Woman Suffrage

The reception was mixed, criticism being mainly due to Alice Parsons' decision to create her own words for Jesus rather than the usual employment of exact words from the Bible i. But this decision was most probably due to the fact that she was a member of the Unitarian Church, who believe in the essential goodness of mankind, that all people are born equal, but also who do not believe that Jesus is the Son of God. But there was a lot more to Alice than her theology, and from humble beginnings she went on to have a major influence on Cheltenham in the early years of the twentieth century and until she and her husband moved to London in 1912. At this time Cheltenham was full of intelligent women who were agitating for a greater say in their lives. Her Unitarian background and natural drive meant that Alice was always going to play a leading part in the campaign for change.

New spaces had opened for women as intellectuals, artists and thinkers in European societies by the first decades of the 20th century. Women became involved in social modernization. The earlier endeavours of women, both as individuals and as members of organizations, contributed to structural changes and new laws regulating their possible intervention in public life. One of the most significant changes concerned education.
Women and young girls could attend secondary school and higher education. The personal history of philosopher Valéria Dines, a multi-faceted intellectual of her time, serves as a unique example of a modern woman thinker. Her work was embodied in the activities and network of progressive thinkers of that era in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and later in Hungary after World War I. The paper focuses on two aspects of her oeuvre that were directly connected to women’s emancipation,
her writings – both correspondence with feminist activists and her journal
entries – and the establishment of the school of orchestrics. The study is based on archival sources and her writings.

This chapter explores some of the political, social and cultural movements that took place in Germany and had an impact on Edith Stein's life at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. A woman, philosopher, convert to Catholicism, teacher and politically active, Stein lived through a period of transformation, from the end of World War I, through the Weimar Republic, to the Nazi regime, when she was murdered in the gas chamber at Auschwitz-Birkenau. We intend to analyze how Stein's experiences were influenced by these political, social and cultural events, highlighting her search for identity and truth in an environment of growing anti-Semitism and political repression.

Stein’s phenomenology is one that is particularly sensitive to intersubjective constitution, and thus her constitutional analysis of the body is one that allows for an analysis of the body as ‘socially constructed’ (in so far as one understands this term to mean the same as ‘inter-subjectively constituted’). The purpose of this paper is to give an account of Stein’s phenomenology of the body as it appears in On the Problem of Empathy, her constitutional analysis being explicitly articulated in this work as including both subjective and intersubjective layers

Dans cet article, j'aborde trois peintures que Pablo Picasso a réalisées pour sa première exposition à Paris en 1901. Toutes trois représentent des femmes dépendantes, à savoir la buveuse d'absinthe et la morphinomane. Je discute des peintures de morphine en relation avec la peinture de la buveuse d'absinthe afin de soutenir que Picasso a produit ces trois oeuvres en utilisant des coups de pinceau expressionnistes et des couleurs criardes pour 1) expérimenter formellement, 2) aligner les femmes qui consomment des substances addictives avec le travail du sexe, et 3) démontrer sa connaissance des types de femmes transgressives et déviantes qui étaient une source d'anxiété à Paris à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Pour étayer cet argument, j'analyse les trois oeuvres par rapport à d'autres représentations de femmes toxicomanes et j'examine comment Picasso, en tant que peintre espagnol nouvellement arrivé dans le monde de l'art parisien, exploite à la fois l'innovation formelle et le sujet de la femme toxicomane pour se démarquer dans un milieu d'artistes étrangers très dense.

Sarah Livingston Jay famously toasted revelers in 1783: "May all our citizens be soldiers, and all our soldiers citizens." 1 This toast conveyed "a foundational fusion" within our republican government tradition-coupling military service, citizenship, and masculinities. 2 The Akron Law School's conference on the 100th anniversary of the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment offered the chance to fight the eulogization of the Nineteenth Amendment and explore its modern relevance. 3 This paper concludes that the Nineteenth Amendment cannot be understood without connecting it to broader conceptions of citizenship, masculinities, and military service, thus revealing its ongoing relevance to military inclusion and integration. 4 In Professor Abrams' prior article published in the West Virginia Law Review, the foundational fusion of military service, citizenship, and masculinities was presented and explored. We highlight the framework of

