Woman Suffrage

According to the Bible, Eve was the first to heed Satan’s advice to eat of the forbidden fruit. The notion of woman as the Devil’s accomplice is prominent throughout the history of Christianity. During the nineteenth century, rebellious females performed counter-readings of this misogynist tradition. Hereby, Lucifer was reconceptualised as a feminist liberator of womankind, and Eve became a heroine. In these reimaginings, Satan is an ally in the struggle against a patriarchy supported by God the Father and his male priests.

This study delineates how such Satanic feminism is expressed in a number of nineteenth-century esoteric works, literary texts, autobiographies, pamphlets and journals, newspaper articles, paintings, sculptures and even artefacts of consumer culture such as jewellery.

In the material, four motifs in particular are prominent: 1) interpretations of Eve’s role in the fall of man as something positive, 2) the witch as a proto-feminist figure, 3) the demon lover as an emancipator, 4) a feminised Satan contrasted with an oppressive male God. A fifth and less central motif is conceptions of Lilith, according to Jewish lore the unruly first wife of Adam, as the first feminist.

The analysis focuses on interfaces between esotericism and the political realm, as well as the interdependence of literature and the occult. New light is thus shed on neglected aspects of the intellectual history of feminism, Satanism and revisionary mythmaking. The study is informed by theories concerning counter-readings, counter-discourses and counter-myths, and in particular highlights the complex interplay of such phenomena and the hegemonic discourses that demonised feminism. A key theme in this context is the limits and paradoxes of inversion as a subversive strategy.

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The film ‘Suffragette’ was directed by Sarah Gavron and won several awards. Critics were overall positive. One of many praiseful comments was: “an urgent and compelling film, made by British women, about British women who changed the course of history”. 

In this paper I would like to analyze in what way the film, the film producers and the critical responses to the film, portray the British first-wave feminists and how we at the present time should understand this portrayal in the light of the early second-wave feminist ideas.

A presença feminina nos espaços políticos ainda é rara nos dias atuais. A baixa participação de mulheres nesses espaços figura como uma das preocupações atuais de muitos pesquisadores e tem sido alvo de medidas governamentais que procuram estimular o acesso feminino às vias tradicionais de poder com a
estipulação de cotas para as mulheres nos partidos políticos. Apesar dessa constatação, o voto feminino no Brasil demandou muita luta e mais de 40 anos, desde a implantação da República, para ser reconhecido. Nesse sentido este artigo
procura dar visibilidade a uma das primeiras tentativas de se reconhecer esse direito para as brasileiras, o projeto do deputado Maurício de Lacerda apresentado no ano de 1917 e a participação de Leolinda Daltro e de sua associação, o Partido
Republicano Feminino, nessa tentativa. Para tanto se procura dar ênfase para o que foi discutido no Parlamento e às repercussões a essa proposta encontradas na
imprensa. Quer-se salientar os principais argumentos apresentados para se reconhecer esse direito para as brasileiras bem como para negá-los. Procura-se
também apresentar o que motivou Lacerda a elaborar tal proposta em uma época na qual as mulheres não tinham nem voz nem vez no mundo público e político. O método empregado para analisar o corpus documental da pesquisa é a Análise de Conteúdo, tal como apresentado por Laurence Bardin.

