulatory authorities, and fostering a culture of safety through education and training programs. This research contributes to the ongoing discourse on occupational health and safety in Tanzania and aims to support policymakers, regulators, employers, and workers in creating safer and healthier workplaces.

El dolor no debería tipificarse en términos de justo o injusto, merecido o inmerecido, sino a partir de las siguientes preguntas: ¿es un argumento en contra o a favor de la vida?, ¿la afirma o la niega? En un libro publicado en 1980, el criminólogo noruego Nils Christie observaba y denunciaba que el Estado, tal cual utiliza al dolor, sólo logra convertirlo en un trance siniestro: Una de mis premisas básicas será que se debe luchar para que se reduzca en el mundo el dolor infligido por el hombre. …el dolor hace crecer a la gente; …la hace más madura, la hace nacer de nuevo, tener un discernimiento más profundo…. Pero también hemos experimentado lo contrario: el dolor que detiene el crecimiento, el dolor que retrasa, el dolor que hace perversas a las personas. …mi posición puede condensarse diciendo que los sistemas sociales deberían construirse de manera que redujeran al mínimo la necesidad percibida de imponer dolor para lograr el control social. La aflicción es inevitable, pero no lo es el infierno creado por el hombre. Es importante realizar una acotación: parece haber en Christie dos tipos de dolor, o dos modos diferentes de habitar el dolor. La primera virtuosa, que les permite a las personas expandir sus potencialidades y darles cierta exuberancia a los procesos de subjetivación. Ahora bien, sobre el que vamos a concentrarnos en esta presentación es el segundo modo de habitar el dolor, el que inculpa a la vida, el que empuña el Estado, es lo que el mismo autor define como castigo. Si se nos aplica una pena, la cual es un mal con intención de ser eso, el dolor deviene castigo, y el castigo un motivo para negar el sentido afirmativo de la existencia. Por lo tanto, el castigo en Christie reúne elementos de dos reinos distintos: por un lado, refuerza la culpa, concepto de índole moral, y por el otro, rubrica la responsabilidad, categoría eminentemente jurídica. El verdadero límite que debemos exigir no tiene que ver principalmente con el dolor, sino con el castigo, o lo que es igual, aquí está claro que de lo que hablamos es del castigo; del sufrimiento intencional. El sistema penal tiene por objeto lastimar a la gente, no ayudarla o curarla. Esto último es lo que propugnamos al referirnos a los nuevos límites del dolor, por eso el título de la presente compilación. Y por eso sugeriremos algunos hechos que justifiquen tal encabezado.

Este texto analiza, por un lado, la implementación de la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad en la República Democrática del Congo a través de los dos Planes de Acción Nacional (PAN) aprobados hasta la fecha por el gobierno (en 2010 y 2020); y, por otro, la potencialidad de ambos PAN como instrumento de derechos humanos de las mujeres.

Introduction: Violence and discrimination against women are structural and historical scourges. The Colombian State establishes human dignity and equality as principles, values and rights. In addition, it has ratified international treaties on women's human rights. This implies the incorporation of the gender perspective in all spheres, understanding it as the process of assessing the implications for men and women of any planned action, be it legislation, policies or programs, in different scenarios, including the judicial. Objectives: To analyze the influence of the gender perspective in Colombian constitutional jurisprudence in order to identify the measures adopted to guarantee women's human rights in the Colombian context. Methods: This is a qualitative, jurisprudential and socio-legal study, focused on evaluating the application of law in the context of the issues addressed by the Constitutional Court of Colombia. It examines how legal norms contribute to the political purposes of the State, considering the social reality. Its objective is descriptive and it uses the analysis of emblematic rulings of the Court as a data collection technique. The criteria for selecting the rulings include cases on women's rights, their impact on legislation and public policies, and those that establish constitutional precedents. Conclusions: This paper examines how the gender perspective impacts constitutional jurisprudence in Colombia, in order to identify the measures adopted to safeguard women's human rights. Historically, male power has dominated society, generating inequalities and violence towards the feminine through institutions such as the family, education and religion. Since the 1991 Constitution, which establishes equality as a fundamental principle, laws and policies have been enacted to protect women's rights and combat gender-based violence. Despite this, the application of the gender approach by judges has been insufficient. The Constitutional Court has emphasized the importance of this approach to guarantee women's rights, playing a crucial role in transforming a patriarchal legal system into a more equitable one and seeking to impact both institutions and society in general.