The story of Alice Mary Robertson is complex and fascinating. Constituents from the second district in Oklahoma elected her to the United States House of Representatives in 1920. That same year, women had gained the right to vote through the passage of the nineteenth amendment. Robertson, however, had served as the vice president for Oklahoma's anti-suffrage association in 1916 when the state pushed to amend women's voting rights. This major contradiction has enabled academics to continue writing about the former-congressperson, attempting to unravel her anomalous lifestyle. The national media of the 1920s played a major role in characterizing Robertson as an anti-suffragist and anti-feminist representative, using her congressional seat to preserve the values of the Cult of True Womanhood, or domesticity, piety, and purity. Many secondary authors, since the rise of U.S. women's history in the 1970s, have continued to depict the former-congressperson in this way. None of the writers on Robertson, however, have attempted to place her within the time-specific context of firstwave feminism or exhausted all manuscript collections that relate to her directly, facilitating her defamed and misunderstood legacy. Few academics investigated: Robertson's brother's papers, Samuel Worcester Robertson, held at the Western History iii! Collections at the University of Oklahoma in Norman; her sister's papers, Ann Augusta Moore Robertson, held at the Oklahoma Historical Society's Research Center in Oklahoma City; papers she submitted to Elmira College in Elmira, New York; and vertical files from any library, including the Oklahoma Department of Libraries. This thesis draws heavily on all the existing manuscript collections that relate to Robertson, as well as placing her within the context of women's movements during the first-wave. With that said, Robertson emerges with a very different persona. In fact, this thesis finds she consistently emulated aspects of New Womanhood throughout her life. By discussing women's movements during the turn of the twentieth century, looking at Robertson's life before she became a media sensation in 1920, highlighting the manipulation of newspaper articles that were written about her during her term in congress, and using manuscript collections to discuss her side of congressional issues, this thesis asserts that Robertson operated as a transitional figure between the ideals of True and New Womanhood.

Hakkında yapılmış yüksek lisans ve doktora tezlerinin yanı sıra çok sayıda bildiri ve makale yazılmasına rağmen Çantay'ın hala entelektüel biyografisi yazılmamıştır. 2 Çantay, "üstâd-ı kerimim" diye hitap ettiği Mehmet Akif'e ölümünün ardından bir vefa örneği olması için adına bir kitap kaleme almıştır. Bk. Hasan Basri Çantay, Âkifnâme (İstanbul: Erguvan Yayınevi, 2020).

We examine women’s rights and freedoms using a comprehensive framework that includes
all races, ethnicities, and socioeconomic categories and is based on a systematic, conceptual, and
theoretical approach. However, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it was
difficult to speak of a well-established and comprehensive feminist movement. In addition to the
fact that there are many limits on movement and the need for reliable and fair sharing of information
across different countries, social classes, racial groups, and genders, the orientalist view of the
Western world has also affected the quality of feminist literature. Some major Western studies on
women have portrayed Turkish women in a negative light, suggesting that they are oblivious to
feminist principles. However, upon retrospective examination of British, American, and Turkish
literary works created in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it becomes evident that
each society has exhibited analogous quests for women’s rights and freedoms. This article aims to
reveal the collective experiences of women, irrespective of their race, socioeconomic class, or
ethnicity. It also aims to show how male-dominated discourse and orientalist perspectives obscure
these experiences, revealing similarities in areas like education, work rights, representation, and
violence, from the past to the present. Accordingly, this article provides a comparative examination
of following literary works from feminist orientalist perspective: “When the Door Opened” (1908)
by Sarah Grand, “The Yellow Wallpaper” (1892) by Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and “For May 1”
(1923) by Yaşar Nezihe Bükülmez.

This study investigates how Sinclair Lewis depicted his views on the social role of women in the heroines of the novels Job, Main Street, and Ann Vickers. In the central ideas of feminism women's movement, profession, and social activity are seen as an important factor ensuring women's socialization, wellbeing, and emancipation. The qualitative analysis of the novels through the social, family and business context shows that the same idea is conceptually important in many novels by S. Lewis. The ability to influence the life of society through a certain profession, to realize one's identity, and to know one's potential through professional activity is manifested in the characters of Una Golden, Carol Kennicott, and Ann Vickers. However, while the early feminist theorists advocated having work and well-paid jobs in general, S. Lewis expressed in artistic images that meaningful and purposeful work is more beneficial for women. In particular, the novel "Job" shows that the author is against the exploitation of women by the capitalist patriarchy. The findings reveal that S. Lewis's views on feminism are eternal due to their universality, as a continuation of the ideas of humanism; and his works are valuable because they reflect high humanitarian ideas.

Women have been active as writers, translators, journalists, and editors in Hungarian public life since the mid-nineteenth century. They both participated in the mainstream press and created their own public spaces by establishing periodicals advocating women’s education, employment, and political rights. This article focuses on the Budapest-based journals A Nő és a társadalom [Woman and Society] (1907‒13), founded by Rózsa Schwimmer (1877–1948), and its successor A Nő [Woman] (1914‒27), the official organs of the Hungarian Feminist Association and the National Federation of Female Clerks. Drawing on the archives of the Feminist Association, including readers’ letters, it explores the networks connected to the journals. More particularly, it demonstrates how the editors, who also played key roles in the Association, established local offices and affiliate groups outside the capital to expand their readership and to propagate feminist ideas in the most effective way.

THE EXPANSION OF THE CHURCH of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
into a global organization is largely celebrated by distinguishing
the missionaries who opened new areas for proselytizing outside
the United States. Mission records and reports cataloguing the establishment, organization, and development of missions, branches,
stakes, and associated auxiliary organizations within the Church often neglect to recognise the contributions by local members. It is a
frequent struggle to embrace with good will and obedience the
challenges of nurturing and facilitating auxiliary organizations in
the mission field with limited membership numbers; faithful members are often overworked and seldom recorded in mission records.
The first stake Relief Society president in Australia, Ethel Nash
Parton is one such example of nearly unrecognised participation.
A fourth-generation Church member, she was the first member of
the Nash family born in Australia.