Home / Phụ nữ mang thai / Bà bầu nên và không nên ăn gì, chế độ dinh dưỡng cho bà bầu 3 tháng đầu Bà bầu nên và không nên ăn gì, chế độ dinh dưỡng cho bà bầu 3 tháng đầu  December 4, 2015  Phụ nữ mang thai  25 Views Mang thai là thời kỳ vô cùng quan trọng và thiêng liêng đối với mỗi phụ nữ vì thế chế độ dinh dưỡng cho bà bầu lại càng cần được quan tâm. Khi mang thai lần đầu hầu hết tất cả các mẹ bầu đều có câu hỏi chung là Bà bầu nên và không nên ăn gì, chế độ dinh dưỡng cho bà bầu 3 tháng đầu, các tháng sau đó. Điều đó không có gì là lạ cả vì khi mang bầu sinh lý của mẹ sẽ thay đổi rất nhiều, có nhiều thực phẩm cần phải bồ sung cho sự phát triển của bé những cũng cần hạn chế những thực phẩm không tốt. Hãy cùng Mẹo Vặt Cuộc Sống tìm hiểu điều này nhé. Bà bầu nên ăn gì khi mang thai? Hãy cùng điểm danh một số loại thực phẩm không thể thiếu trong chế độ dinh dưỡng cho bà bầu hàng ngày nhé. – Sữa và các thực phẩm từ sữa: Trong sữa có chứa rất nhiều dưỡng chất cần thiết cho mẹ cũng như bé vì vậy bà bầu nên sử dụng hàng ngày. Sữa tươi tiệt trùng, sữa chua, sữa bà bầu là các loại mẹ nên cho vào danh sách ngay nhé, vì trong sữa có chứa nhiều canxi và protein tốt cho sự phát triển cả bé. Sữa và các thực phẩm từ sữa – Các loại đậu: Trong các loại hạt đậu chứa rất nhiều protein và chất xơ cần thiết, ngoài ra đậu còn chứa nhiều sắt, folate, canxi và kẽm Món ngon: Cháo bí ngô converted by Web2PDFConvert.com

The powerful are different from those who do not wield power. They guard power with a vicious, unforgivingly paranoid, ferocity; violence, cruelty and brutality come naturally to these people who stop at nothing to retain their dominance over the powerless. The 2014 Model Town, Lahore, massacre, the abuse and murder of religious minorities and the Shia genocide are but a few examples of the Pakistani powerful breaking the laws of humanity, religion, society, decency and the constitution in their depraved bids to retain power. Sarah Gavron's powerful, energetic and deeply moving Suffragette chronicles the extraordinary efforts of a group of women fighting for their rights in early twentieth century and the vicious response of powerful authorities determined to deny them the right to vote. That the powerful were motivated primarily by

This article examines Amanda Coogan’s Floats in the Aether (2018-19) in relation to ‘home rule’, broadly interpreted to encompass the agitation for Irish women’s citizenship and autonomy.  Between  November  2018  and  January  2019  Irish performance artist  Amanda Coogan staged  performances  with  100  women and girls responding to the exhibition Markievicz: Portraits and Propaganda. This was the first performance artwork commissioned by the National Gallery of Ireland (NGI). The exhibition and Coogan’s commission marked the centenary of women’s suffrage (1918), the election of Constance Markievicz (1868-1927)to British House of Parliament (1918), and the formation of the first Dáil (1919). A revolutionary feminist,  socialist and republican, Markievicz was an  enigmatic  figure  who,  as  an  artist, carefully  crafted  images  of  herself  using  performative  photography  to  construct  a  public persona. Floats in the Aether included secondary school students, the Dublin Theatre of the Deaf,  a  choir  and  sitting  female  parliamentarians  including  two  former  Tánaistí,  Cabinet Ministers and TDs. This essay argues that Coogan’s performances, situated at the intersection of historical and institutional critiques, offer new perspectives on ‘home rule’ with regards to Irish women’s history, gendered spaces and the struggle for gender equality.

HUN/ENG

HUN: EGY KONZERVATÍV FEMINISTA: ADALÉKOK GRÓF TELEKI SÁNDORNÉ (SZIKRA) ÉLETPÁLYÁJÁNAK NÉHÁNY SZAKASZÁHOZ / ENG:A CONSERVATIVE FEMINIST: CONTRIBUTIONS TO SOME PHASES OF THE CAREER OF COUNT SÁNDORNÉ TELEKI (SZIKRA)