Feminists and religious conservatives across the globe have increasingly turned to courts in their battles over abortion. Yet while a significant literature analyzes legal mobilization on abortion issues, it tends to focus predominantly on domestic scenarios. In this article, we consider the effects of this contentious engagement of pro-choice and anti-abortion movements in international human rights fora, asking what happens to social movement claims when they reach international human rights courts. We answer the question through a detailed description of a single case, Gretel Artavia Murillo et al. v. Costa Rica, decided by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2012 but with ongoing repercussions for abortion rights, given its authoritative interpretation of embryonic right to life. Through our analysis of Artavia Murillo, we show how legal mobilization before international human rights courts moderates social movement claims within the legal arena, as rivals respond to one another and argue within the frame of courts' norms and language.

Women's rights and gender equality are among the most important issues shaping the social, economic, and political structures of modern societies. The struggle for equality of women not only represents the effort to gain individual freedoms and rights but also symbolizes the process of democratization within society. In Turkey, while significant progress has been made in the historical context of women's rights and gender equality, the influence of gender norms and patriarchal cultural structures continues to shape these issues.
Among the most fundamental challenges women face in Turkey are discrimination rooted in gender inequality, femicides, domestic violence, unequal opportunities in the workplace, and the reproduction of societal roles. Femicides and incidents of violence should not only be seen as individual criminal cases but as one of the most concrete and tragic outcomes of gender inequality.
In this context, the Istanbul Convention, signed in 2011, holds a significant place in the international steps taken to protect women and secure their rights. However, Turkey's withdrawal from this convention in 2021 has sparked new debates on women's rights and the fight against violence. This situation presents itself as a deep societal issue that requires not only legal discussion but also sociological examination.
The position of women in the workforce is also an important area in terms of gender equality. Economic independence is a critical factor in empowering women, yet the participation rate of women in the workforce in Turkey remains significantly below global standards. Additionally, barriers such as the glass ceiling syndrome, wage inequality, workplace bullying, and societal gender roles limit women's presence in economic life.
This article will examine the issues of women's rights and gender equality in Turkey, the significance of the Istanbul Convention, the societal dynamics of femicides, and the inequalities women face in the workplace from a sociological perspective. Furthermore, the article will analyze how these processes are shaped by economic, political, and cultural factors, and will offer recommendations for the empowerment of women in society.

El artículo analiza la violencia de género en América Latina, centrándose en los casos de México, Brasil y Colombia. La violencia contra las mujeres ha sido reconocida como una violación de derechos humanos desde la Conferencia de Viena de 1993, con avances como la Convención de Belém do Pará. Aun así, persisten desafíos significativos en la región, exacerbados por el contexto de globalización y desigualdad social.

Se detallan tres tipos de violencia en la región: en Ciudad Juárez, México, se expone el feminicidio como ejemplo de violencia estructural y cultural, impulsado por la tolerancia del Estado y la impunidad; en Río de Janeiro, Brasil, la violencia urbana afecta principalmente a las mujeres de forma indirecta; en Colombia, el conflicto armado y el desplazamiento agravan la violencia de género. Las mujeres en estos países han organizado movimientos de resistencia y denuncia, exigiendo justicia, desarme y paz, y promoviendo una cultura de paz basada en los derechos humanos y la equidad.

En este artículo se analiza la obra teatral La Manzana de Eva como una práctica de investigación-creación, con el objetivo de conectar el proceso con las fabulaciones feministas, por medio del análisis del guion y la autoetnografía. Asimismo, se propone que esta práctica logre salir
de los lugares comunes asignados a las víctimas de violencia de género. Mediante la parodia, los afectos y la performatividad, las intérpretes habitan la categoría de víctimas desde nuevos
significados y se arriesgan a hacer gestos especulativos que las sitúan como protagonistas de su historia.
Palabras clave: producciones narrativas, violencia de género, cuerpo, afectos, fabulaciones feministas, especulación.