Sister Teresa Benedicta of the Cross, better known by her name in the world as Edith Stein, was beatified on 1 May 1987. The process for her beatification was introduced in the early sixties by the then Archbishop of Cologne, and it proceeded as that of a martyr. She was canonised on 11 October 1998, and was further honoured by Pope John Paul II when she was made Patroness of Europe, along with Catherine of Sienna and Birgitta of Sweden, on 1 October 1999 -in a gesture to complement the existing patronage of Sts Benedict, Cyril and Methodius 1 . In the encyclical Fides et Ratio she is pointed out as one of those thinkers who in recent times illustrates the fruitful relationship between philosophy and the Word of God (74), the others mentioned being John Henry Newman, Antonio Rosmini, Jacques Maritain and Etienne Gilson 2 . Among these, she is the only martyr. The association of martyrdom with philosophy is rare, but it is not entirely unprecedented. In fact, both patron saints of Philosophy died as martyrs. St. Justin Martyr (ca. 103-165) was a pagan philosopher who after his conversion to Christianity instituted a school of Christian philosophy in Rome, and who wrote (among other things) two apologies and the Dialogue with Trypho. He was

The starting point of the work was her doctoral thesis, On the Problem of Empathy. It enabled her to conduct the phenomenological analysis in a manner that took systematically into account the point of view of others – their moods and feelings as well as their thoughts. It was the ...

A nation, the world seemed to come to a standstill. For ten minutes every church bell and factory whistle broadcast the revolutionary change that had finally come to American women. The previous January, Indiana had become the twenty-sixth state to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, and after a painfully close vote in Tennessee, the required three-fourths approval had just been achieved. After more than seventy years of struggle, women could finally vote at all levels of government. Suffrage, once a hopeless cause, now enjoyed majority support. It was a time for celebration, confidence, and new beginnings. The story of Fort Wayne women's long journey to fuller citizenship is a fascinating chapter in regional and national history. In common with general trends, in the nineteenth century the city's women's rights pioneers challenged legal and social barriers that perpetuated female

O objetivo do artigo e trabalhar a relacao mulher e indumentaria no inicio do seculo XX, durante a Belle Epoque carioca – epoca de transformacoes sociais e culturais na capital da Republica -, a partir dos usos que tais mulheres faziam das roupas para conseguirem se comunicar dentro do meio social. Uma vez que o mesmo pertencia aos homens. Deste modo, usando a indumentaria como meio de empoderamento e subversao para negociar melhores condicoes as mulheres. Neste sentido, esbarramos em dois conceitos que serao trabalhados no desenvolvimento do texto, o de ressignificacao social - visto em Peter Burke - e de poder - detalhado por Foucalt. Essas mulheres eram geralmente ligadas a movimentos feministas, portanto, o texto sera dividido em duas partes: uma analise da sociedade da epoca para se entender a situacao da mulher e sua vestimenta perante aos conceitos vigentes, e na segunda parte uma analise de imagens da Federacao Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, tendo como figura central Be...

Over the past 20 years, suffrage historians have sought to reimagine their field—traditionally tethered to the nation—as an international one. The Australasian suffragists, who strove to overcome their perceived isolation by exchanging print, personnel, and ideas across borders, seem perfect candidates for such revisionist treatment. However, despite the invigorating push to destabilise the nation, which has rewired much of Australian and New Zealand historiography, the suffragists remain ensconced in national frames. Revisiting the rich Australasian scholarship on women, mobility, and cross‐border organisation, this article discusses the political and intellectual barriers that have impeded attempts to reconstruct suffrage internationalism. Yet documenting the suffragists' cross‐border interactions requires more than replacing monolithic national histories with revised internationalist versions. Instead, responding to debates about the digitally driven rise of connected histori...

Four months later, the Commonwealth Franchise Act gave white women unprecedented political privileges. Despite these pioneer achievements, Australian women struggled to achieve prominence within the international suffrage movement before the First World War. Discounting traditional explanations that expense and distance kept Australians on the IWSA's margins, this article reconsiders the concept of national representation-a central tenet of liberal internationalism. In the wake of Federation, deep colonial loyalties persisted and women remained ambivalent about assuming the responsibilities of national and international citizenship. On 18 February 1902, Vida Goldstein stood before the United States Senate Select Committee on Woman Suffrage and implored those gathered to 'trust your women' and ratify a constitutional amendment allowing the female franchise. 1 She had travelled from Melbourne to represent Australia and New Zealand at a gathering of women from nine countries that constituted the International Women's Suffrage Alliance (IWSA). One week earlier, in what she described as 'the great memory of my life'-greater even than an * I would like to thank Zora Simic and the Sydney Feminist History Group for the opportunity to present a version of this article, and express my gratitude to Lisa Ford, Ian Tyrrell, and the anonymous reviewers for their invaluable feedback on the manuscript. Special thanks to Karlijn Olijslager for translating the Dutch sources. audience with President Roosevelt-the assembly elected Goldstein its secretary. 2 Unlike South and Western Australian women, who gained the state franchise in 1894 and 1899, as a Victorian Goldstein could not yet vote. Nevertheless, as Clare Wright has observed, she personified the spirit of a new nation 'pleased to the point of self-righteousness' with its perceived social and political superiority, engendered by its push toward gender, if not racial, equality. 3 Sustained by these certainties, Goldstein assured her audience in Washington, D.C.: Woman suffrage is with us to stay, and … the earnest desire of the countries which have sent me here …[is] that our success may hasten the day when … American women will stand before the world as the political equals of your men folk. 4 On her return, Goldstein reiterated the message at a Sydney reception: 'let us enter the new international alliance, and never rest until we have obtained for the women of other lands the same privileges which we enjoy in Australia'. Her rhetoric would have sounded familiar to anyone who attended the wave of antipodean suffrage celebrations that began when New Zealand became the first self-governing country to enfranchise women in 1893, peaked with the passage of the Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902-which allowed white women to vote and stand as candidates in Federal elections-and ended with Victoria in 1908. 5 Guided by such a clear sense of their historical significance, one might have expected enfranchised Australian women to feature strongly in the