HUN: Gróf Teleki Sándorné Kende Júlia (1864. március 7. – 1937. március 15.), írói művésznevén Szikra a 20. század eleji magyar feminista mozgalom fontos szereplője volt. A Feministák Egyesülete Politikai Bizottságának elnöke volt, valamint A Nő nevű lap szerkesztője. Számos témakört érintő publicisztikáit több lap rendszeresen közölte. Személye írónőként ismert és elismert volt a 20. század első felében, a Magyar Írónők Körének egyik alapítója és első elnöke, valamint a Magyar Pen Club alelnöke volt. Mindezeken túlmenően igen aktív társadalmi szerepvállalás jellemezte pályáját, számos jótékonysági kezdeményezés köthető a nevéhez. Teleki Sándorné baráti és ismeretségi körébe
tartozott a századforduló politikai és művészeti elitjének számos ismert tagja. Noha az elmúlt évtizedek során fontos és jelentős kutatási eredmények születtek a korai magyar feminista
mozgalomra vonatkozóan, azonban Teleki Sándorné életéről és munkásságáról eddig nem jelent meg kizárólag a személyére összpontosító történeti igényű szakmunka, személye nagyobb terjedelemben csupán ismeretterjesztő cikkek, illetve életrajzi és szaklexikonok címszavai szintjén került tárgyalásra. Tanulmányomban áttekintést kívánok adni Teleki Sándorné életéről, különös hangsúlyt fektetve a nőjogi mozgalomban betöltött szerepére és társadalmi
szerepvállalására. Munkám kronológiai súlypontját az 1890-es évektől 1919-ig terjedő időszak képezi, amely lefedi Teleki Sándorné pályakezdését és feminista mozgalmon belüli legaktívabb korszakát. Írásom fő forrásait Teleki Sándorné férjének első világháborús naplója, korabeli sajtóanyagok, valamint Teleki Sándorné egyik eddig kiadatlan önéletrajzi verse képezik. Reményeim szerint tanulmányom az első lépés lehet Teleki Sándorné pályafutásának tudományos igényű feldolgozásához, valamint hasznos segédeszközzé válhat a korszak nőtörténetét kutatók, vagy az az iránt érdeklődők számára.
ENG: Countess Sándorné Kende Júlia Teleki (7 March 1864 - 15 March 1937), pen name Szikra, was an important figure in the Hungarian feminist movement of the early 20th century. She was chairman of the Political Committee of the Feminist Association and editor of the journal A Nő (The Woman). Her publicist's articles on a wide range of subjects were regularly published in several newspapers. She was a well-known and respected writer in the first half of the 20th century, one of the founders and first presidents of the Hungarian Female Writers' Circle (Magyar Írónők Köre) and vice-president of the Hungarian Pen Club. In addition, she was very active in society. Szikra's circle of friends and acquaintances was part of the Hungarian political and artistic elite of the turn of the century. Although important and significant research has been carried out over the past decades on early Hungarian feminism, there has been no historical work on her life and work focusing exclusively on her person, and Szikra has only been discussed on a larger scale in popular literature articles and in the headings of biographical and encyclopedic works. In my study, I intend to give an overview of the life of Szikra, with a special emphasis on her role in the women's rights movement and her social and political role in Hungarian society. The chronological focus of my work is the period from the 1890s to 1919, which covers Szikra's early career and her most active period within the feminist movement. The main sources of my writing are Szikra's husband's diary from the First World War, contemporary press materials, and a previously unpublished autobiographical poem by Szikra. It is my hope that my study can be the first step towards a scholarly research of Sándorné Teleki's career.

Tickner quoted Simon Patten, who argued in 1914 that as he watched the suffragettes " swing with easy step from one end of fifth avenue to the other " that they represented a positive development of women, freeing them from the stiff Regency and Victorian controls and that these women were to be proud of.(Annals Of American Academy v56 NY Public Library 1914 From the outset I want to bring attention to the use of colour as symbol and communication. These colours have been used in knots, ribbon decorations and clothing as part of the unspoken language of women in political activism. Such symbols in Celtic times were connected with magic and amulet power but by the 15 th C (Cromwell and Wars of the Roses) colour and pattern were being used by women to indicate support fo ra political direction that may not have been aligned with their husband or family.