In Israel, the Orthodox minority enforces its conception of the good on Israeli-Jews, many of whom do not share their set of beliefs. This is the result of lack of separation between state and religion and the monopoly enjoyed by the Orthodoxy to decide personal matters. Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has been struggling to reconcile the tension between its being a democracy and retaining the Jewish character of the state. These values are not easily reconcilable. As a result of the inbuilt tensions, basic civic and human rights are undermined.
First, the paper explains the composition of the Israeli-Jewish population and the main bones of contention. Section II explains why Israel adopted the Ottoman millet system to govern its institutions. The millet system serves well the interests of the religious minority. Section III discusses discrimination against secular and non-Orthodox Jews. Section IV relates to discrimination against women in a number of spheres. It is argued that Judaism and liberal democracy are irreconcilable. A pertinent distinction is made between the symbolic aspects of religion and the modus operandi aspects of religion. As far as the latter are concerned, it is argued (Section V) that separation between State and religion should be achieved; otherwise coercive State interventions in intimate private matters are unavoidable. Such interventions trigger frustration and resentment.

**Abstract**

This article explores the profound influence of social norms on gender inequality and the discrimination faced by women across various societies. It examines how deeply entrenched cultural beliefs and societal expectations shape perceptions of gender roles, often perpetuating unequal treatment in areas such as education, employment, and personal rights. Through a multidisciplinary lens, including sociology, psychology, and economics, the article analyzes the mechanisms by which social norms enforce gender disparities and highlights case studies that illustrate these dynamics in different cultural contexts. Furthermore, it discusses potential interventions aimed at challenging and transforming harmful norms, ultimately advocating for a collective shift towards more equitable gender relations. The findings underscore the need for a nuanced understanding of social norms as both a barrier to and a potential catalyst for gender equality.

20. Centre Against Gender Based Violence (CAGBV)21. C e n t r e For Widows 22. Centre For Widows Children (CWCA) 23. Centre Of Youth Dialogue (CYD) 24. CESOPE 25. Chama cha Viziwi Tanzania (CHAVITA) 26. Chifu Kimweli Football Club 27. Child Watch 28. Children Dignity Forum (CDF) 29. Children Education Society (CHESO) 30. Christian Council of Tanzania 31. Christian Education and Development Organization (CEDO) 32. Civic and Legal Aid Organization (CILAO) 33. Community Development Initiatives Support Organization (COSIDO) 34. Community for Educators And Legal Assistance 35. Community Harmony and Prosperity Organization 36. Community Research and Development Services (CORDS) 37. Community Support Initiatives-Tanzania (COSITA) 38. Crisis Resolving Centre 39. C-SEMA 40. Dignity Kwanza Community Solutions 41. Door of Hope to Women and Youth in Tanzania 42. Empower Society, Transform Lives (ESTL) 43. Equality for Growth (EFG) 44. Fadhil Teens Tanzania 45. Faidika Wote Pamoja (FAWOPA) 46. Ficofawe Women Foundation (FICOFAWE) 47. Geita Paralegal Organization 48. Gender Action Tanzania (GAT) 49. Girls Education Support Initiatives 50. Gospel Communication Network of Tanzania 51. Gospel Communication Network of Tanzania (GCNT) 52. Haki Ardhi 53. Haki Catalyst 54. Haki Elimu

Este capítulo tiene como objetivo principal explorar y reflexionar sobre los sesgos de género que todavía están presentes en los medios de comunicación al representar a las mujeres; y cómo la IA puede detectarlos para sensibilizar a profesionales y consumidores sobre ellos, como primer paso para combatirlos. Se parte de la hipótesis de que la IA puede tener un impacto positivo, tanto desde la perspectiva técnica como en términos humanístico-sociales, para lograr la igualdad de género y empoderar a las mujeres y niñas. Concretamente, la representación de esos casos de éxito de mujeres en medios puede ser vital para que niñas y jóvenes quieran seguir su ejemplo y conseguir igualdad real, de estudios y de empleo.

Feminist approach to violence tells us that the violence experienced by women (violence against women), whether it is in the public or the private domain, is of a gendered nature and a tool for subordination of women, reproducing the patriarchal social order.
In Turkey, one in every three women says that she experienced this kind of
gendered violence at least once in her life. The issue became a uniting topic for the revitalizing women‟s movement after the 1980 coup d’etat and the movement utilized different methods in their combat against violence against women since then.
Since 2011, the women‟s movement in Turkey has a new, powerful tool in their hands: Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, a.k.a. the Istanbul Convention. The Convention acknowledges presence of gendered violence, emphasizes use of violence against women as a tool to subordinate women within the society, offers binding measures for party states to follow and monitors them with its committee, GREVIO. While having few weaknesses, Convention still holds a great potential in aiding the movement in several areas of struggle for eliminating violence against women in Turkey.