Iran handed the world a surprise in 1951. That spring, its parliament voted to nationalize the country's lucrative petroleum industry. Euphoria spread as young Iranians tore down Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) signs and watched mighty Britain cower (temporarily) before the hero of Iran's oil nationalization, Mohammad Mosaddeq. 1 Stunned by this brazenness, an American summary posed the question on the minds of many diplomats: "How did nine Persian politicians win sufficient power to destroy the concession of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company?" 2 For the next two years the West tried to figure out how to confine this enormous shock to the petroleum market by focusing on the man it held responsible for the crisis. An aristocrat and seasoned politician, Mohammad Mosaddeq garnered the support he needed to break through the monopoly of the AIOC. With the world's attention on Mosaddeq and oil at the time, it was unclear to many (although not to Mosaddeq himself) that another monumental battle for the future of Iran was taking shape: the fight for women's suffrage. The drama of oil nationalization had many acts, which scholars, documentary filmmakers, and others have explored. Still, we lack clarity about certain aspects of the coup. As historians David Painter and Gregory Brew observe in their recent perceptive study of the oil nationalization movement, the source materials contain "an unusual combination of too many and too few primary sources." 3 Although many aspects of the debacle of 1953 have been addressed, most writers have given short shrift to the question of suffrage. During PMM tenure, the subject of women's suffrage was debated. Some recent works, however, have begun to explore this issue. 4 Likewise, most historians who have explored the women's movement in the longue durée have not coupled the campaign for suffrage with the country's history of petroleum. Here, I argue that the fight for women's suffrage in Iran was entangled in the politics of oil (and vice