Using ‘Montessori and Social Progress’ by Arthur St John, The Montessori Fellowship (pamphlet 2), July 1927, and the activities of Sylvia Pankhurst, and the community of Suffragists and Suffragettes working in education and schools, and part of the New Ideals in Education Conferences, the nature of schooling and its relationship with our identities and developing a community of equals based on human rights is explored. The heartfelt cry is 'for how long' will we fail to listen to the voices of those who fought for equality, rights and democracy and their struggle to 'liberate our children'?

Artículo que estudia la participación política y asociativa de la derecha femenina durante la Segunda República a través del partido conservador y católico Acción Femenina Leonesa (AFL). Esta agrupación, encuadrada en la CEDA (Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas), fue fundada por la diputada e Inspectora de Primera Enseñanza Francisca Bohigas Gavilanes. Se abordan aspectos como el discurso ideológico y de género, la organización y expansión de la AFL, sus problemáticas internas, así como el pensamiento de su presidenta y lider.

One of the key players of the British Suffrage Movement, Princess Sophia Duleep Singh, is still largely ignored in our historical consciousness. Her contributions and her impact on the Suffrage Movement is often overlooked in favor of continued dominant white narratives. Sophia’s celebrity status as Princess of the British Punjab region and goddaughter of Queen Victoria, turned her into an invaluable asset to Emmeline Pankhurst and her group, the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU). Already a media darling prior to her involvement with the movement, Sophia’s celebrity status was used as a tool to garner more press for the often mocked and ridiculed cause for women’s votes. This study focuses on the press attention Sophia gained for the British Suffrage Movement and her pivotal role as celebrity ally to Emmeline Pankhurst’s inner circle of suffragettes. Princess Sophia Duleep Singh’s active contribution to the campaign for women’s votes is analyzed through the use of her image. Importantly, it is duly highlighted that the face of the British Suffrage Movement, was at one point in history, a radical brown woman empowered to fight for the enfranchisement of women around the world.

Özet XIX. yüzyılda başta Britanya olmak üzere toplumlarda kadın-erkek eşitsizliği söz konusudur. Kadınlar toplum içerisinde belirli toplumsal roller dışına çıkamamaktadır. Kadın-erkek arasındaki eşitsizlik sadece sosyal hayatta değil çalışma yaşamında da kendini göstermektedir. Ayrıca kadınlar erkeklere göre daha fazla çalışmalarına rağmen erkeklerden daha az maaş almaktadır. Çalışma şartlarındaki zorluklar işçilerin hastalanmasına, zehirlenmesine ve hayatlarını kaybetmelerine neden olmaktadır. Sanayi devrimi sonrası kadınların ve çocukların çalışma hayatı girmesi ve yine zor şart-larda çalışmaları sosyal politikaları zorunlu hale getirmektedir. Sosyal politikalar bu noktada anlam ve önem kazanmaktadır. XIX. yüzyılla birlikte ortaya çıkan sosyal politika disiplini başta işçi ve işveren arasındaki anlaşmazlıkların çözümünde işçi taraflı bir anlayış sergilemiştir. Süreç içerisinde sosyal politikanın sorumluluk alanında gelişmeler yaşanmış; kadın, çocuk, yaşlı, eski hükümlü, engelli ve benzeri gruplar sosyal politikaların hedef kitlesi hâline gelmiştir. Sinema filmleri bir sanat dalı olmanın yanında içerisinden çıktığı toplumun bir ürünüdür. Sinema filmleri toplumları etkilemekte ve aynı zamanda toplumlardan da etkilenmektedir. Araştırma da, amaç sinema filmlerinin toplumsal niteliğini öne çıkararak, sosyal politikanın ortaya çıkmasındaki nedeni film aracılığıyla irdelemektir. Araştırmada bu amaçla XIX. yüzyıl Londra'sını yansıtan Sarah Gavron'un 2015 yılı yapımı olan Diren! (Suffragette) filmi adlı filmi ele alınacaktır. Suffragette filminde de görüldüğü üzere XIX. yüzyıl Londra'sı toplumunda, kadınların yaşamak dışında pek de başka bir hakkı yoktur. "Suffrage" kelime-sinden gelen ve "kadınların oy müdacedelesi" veya "süfraje" olarak çevrilen terim, XX. yüzyılın başlan-gıcına yakın Birleşik Krallık'ta ortaya çıkan ve farklı yollarla kadınların başta seçme ve seçilme olmak üzere birçok hakkını savunan hareket için kullanılmaktadır. Suffragette filmi bu noktada önemli bir mücadeleyi bizlere yansıtmaktadır. Sinema filmi birlikte toplumdaki yoksulluk, işsizlik, açlık ve kadınların sosyal dışlanmaya maruz kalmaları gibi sosyal sorunlara dair somut örnekler verilecektir. ABD ve Avrupalı ülkelerde sanayi devrimi sonrası sosyal sorunların toplumları derinden sarstığı söylenebilir. Bu nedenle, belirtilen ül-kelerde sosyal politikaların ortaya çıkışındaki ihtiyaç, dönemi anlatan Suffragette filmi ile ifade edilecektir.