This study draws on the tools utilized by the women‟s movement in Turkey since 1980‟s and tries to evaluate and highlight the important aspects of the Istanbul Convention and the tools it can provide that can be utilized by the movement for combating violence against women in Turkey.

For over five decades, Roe v. Wade protected women’s privacy and bodily autonomy in the U.S., until its 2022 overturning by a conservative Supreme Court majority emphasized a return of abortion regulation to elected representatives. This decision highlighted the unequal protections under Roe, particularly for Black women and women of color, compared to the perceived freedoms of white American women. This chapter utilizes Herbert Marcuse’s concept of one-dimensionality to dissect the cultural and political intricacies of abortion rights, advocating for a geographical analysis to fully understand the impact of Roe and the Dobbs decision. Using a spatial lens, this chapter argues that reproductive justice is deeply intertwined with mobility and autonomy, challenging the reductionist view of the abortion debate as merely a conflict between individual rights and state control. The analysis exposes the enduring …

आज 21वीं शताब्दी में सामाजिक परिवर्तन पर चर्चा वैश्वीकरण के संदर्भ में विचार किए बिना नहीं हो सकती क्योंकि यह एकीकरण की एक ऐसी प्रक्रिया है जिसने संपूर्ण विश्व को प्रभावित किया है। वैश्वीकरण से विभिन्न लोगों के जीवन के सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक, आर्थिक और राजनीतिक पक्षों में बदलाव देखा गया है। कंप्यूटर, इंटरनेट, फैक्स मशीनों, मोबाइल, टेलीकम्युनिकेशन संचार के प्रावधानों से लोगों में एक नवीन तरह की विश्वसनीयता जगी है। इस संसार की अग्रिम प्रौद्योगिकी के माध्यम से एक व्यक्ति की दूसरे व्यक्तियों से दूरी कम हुई है तथा संबंधों का क्षेत्र विस्तृत हुआ है। वैश्वीकरण विभिन्न देशों के मध्य परस्पर निर्भरता अंत:स्थापितता तथा एकीकरण की प्रक्रिया है जो वैश्विक संस्कृति का एकीकरण करती है। वैश्वीकरण में तकनीकी का स्वतंत्र बहाव, विश्व में ज्ञान का प्रसार, सामाजिक संबंधों में विस्तार इत्यादि पक्ष भी सम्मिलित है। वैश्वीकरण ने समाज को प्रत्यक्ष एवं अप्रत्यक्ष दोनों तरह से प्रभावित किया है जिसके परिणामस्वरुप उदारीकरण व निजीकरण जैसी प्रक्रियाएं भी हमारे समक्ष प्रस्तुत हैं। वैश्वीकरण के बारे में राष्ट्रपति महात्मा गांधी का कथन है कि "मैं नहीं चाहता कि मेरी मकान चारों ओर से दीवारों से घिरे हो और मेरी खिड़कियां बंद हो। मैं चाहता हूं कि सभी देशों की संस्कृतियों की हवाएं मेरे घर में जितनी भी आजादी से हो बह सके लेकिन मैं यह नहीं चाहता कि उसमें से कोई भी मुझे जड़ से उखाड़ दे।" वैश्वीकरण ने व्यक्ति समूह की दिनचर्या एवं क्रियाकलापों को प्रभावित किया है। प्रस्तुत लेख वैश्वीकरण को 'एक नए समाज निर्माण की ओर' प्रक्रिया के रूप में दृष्टिगत करता है।

Landi v. Italy is the most recent in a group of cases on domestic violence which have appeared before the European Court of Human Rights (the Court/the ECtHR) in recent years.[1] Taken together with Y and Others v. Bulgaria, it establishes a new direction in ECtHR case-law regarding the burden of proof which must be reached by applicants seeking to prove discriminatory treatment in breach of Article 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights (the Convention/ECHR). In both of these cases, the Court rejected the applicants' allegation that Landi v. Italy: Proving Discrimination with Statistics in Cases of Dom..