Przyznanie Polkom praw wyborczych nastąpiło, fortunnie i niefortunnie zarazem, kilkanaście dni po 11 listopada 1918 roku. Fortunnie, ponieważ do zrównania biernych i czynnych praw wyborczych kobiet i mężczyzn doszło tuż po odzyskaniu niepodległości, co miało wymiar symboliczny; niefortunnie zaś dlatego, że rocznica tego wydarzenia na zawsze już pozostanie w cieniu ważniejszych z narodowego punktu widzenia obchodów. Kiedy więc Wydział Politologii i Komunikacji Społecznej Krakowskiej Akademii im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego zdecydował o nadaniu obradom swojej sekcji w ramach IX Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej "Państwo, Gospodarka, Społeczeństwo" tytułu "Kobiety wobec polityki-kobiety w polityce. Wyzwania, realia, perspektywy", żałowałam bardzo, że nie mogliśmy w ten sposób uczcić dziewięćdziesięciolecia jednego z najważniejszych wydarzeń w historii polskiej państwowości. Ta okrągła rocznica minęła w 2008 roku niemal bez echa. Szczęśliwie jednak w 2009 roku można było świętować inne jubileusze. Najbardziej oczywistym spośród nich była rocznica obrad Okrągłego Stołu i powołania pierwszego niekomunistycznego premiera. Dwadzieścia lat po wydarzeniach, które miały zapoczątkować proces demokratycznych przemian we Europie Wschodniej, można się już było pokusić o próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, jaki udział i jaką pozycję wyznaczyła Polkom w tych procesach Historia. Warto tutaj przypomnieć, że w głównych obradach Okrągłego Stołu uczestniczyły dwie kobiety (reprezentująca stronę rządową Anna Przecławska i Grażyna Staniszewska-reprezentantka opozycji), a jak wspominała później Barbara Labuda , udział kobiet, również tych, które w strukturach Solidarności odgrywały rolę pierwszoplanową, był skutecznie blokowany. Dobitnie i jednoznacznie proces demokratycznych przemian po 1989 roku podsumowała Maria Janion , która w wykładzie inaugurującym Kongres Kobiet Polskich powiedziała m.in.: "Ku mojemu zdumieniu okazało się, że w wolnej Polsce kobieta miała być istotą rodzinną, która zamiast polityką powinna zajmować się domem. Trochę zatem czasu upłynęło, zanim pojęłam, że demokracja w Polsce jest rodzaju męskiego" 1. 1 M. Janion , Solidarność-wielki zbiorowy obowiązek kobiet, wykład inaugurujący Kongres Kobiet Polskich 20-21 czerwca 2009 roku w Warszawie, www.kongreskobiet.pl/index. php/o-nas/44-aktualnosci/46-janion. Wstęp działalności społeczno-politycznej Ulrike Meinhof, należy szukać przede wszystkim w tradycji rewolucyjnej symboliki, ale także w próbach patologizacji bądź odczłowieczenia znanych terrorystek. Jak sugerują dwa kolejne artykuły, nie trzeba podkładać bomb, by się stać przedmiotem medialnej demonizacji. Pierwszy z nich, mojego autorstwa, nosi tytuł Intelektualistka jako wróg narodu. Uwagi o esejach Dubravki Ugrešić. Jego bohaterka, znana chorwacka pisarka i eseistka, uznana została w swojej ojczyźnie za czarownicę, ponieważ bezlitośnie zdemaskowała kulisy wykuwania nowych bałkańskich tożsamości narodowych i ujęła się za oczywistymi ofi arami "męskiej wojny"-gwałconymi kobietami. Błąd, który popełniła Dubravka Ugrešić , polegał na chronicznej nieumiejętności odróżnienia kobiet gwałconych w słusznej sprawie od tych, które na gwałt, z racji swej (prawdziwej czy urojonej) przynależności etnicznej, sobie "zasłużyły". Jak pokazują jej dalsze losy, "kult sprawiedliwości i prawdy" bywa odczytany przez rodzące się z uśpienia, czułe na punkcie swej wielkości i racji wspólnoty wyobrażone, jako zdrada. Drugi ze wspomnianych artykułów, poświęcony medialnemu wizerunkowi przewodniczącej Związku Wypędzonych (Frau Erika Steinbach. Polityczny fenomen działalności przewodniczącej Związku Wypędzonych oraz jego postrzeganie w Polsce), ukazuje łączność pomiędzy narodowymi stereotypami i wyobrażeniami o negatywnej roli kobiet w polityce. Jak zauważa autor, Mateusz Wiliński, polska racja stanu wymaga czujnej obserwacji poczynań Eriki Steinbach , jednak kreowanie jej na drapieżną "blond bes ę" o niemal nieograniczonych wpływach politycznych (co nader często czynią polskie tabloidy) pozostaje w sprzeczności z faktami. Steinbach , w rzeczywistości odgrywająca na niemieckiej scenie politycznej rolę dość marginalną, jest jednak, jak dowodzą badania przeprowadzone przez autora, trzecią (po Angeli Merkel i Willym Brandcie) najlepiej rozpoznawalną przez polskich respondentów postacią niemieckiej polityki. Tymczasem Gesine Schwan , dwukrotnie ubiegająca się o urząd prezydenta, dobrze znana w Niemczech, również ze swej działalności na rzecz pojednania polsko-niemieckiego, nie doczekała się w nadwiślańskich mediach (być może ze względu na zbyt pojednawczą wymowę podejmowanych akcji) żadnego wizerunku... Aneksem do niniejszej publikacji jest przygotowany przez Władysława Masiarza materiał przedstawiający polityczne sylwetki posłanek na sejmy II Rzeczpospolitej (Kobiety w parlamentach II RP 1919-1939). Ufamy, że ów zbiór biografi i, dający pewne wyobrażenie o skali aktywności posłanek okresu dwudziestolecia międzywojennego (daleko wykraczającej niekiedy poza sferę ściśle polityczną) będzie stanowić cenne źródło informacji dla osób zainteresowanych dziejami polskiego parlamentaryzmu.

This article describes a lesson, recommended for grades 4-6, which explores Susan B. Anthony and Frederick Douglass' 45 year relationship as allies, fighting for equal rights for African Americans and women during the 1800s. The lesson features the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) Notable Trade Book for Young People award

At the turn of the twentieth century women in voluntary associations joined the chorus of voices that sought to rework the school curriculum from an emphasis on the liberal arts to a functional, more practical focus. In 1900 one activist explained that the members of the major women's organizations "have regarded their children first of all as future mothers and fathers, next as citizens, and they are demanding that public educational systems adopt their standards of values in the adjustment of curricula." 1 These reformers comprised one group that became invested in the curriculum debates that followed the National Education Committee of Ten's report of 1893. However, women reformers are an under-researched influence on the school curriculum of this time period, their efforts having been eclipsed by myriad historical studies of the male professional leaders. Their activ

Il y a 27 ans, l'historienne Micheline Dumont publiait un livre intitulé Les religieuses sont-elles féministes? Cette question est au cœur du plus récent numéro de la revue L'autre Parole, qui répond résolument "Oui" à la question -rhétorique- jadis posée par la professeure émérite de l'Université de Sherbrooke. Ce dossier brosse une vue d'ensemble des engagements féministes des religieuses québécoises, et ce, de la Nouvelle-France à nos jours.

http://mcsq.ca/mcsq/religieuses-et-feministes

For centuries, women of all parts of the world have been subject to discrimination and prejudice. While the struggle in defense of their rights is stronger every day, in many countries the position of women in society is far from expected. Such is the case of Puerto Rican ...