In 1909, at the height of the woman suffrage controversy and during the golden age of postcards, the Dunston-Weiler Lithograph Company of New York produced a twelve-card set of full-color lithographic cartoon postcards opposing woman suffrage. The postcard images reflect, and depart from, verbal arguments concerning woman suffrage prevalent during this period. They reflect arguments against suffrage that highlighted the coarsening effect the vote would have on women. The postcards also present an argument that was absent in the verbal discourse surrounding suffrage: that men (and the nation) would become feminized by woman suffrage. Accordingly, these postcards offer a productive location in which to explore how the icons of the Madonna and Uncle Sam, as well as non-iconic images of women, were deployed to reiterate the disciplinary norms of the ideographs of <woman> and <man>.

Rape is slowly becoming a part of our society. Due to modernization, the thinking of people is becoming either broader or narrower, no in between. Some people take it as an invite for sexual activity leading it to rape. Modernization or adoption of western culture is affecting our own Indian culture. In our male dominating society, where women is trying hard for their equal status and standards, somewhere is held responsible for such wrongful acts, but where a rape is done by a known person, be it a lover, a friend, a colleague, a classmate, spouse, or any other person who's an acquaintance to a woman, how can that rape cannot be called as 'true rape'? A rape is a rape whether caused by an unknown person or a known person. Anything done sexually to a woman without her consent is referred to as rape. In today's techno life, where everything is online and socially connected to each other, it has become a lot easier to track the movements of a person. Acquaintance rape is also refer to as 'Date Rape' or 'Dating Violence', where a couple is in a romantic or intimate relationship, and one of the partners forces the other for sexual activity. But some make excuse out of it as it was done under the effect of intoxication, high drug dose or unconsciousness of the person.3 These date rapes are generally done in view of revenge from their former partner for being with someone else. This is very common among the people of age 18-28 years. The Indian Penal Code, 1860 provides the punishment for rape.

C li c k C li c k t o b u y N O W ! P D F -X C hange V ie w e r w w w .d o c u-tra c k .c o m C li c k t o b u y N O W ! P D F -X C hange V ie w e r w w w .d o c u-tra c k .c o m 23 Obraz sufrażystek angielskich na łamach polskich czasopism kobiecych