Gender-Based Violence (GBV) GBV is a global public health problem that poses challenges in human health, with a higher prevalence in developing countries. GBV not only plays a significant component in the morbidity and mortality of women, but this form of violence disproportionately affects the health status of women and their children. It is often considered a 'tip of the iceberg or silent epidemic' as victims are hesitant to reveal their experiences of violence due to many barriers. The barriers that women experience about reporting GBV include fear of stigma and shame, financial barriers, lack of awareness of available services, fear of revenge, lack of law enforcement action and attitudes surrounding violence as a normal component of life. Subsequently, this results in under reporting and challenges in accurately measuring the prevalence of GBV. Overall, it is estimated that 30% of women have experienced at least one form of GBV in their lifetime since the age of 15. According to the Gender Equality Index Report, which includes data on reproductive health, employment, and empowerment, 27 of the 30 countries in the world that exhibit inequitable gender indices, are in Africa. Most African cultural beliefs and traditions promote men's hierarchical role in sexual relationships and especially in marriage. This Paper Examines GBV in Africa (with emphasis on Nigeria and Ethiopia in the Sub Saharan African Region) and contends that GBV has become institutionalized and accepted rather than challenged in Africa due to entrenched patriarchal attitudes in Africa, faulty legal framework, and socio-cultural factors. It examines the forms of GBV and the risk factors that engender GBV and like, patriarchal cultural norms, cultural practices, financial dependence on men, substance abuse, witnessing physical violence in childhood., economic pressure, among others and posits that a holistic approach that involves socio-legal factors is needed to prevent GBV in Africa. Recommendations to curb GBV in Nigeria and Africa as a whole are underscored. This study employs the doctrinal research methodology.

The advancement of women's rights worldwide is a multifaceted endeavor involving diverse actors and frameworks. This article explores the complex interplay between international organizations and indigenous legal systems in promoting gender equality. International organizations, such as the United Nations and various NGOs, play a crucial role in advocating for women's rights by implementing global initiatives and fostering partnerships across developed and developing nations. Meanwhile, Indigenous legal frameworks present both challenges and opportunities, as they embody longstanding cultural practices that can either support or hinder women's empowerment. By examining case studies from different regions, the article highlights how international organizations tailor their strategies to address the unique needs of communities while respecting indigenous traditions. This approach facilitates collaboration and knowledge exchange, essential for bridging the gap between global standards and local realities. Furthermore, the article discusses the ongoing challenges faced by these organizations, including political resistance, funding limitations, and the need for culturally sensitive interventions. Ultimately, the article underscores the importance of integrating international and indigenous efforts to create a more inclusive and equitable future for women. By navigating these complexities, stakeholders can work together to ensure that women's rights are upheld, regardless of geographic or cultural boundaries.

While the US has so far refused to ratify the Women's Convention (CEDAW), according to plans made in the 1990s any US ratification would come with reservations, understandings, and declarations (RUDs) that would effectively nullify the CEDAW guarantee of equality for women, leaving US women under the complexities and malleability of judicial interpretations of the Equal Protection clause in the US Constitution. The proposed RUDs, examined in detail here, would ensure that US women, whose longstanding efforts to obtain ratification of the proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution had been defeated, could not obtain equality via CEDAW ratification. In official US statements, waters were muddied so that the US refusal to accept the principle of women's equality set forth in CEDAW was obscured, and it was not widely perceived that the US constitution was effectively being positioned as an obstacle in the way of  US women enjoying the equality offered by international human rights law.

The UDHR was adopted 75 years ago, on 10 December 1948. There are many myths surrounding the adoption of this historic and revolutionary document by the international community. Three of these myths are: Rene Cassin is the father of the UDHR; it is representing only Western or imperialist values and the male delegates from the Western countries played a dominant role in drafting it. The analysis in the paper dispels these myths. It argues that the UDHR is not authored by a single person. Its authorship is composite. It is the most translated and cited document in the world. It does not represent only the Western values; communist States, Muslim states and many small States have also made their seminal contributions in its drafting. The main focus of the paper is to document and analyse the role of women delegates, comprising only 3 per cent of all delegates participating in the drafting of the UN Charter and the UDHR, mostly from the Global South, in lobbying for including the provisions of 'gender equality' in them. Women delegates successfully lobbied to make the text of these two documents more gender neutral and non-sexist.