The primary goals of the Little Entente of Women were to hammer out a common agenda and joint strategies for the promotion of women's demands in the respective countries, and to create favorable conditions for socioeconomic, cultural, and political cooperation among the member states. This article addresses the latter goal of the LEW, based on the position that its objectives were deeply political, interwoven with contemporary political challenges in the region, and intersected with the foreign aff airs policies of the associated countries. To support this position, the article explores the historical and political circumstances at the foundation of the LEW, the entanglements of its feminist strategies with regional diplomacy and politics and, lastly, focusing on the "Greek case," the relationship between the foreign policy of the Greek state and the political initiatives of the Greek LEW member.

A true milestone of a door opener for those who wish to encounter and discuss Edith Stein has been delivered by Joyce Avrech Berkman with her recent book ‘Edith Stein’s Life in a Jewish Family, 1891-1916: A Companion’ of 2003. The Companion has been published as the second volume of ‘Edith Stein Studies’, a series edited by Mette Lebech, associate Professor of Philosophy at Maynooth University in Ireland and founder of the International Association for the Study of the Philosophy of Edith Stein (IASPES).
With her Companion Joyce Avrech Berkman enriches the spectrum of valuable endeavors highlighting and spreading Edith Stein’s light into the world for the sake of human and respectful life in solidariety. She has succeeded in providing a masterpiece that joins the best presentations of Edith Stein in the last decades and I cannot help wishing her a wide and most favorable reception. Reading and appreciating Berkman’s Companion will certainly be eye-opening for everyone who dares an initial attempt to study a text written by Edith Stein herself. Yet, it is also worth reading for those already more familiar with her, but value new inspirations for a deeper understanding and discussion.

During the last forty years of the United States’ fight for woman suffrage, a handful of suffragists wrote cookbooks sponsored by suffrage organisations. These cookbooks created a rhetorical space and ethos within and through the kitchen. Because their activism was grounded in expected feminine actions, this home‐bound ethos allowed the primarily white, middle‐class suffragists to simultaneously advocate for women's suffrage in public and maintain their adherence to the Cult of True Womanhood. The arguments put forth in the cookbooks illustrate an ethos that is influenced by both personal agency and the rhetor's gendered, physical location in the kitchen. From this expected space, they made the more revolutionary argument for suffrage less discrediting.

COVER PICTURE: Portrait of Margaret Anne Goldsmith, by Maurice Grosser, c. 1947.
Portions of Goldsmith’s memoir describing her lifelong relationship with the Black woman who raised her appear in this issue. (Courtesy of the Huntsville History Collection.)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Mark K. Bauman, In Memoriam: Janice Oettinger Rothschild Blumberg (February 13, 1924 – February 21, 2024)

Jay Silverberg, Houses Divided that Remained Standing: Conflicting Loyalties within an Extended Southern Jewish Family

Leonard Rogoff, Matisse’s Cosmopolitans in the New South: The Cone Sisters Collect Modern Art

Mary Jo O’Rear, The Constitution, Corpus Christi, and the Statue on the Bay

Adrienne DeArmas, Primary Sources: The Shapell Roster of Jewish Service in the American Civil War: A Resource for Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century American Jewish History

Lance J. Sussman and Lynda Barness, Transcending Race, Religion, and Class: Select Huntsville Memoirs by Margaret Anne Goldsmith

BOOK REVIEWS
Devery S. Anderson, A Slow, Calculated Lynching: The Story of Clyde Kennard, reviewed by Stephen Whitfield
Mark K. Bauman, The Temple and Its People to 2018: The Hebrew Benevolent Congregation: Living Up to the Name and the Legacy, reviewed by Tobias Brinkmann
Joel Gereboff and Jonathan L. Friedmann, Jewish Historical Societies: Navigating the Professional–Amateur Divide, reviewed by Dana Herman
Jerome Novey, The Life and Letters of Samuel Ellsworth Fleet: An Immigrant’s Tale, reviewed by Marcia Jo Zerivitz
Marlene Trestman, Most Fortunate Unfortunates: The Jewish Orphans’ Home of New Orleans, reviewed by Reena Sigman Friedman
Diane Catherine Vecchio, Peddlers, Merchants, and Manufacturers: How Jewish Entrepreneurs Built Economy and Community in Upcountry South Carolina, reviewed by
Scott M. Langston

FILM REVIEWS
People of the Crossing: The Jews of El Paso, reviewed by Bryan Edward Stone
The Nita and Zita Project, reviewed by Rachel Merrill Moss

EXHIBIT REVIEWS
A Better Life for Their Children: Julius Rosenwald, Booker T. Washington, and the 4,978 Schools that Changed America, reviewed by Emily Rena Williams
What is Jewish Washington?, reviewed by Andrew Sperling
Infinite Poem, reviewed by Nora Katz

WEBSITE REVIEW
Synagogues of the South: Architecture and Jewish Identity, reviewed by Christopher D. Cantwell