In 1863 Orange County, New York resident Lydia Sayer Hasbrouck refused to pay her city taxes.  Her reasoning was simple; she would not pay taxes if she could not vote. An outspoken hydropthic physician and editor of the dress reform newspaper, The Sibyl, Hasbrouck refused to accept that the husband’s vote represented the wife’s interests. 
Lydia Sayer Hasbrouck’s refusal to pay her taxes in protest of women’s disenfranchisement fits within the larger context of tactics used by the nineteenth-century woman’s suffrage movement. Hasbrouck’s contribution stands out, however, because she used The Sibyl as a tool to describe her personal experiences fighting for the vote. Based on an analysis of articles and readers’ correspondence published in The Sibyl, this article argues that Hasbrouck used her newspaper to create a long-distance community of women and to spark conversations about suffrage. In doing so, Hasbrouck emphasized to her readers that they did not have to be involved in the organized woman’s movement to fight for suffrage; regular women could take action in their daily lives.

El documento que presentamos, La marcha de las mujeres (The March of the Women), es una partitura compuesta en el año 1911 por la compositora inglesa Dr. Ethel Smyth (1858-1944), una pieza que se convertiría en el himno del movimiento sufragista. La compositora, tras conocer durante un mitin a Emmeline Pankhurst, líder de la Unión Social y Política de las Mujeres (Women's Social and Political Union, WSPU), abandonó durante dos años su intensa y reconocida actividad musical para dedicarse plenamente a la causa sufragista. La composición de este himno proporcionó a este movimiento un canto propio de identificación y cohesión que representó y simbolizó la lucha de aquellas mujeres. Su música, arraigada en la tradición de los himnos patrióticos y revolucionarios del siglo xix, fue cantada por las sufragistas inglesas en sus actos y la propia autora hizo diferentes versiones de la misma. Se trata de un documento relevante, histórica y musicalmente, que revela la importancia de la música para expresar los ideales de un movimiento colectivo, en este caso el sufragismo, y las emociones de quienes con él se identificaban.

Alice Moore Dunbar-Nelson’s 1915 scrapbook is a record of her experiences as a paid organizer in the women’s suffrage movement of the 1910s, when she worked for the Pennsylvania suffrage campaign, mainly in the Pittsburgh area, during a period for which there are no extant diaries. Made of news clippings pasted into a reused household account book, the scrapbook shares commonalities with scrapbooks by women suffragists and by black men concerned with African American history. She was already an accomplished speaker and organizer before her work on the suffrage campaign began, working with the NAACP against lynching, and participating in their campaign against Birth of a Nation during it. The scrapbook shows her public speaking, addressing black and mixed audiences, via newspapers’ coverage and fragmentary transcriptions of her speeches–a topic connected to her work teaching public speaking at Howard High School, and her anthologies of African American speeches. It is a carefully composed text itself, which shows her shaping her image. She strategically used her status as Paul Laurence Dunbar’s widow to gain more attention to the cause, even while she drew on a concealed well of experience as a battered wife in framing her arguments. Her speeches articulated her view of women’s suffrage and the distinctive ways black women should use the vote for their communities–not settling for the historic black support for the Republican Party, but demanding a return for their votes.

Frances Willard (1839-1898) is best remembered (if she is remembered at all) as President of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, the largest organization of women in the world in the 19th century. She was one of the most famous people of her time and her work for temperance and other social reforms, including labor and prison reforms, women’s rights and world peace, propelled these reforms forward. Willard’s unique approach to this reform work, specifically her approach to expanding women’s public role, created room for vast numbers of women to join her in what I argue was essentially a feminist crusade. This essay is meant to provide some biographical background about Willard, grounding her feminism and reform spirit in her early life, and outlining the basics of her pioneering approach that linked the 19th century temperance and suffrage movements, moving both forward at a critical time. It is not meant as a comprehensive study, but as a pointer to this hidden story and a brief correction of the historic record on this topic.