Afghanistan's history of female education has been marked by many obstacles and disappointments. The most disadvantaged group in terms of educational chances is Afghan women, who have had to overcome major barriers to obtain an education. This paper delves into historical context of female education in Afghanistan, shedding light on hurdles and impediments women have had to overcome. It explores how different historical periods, such as Taliban’s era and the post-2001, have impacted female education in Afghanistan. With the resurgence of the Taliban in 2021, the study also assesses the current state of women’s education in the country. Moreover, the paper examines the legal and cultural factors that have shaped women access to education in Afghanistan. It identifies persistent obstacles that continue to hinder women from receiving an education, despite efforts to improve access and opportunities.

During a state of emergency, the Ethiopian Constitution under Art 93 authorizes the Council of Ministers to suspend most fundamental human rights (including the right to life) under the guise of 'the extent necessary' to avert the situation. Only a few rights, less than what ICCPR and other

Cette thèse porte sur la configuration de nouvelles formes de contestation communautaires, révélées par la mobilisation collective des femmes sulâliyyât dans deux collectivités (Oulad Sbita situé à la marge de salé et Ahl Taroudant dans la plaine de Souss). Nous avons cherché à comprendre les logiques de ces deux actions contestataires, en prenant en compte l’articulation du contexte local et national de leur émergence. Une attention particulière a été accordée à la féminisation des deux actions collectives locales. C’est ainsi que l’étude de la genèse, des stratégies, des répertoires d’action collective et des ressources mobilisées, a mis en exergue une nette différence entre ces deux dynamiques contestataires. Alors que celle des femmes sulâliyyât d’Oulad Sbita a été organisée autour d’un mouvement protestataire distancié de l’ADFM (Association Démocratique des Femmes du  Maroc), soutenu par les ex-militants du 20 Février et adoptant une stratégie de résistance basée sur l’occupation de l’espace public  (sit-in locaux,  sit-in devant les institutions provinciales et régionales, boycott des indemnités de cession et résistance à l’évacuation), celle des femmes d’Ahl Taroudant a adopté une autre stratégie basée  sur le recours aux  procédures administratives d’objection et sur la participation aux manifestations à l’échelle nationale, encadrées par l’ADFM.  L’analyse du discours contestataire nous a permis de relever deux constats majeurs : d’une part, l’argumentation du droit des sulâliyyât aux terres collectives et à leur revenu repose sur leur fort attachement à la terre. D’autre part, le contexte de l’expropriation des terres collectives favorise la reconfiguration des liens de solidarité communautaires, à travers le réinvestissement de l’identité tribale et de l’histoire du vivre en commun, ancrée dans la mémoire collective.
Mots clés : sulâliyyât - dynamique contestataires – terres collectives – expropriation - lien communautaire - mobilisations des ressources - répertoire d’action collective

Reproductive rights are essential to women's health and autonomy, encompassing the right to access contraception, safe abortion, and comprehensive reproductive healthcare. This article provides a thorough analysis of the multifaceted nature of reproductive rights, exploring healthcare aspects, legal frameworks, challenges, and potential solutions. It delves into the critical components of reproductive healthcare, including contraceptive services, maternal care, safe abortion, and sexual health education. The discussion highlights the significant legal issues, such as varying abortion laws, access to contraception, and discriminatory practices. Despite advancements, numerous challenges persist, including cultural and religious opposition, economic barriers, inadequate healthcare infrastructure, and political instability. To overcome these obstacles, the article proposes a range of solutions, including policy and legal reforms, education and advocacy, improved healthcare infrastructure, financial support, and community engagement. By addressing these challenges through a comprehensive and multifaceted approach, we can advance reproductive rights and ensure that all women have the freedom to make informed decisions about their reproductive health.

What is the role of the community in tackling gender-based violence (GBV)? Could communities succeed in ways that states have failed? What approaches could make this possible? This article presents a theoretical discussion of Community Power, a recently codified and influential paradigm in Britain that focuses on 'handing power' to communities to deal with local issues. We are particularly interested in its potential to tackle GBV, a persistent issue with many social determinants relevant to Community Power. Our refractive analysis works on two levels: (1) we explore the possibilities of Community Power in relation to GBV; and (2) we use GBV as a lens on Community Power to illuminate its broader strengths and weaknesses. In doing this, we call for a deeper engagement with the terms 'community' and 'power', which are under-theorised and flattened in the paradigm of Community Power. Applying intersectional theory to this task, we find that Community Power initiatives risk exacerbating the dynamics that underpin GBV. We make suggestions for creating a more GBV-sensitive approach to Community Power, which might also help to enhance this mode of practice in the round.