In dit artikel worden de resultaten gepresenteerd van een onderzoek naar de invoering van CNCtechnologie in de machinebouw. Na een bespreking van de problematiek van het zogenaamde rationaliseringsdilemma worden nog drie onderwerpen behandeld, namelijk veranderingen op het niveau van de arbeidsplaats, het recruteringsbeleid en het scholingsbeleid uit het onderzoek blijkt, dat door de toenemende arbeidsdeling, gecombineerd met de extreme werving van ge schoolde werknemers, de traditionele interne arbeidsmarktstructuur omgezet wordt in een be roepsdeelmarkt. Deze transformatie hangt vooral samen met factoren als bedrijfsomvang en het aantal geïnstalleerde CNC-machines. Dit artikel is gebaseerd op de resultaten van het TOWES onderzoek (Technologische Ontwikke ling en Technologie en Economie. Onderzocht werden (1) de wijze waarop CPC (Computer Process Control) en CNC (Computer Numerical Control) technologie worden toegepast in respec tievelijk de procesindustrie en in de machine bouw, (2) de gevolgen hiervan voor de kwalitatie ve structuur van de werkgelegenheid en (3) de arbeidsmarktproblemen die hier het gevolg van kunnen zijn. Eerder hebben we in TPE (11/2, 1988) verslag ge daan van de conceptuele opzet van het onderzoek en de belangrijkste onderzoeksresultaten. De na druk lag daarbij op de verschillen tussen de pro cesindustrie en de machinebouw. In dit artikel willen we dieper ingaan op de toepassing van de CNC-technologie in de machinebouw en de ge volgen daarvan. Alhoewel CNC-technologie waarschijnlijk een van de meest onderzochte en beschreven vormen van technologie is, hopen we dat deze bijdrage toch een aantal nieuwe elemen ten aan de discussie kan toevoegen. Een eerste element betreft het onderzoeksdesign: een survey gehouden onder alle bedrijven in de machine bouw, die van CNC technologie gebruik maken. Vergeleken met gevalsstudies betekent dit dat een * Ben Alders is verbonden aan het Studiecentrum voor Tech nologie en Beleid (STB-TNO). Jac Christis werkt bij het Nederlands Instituut voor Arbeids omstandigheden (NIA).

Emily Howard Jennings Stowe is acclaimed as Canada’s first female school principal, physician to practice medicine, and a founding Canadian suffragette. Yet, relatively little has been investigated regarding the life-changing events permitting her to pioneer in these chosen fields. To reveal relationships among the life- changing events in Emily Stowe’s life, a unique narrative research process is engaged to take Stowe’s story and develop it into a particular point of view based on responses to questions posed regarding her life, ranging from those most objective and specific to those that are subjective and more general. This is accomplished by following a prescribed order of question-asking: when, where, who, what, how, and why. The aim is to facilitate a comparison and interpretation of the connections regarding twenty-two of her life-changing events. Four distinct aspects of her life are noted: personal, teacher, physician, and suffragette. It is found that much of Stowe’s success originated from her family’s Establishment connections, her studious intellectual ability, and her decision to obtain her medical education in the United States. There were notable periods in her life that might have ended her career. However, the aforementioned protective features of her status permitted the successful withstanding of these difficulties.

Emily Howard Jennings Stowe is acclaimed as Canada's first female school principal, physician to practice medicine, and a founding Canadian suffragette. Yet, relatively little has been investigated regarding the life-changing events permitting her to pioneer in these chosen fields. To reveal relationships among the lifechanging events in Emily Stowe's life, a unique narrative research process is engaged to take Stowe's story and develop it into a particular point of view based on responses to questions posed regarding her life, ranging from those most objective and specific to those that are subjective and more general. This is accomplished by following a prescribed order of question-asking: when, where, who, what, how, and why. The aim is to facilitate a comparison and interpretation of the connections regarding twenty-two of her life-changing events. Four distinct aspects of her life are noted: personal, teacher, physician, and suffragette. It is found that much of Stowe's success originated from her family's Establishment connections, her studious intellectual ability, and her decision to obtain her medical education in the United States. There were notable periods in her life that might have ended her career. However, the aforementioned protective features of her status permitted the successful withstanding of these difficulties.

The chapter discusses obstacles to enfranchising women in Brazil through two analytical lenses - ideas and political action.
It shows how ideas in favor of the enfranchising of women circulated between France and Brazil by taking as a proxy the House of Representative´s collection of books and journals and linking them with parliamentary debates. It aims at explaining how congressmen debated suffrage during the 1890-1891 constitutional assembly. Then, the essay explores three activists who struggled for many causes, especially the right to vote.

This article argues that advancements in women’s rights in the Inter-American diplomatic system after WWII did not solely follow women activists’ interests but resulted from the male-dominated multilateral relations in the region too. In support of these negotiations, the new political vocabulary of Human Rights emerging from the re-configuration of the world affairs was instrumental for the advancement of institutional reforms related to women’s rights in Latin America, especially voting rights. Contrary to existing literature on the subject, this article delves into the process of constructing this new vocabulary, instead of examining its final forms only. It uses archival sources from Brazil to offer another point of view of the making of the rhetoric of human rights and its uses in Inter-American relations in the after-war.