Were women agents of their own political emancipation or did politicians preemptively grant rights to them in a bid for electoral success? This article claims that both electoral politics and the ordinary strategies of women’s movements explain the timing of female suffrage. Drawing on archival evidence from the United Kingdom, I show how in an electoral environment where the incumbent Liberals saw disadvantage to reform, an enterprising group of Liberal suffragists formed a pact with the Labour party, trading economic resources for the party’s promise to push for suffrage reform. The Election Fighting Fund, as the pact was called, was key to securing women’s place in the 1918 Representation of the People Act. In raising the possibility that ordinary instead of revolutionary tactics proved key to voting rights reform, women emerge as an interesting new case for the study of democratization.

Demokratiegeschichte wird fast immer als Revolutionsgeschichte erzählt -und damit oft als eine Sache der Männer. Es lohnt sich häufig, den Blick auf Demokratiegeschichte um die Themen Reformen, transnationale Entwicklungen und Geschlecht zu erweitern. Seite 04-09 KERSTIN WOLFF AUCH UNSERE STIMME ZÄHLT! DER KAMPF DER FRAUENBEWEGUNG UM DAS WAHLRECHT IN DEUTSCHLAND Vor 100 Jahren wurde das Frauenwahlrecht in Deutschland eingeführt. Nicht Weltkrieg und Novemberrevolution waren die Auslöser für die Einführung, dieser ging vielmehr ein langer, letztlich erfolgreicher Kampf der Frauenbewegung voraus. Seite 11-19 JANA GÜNTHER DIE SUFFRAGETTEN: MIT MILITANZ ZUM FRAUENSTIMMRECHT Nach einer langen, erfolglosen Kampagne für das Frauenstimmrecht radikalisierte sich ein Teil der britischen Frauenbewegung. Die Suffragetten sorgten mit ihren militanten Aktionen für Aufsehen. 1918 wurde schließlich das (eingeschränkte) Frauenwahlrecht eingeführt. Seite 20-27 GABRIELE ABELS · PETRA AHRENS · AGNES BLOME GESCHLECHTERGERECHTE REPRÄSENTATION IN HISTORISCHER UND INTERNATIONALER PERSPEKTIVE Vor 100 Jahren erhielten Frauen in Deutschland das aktive und passive Wahlrecht und wurden damit de jure zu vollwertigen Staatsbürgerinnen. Das war das Ergebnis eines langen Kampfes. Gleichwohl ist de facto ihre politische Gleichheit bis heute nicht voll verwirklicht. Seite 28-36 GESINE FUCHS WÄHLEN FRAUEN ANDERS ALS MÄNNER? Wer wen warum wählt und welche Unterschiede es zwischen den Geschlechtern gibt, zeigt dieser Beitrag anhand des Wahlverhaltens von Frauen und Männern in Deutschland. Er wirft einen Blick auf Präferenz-Wahlsysteme und Sachabstimmungen. Seite 37-44 HODA SALAH PARTIZIPATION UND REPRÄSENTATION VON FRAUEN IN ARABISCHEN LÄNDERN In fast allen arabischen Staaten gibt es mittlerweile das Frauenwahlrecht. Von gleichberechtigter Teilhabe sind die Frauen aber oft weit entfernt. Das Spannungsfeld zwischen Religionsgesetz und (semi-)säkularem Staat bildet das Haupthindernis für die Umsetzung ihrer Rechte. Seite 45-54 03 EDITORIAL "Es giebt keine Freiheit der Männer, wenn es nicht eine Freiheit der Frauen giebt. Wenn eine Frau ihren Willen nicht zur Geltung bringen darf, warum soll es der Mann dürfen." Hedwig Dohm (1831-1919) Fast 100 Jahre nach Einführung des Frauenwahlrechts in Deutschland wird Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel als mächtigste Frau der Welt gehandelt, an der Spitze der ältesten deutschen Partei steht Andrea Nahles, und Ursula von der Leyen befehligt die deutschen Streitkräfte. Seit jenen Tagen, als ihnen noch mit dem Verweis auf ihre "Natur" das (aktive) Frauenstimmrecht und das passive Wahlrecht vorenthalten wurde, haben Frauen beziehungsweise die Frauenbewegung viel erreicht.