This contribution considers the place of Virginie Loveling’s work within the transfer of Dutch-language literature into Czechia and Poland. So far, two translations of her work into Czech have been discovered. Although no Polish translations have yet been identified, Loveling’s reputation in Poland has been noted in reference works and in the Polish press, which is also addressed in this article. In the first part, the article gives a brief survey of the reception of Dutch language literature in Czech and Polish translation during the nineteenth century. The second part takes a closer look at the translations of Loveling’s work into Czech by the polyglot priest Alois
Koudelka and by the postal official Václav Kuneš. This gives a picture of Loveling’s reception in both countries that was strictly literary (as a writer of in contemporary terms ‘realist’ prose, i.e. naturalistic work) on the one hand, and connected to the first feminist wave in the Czech Republic and Poland on the other. The question is which of the two facets was more
important in this reception.

Questa è la seconda parte della nostra ricerca sulla storia della lotta femminina per l'emancipazione. Qui troverete: Millicent e Elizabeth Garrett, Emily e Christabel Pankhurst, Aleksandra Kollontaj, Rose Wilder e Virginia Woolf. La trattazione è ben lontana dall'essere esaustiva e via via che studiamo altre antenate vengono ad aggiungersi alla lista. Con la rivoluzione industriale l'economia cambiò radicalmente e così pure il ruolo delle donne, ma non cambiò la loro sottomissione al sistema patriarcale androcentrico finché un gruppo di coraggiose cominciò a lanciare oggetti incendiari contro le ville di coloro che per decenni ignorarono la loro richiesta di poter votare.

In questo scritto c'è la trascrizione delle lezioni tenute da Devana sulle grandi attiviste per i diritti delle donne. Nella prima parte: Christine de Pizan, Arcangela Tarabotti, Olympe de Gouges, Mary Wollstonecraft, Anna Doyle Wheeler, Flora Tristan, Emilia Pardo-Bazán, Clara Zetkin, Anna Kuliscioff. Il lavoro ha tenuto conto non soltanto delle donne coinvolte politicamente ma anche di coloro che con la loro professione medica hanno aiutato altre donne. A calcolare quando cominciò la lotta delle donne per l’emancipazione potremmo partire da Ipazia di Alessandria, quindi potremmo tranquillamente parlare di duemila anni. Tuttavia siamo partite da Christine de Pizan, dunque dal Medioevo. Christine de Pizan è considerata una protofemminista, la parola femminismo non era ancora stata coniata ma in realtà le donne stavano già combattendo da secoli per i loro diritti. Il femminismo non è un partito politico, un movimento sociale o una questione di lotta di classe o di genere, femminismo significa “riconoscimento del pensiero femminile” cioè riconoscimento che le donne pensano e che il loro modo di pensare è diverso dagli uomini perché le donne hanno l’utero e questo fa tanta differenza, è quello che collega le donne alla terra, che collega le donne alla Grande Madre e che le rende capaci di pensare in maniera circolare, cooperativa e non competitiva. La competizione alle donne è stata insegnata. Siamo state addestrate alla competizione perché per vivere in questo mondo e sentirci legittimate dobbiamo comportarci secondo la modalità maschile.

Una revista de poesía dirigida por mujeres.
Un programa de televisión realizado por mujeres.
Los poetas del Grupo Cero realizamos un trabajo de difusión de la obra de los más grandes poetas de la historia, seguimos el trabajo emprendido en 1981 cuando se funda la Escuela de Poesía y Psicoanálisis Grupo Cero y que, a través de las revistas que componen su historia, continúa acercando la poesía a todas las clases sociales.
LO MEJOR DE LOS MEJORES.
Una idea original de
Miguel Oscar Menassa
https://poesiamaspoesia.com/category/emily-dickinson/

For over sixty years, American pro-suffrage women consistently viewed world’s fairs as the single most important and indispensable of cultural venues for their suffrage work. Despite being actively excluded from fair administrations, their unsanctioned interventions at expositions permitted suffragists to attach women’s right to the franchise to the nationalist celebrations of modernity and democracy that lay at the ideological center of every world’s fair. Equally significant, with few other opportunities to travel to meet with one another, activist women used expositions as crucial sites and occasions for building their movement’s national and international infrastructure. Starting with the first American world’s fair in New York in 1853 and ending with the last fairs held prior to the US entry into World War I, no other cultural format provided suffragists with a bigger megaphone, more relevance and legitimacy, or more regular opportunities to coordinate their efforts than world’s fairs.

Gender Studies developed alongside and emerged out of feminist movements and critical theorizing of the 20 th century. Today they are both recognized as a discrete teaching and research area and an integral part of various disciplines. Gender Studies analyze how gender constitutes social order and power relations past and present. It is in this respect that gender is not understood as a biological or natural constant but as a historically and culturally specific, lifelong process of differentiation and becoming and as a way of existence. Gender is thus always also an effect of social and individual processes. The book series "Gender Issues" unites theoretical and empirical work in the field of Gender Studies in the humanities and the social sciences. The series is open to different disciplines and languages. It may thus be understood as bridging the gap between different research sensibilities and language cultures. The series "Gender Issues" is edited by the Swiss Association for Gender Studies. The series is peer-reviewed and open-access.