Susan B. Anthony’s public career serves as both a case study within and a reflection of extemporaneous speaking culture in the nineteenth century. This essay argues that Anthony’s rhetorical influence in the fight for woman suffrage is best explained through her mastery of extemporaneous speaking within a culture that taught and valued the practice. This essay analyzes Anthony’s extemporaneous speaking in the 1870s and 1880s and presents archival research to ground the analysis in nineteenth-century extemporaneous speaking culture. Beyond gaining a better understanding of the role extemporaneous speaking played in Anthony’s suffrage advocacy, this essay also illustrates how rhetorical scholars might analyze the fragmentary texts that record and report on extemporaneous speaking and reflects on the implication of studying those fragmentary texts for expanding the canon of scholarship on women.

Mohandas Gandhi is civil disobedience’s most original theorist and most influential mythmaker. As a newspaper editor in South Africa, he chronicled his experiments with satyagraha by drawing parallels to ennobling historical precedents. Most enduring of these were Socrates and Henry David Thoreau. The genealogy Gandhi invented in these years has become a cornerstone of contemporary liberal narratives of civil disobedience as a continuous tradition of conscientious appeal ranging from Socrates to King to Rawls. One consequence of this contemporary canonization of Gandhi’s narrative, however, has been to obscure the radical critique of violence that originally motivated it. This essay draws on Edward Said’s account of travelling theory to unsettle the myth of doctrine that has formed around civil disobedience. By placing Gandhi’s genealogy in the context of his critique of modern civilization, as well as his formative but often-overlooked encounter with the British women’s suffrage movement, it reconstructs Gandhi’s paradoxical notion that sacrificial political action is the fullest expression of self-rule. For Gandhi, Socrates and Thoreau exemplify civil disobedience as a fearless practice of fidelity to truth profoundly at odds with liberal conceptions of disobedience as fidelity to law.

‘Stamped all over the King’s Head: Defaced Coins and Women’s Suffrage’, British Numismatic Journal, 86 (2016), pp.238-245.

Using the British Museum's 'Votes for Women' penny as its starting point, this article conducts an analysis of a group of similar coins.  It attempts to answer how they were made, how many were made, their purpose and place in suffragette historiography.

We certify that we have read this document and approve it as adequate in scope and quality for the degree of Master of Arts. ________Dr.Karen Torjesen________ Faculty Advisor __________Dr. Jonanthan Berliner ________ Faculty Reader __________Dr. Linda M. Perkins _______ Faculty Reader Date_____________4/18/2011__________________ New York and stated that women were superior to men

The women's suffrage movement engaged with art in many different ways, enabling campaigners to express their political views as well as generating publicity for the cause. This chapter discusses the movement's engagement with art in terms of literature, the visual arts, music and drama, indicating how early feminist activists worked in these different fields in collective support of the campaign. It provides a brief outline of the women's suffrage movement in the UK and its key organisations, identifying some of the previous scholarship in the field. It also offers an overview of the contents of the volume, concluding with a one-paragraph summary of each of its chapters in turn.

Ethel Smyth composed her fourth opera, The Boatswain’s Mate, in 1913–14, shortly following the two-year period she famously devoted to the suffragette movement. This chapter subjects to renewed critical scrutiny the popularly-held supposition that the work constitutes a ‘feminist opera’, a claim made primarily on the basis of the overture’s liberally quoting two of Smyth’s own suffrage songs (‘1910’, a commemoration of the events of Black Friday of that year, and the suffragette anthem ‘The March of the Women’) instead of the conventional assortment of themes from the score itself, coupled to the suggestion that its female protagonist was modelled on Emmeline Pankhurst, with whom Smyth had maintained a close relationship. Factors investigated include the extent of the indebtedness of Smyth’s libretto to the short story by W.W. Jacobs (from Captains All, 1905) in which it originated; Smyth’s creative process, about which she wrote at length in her auto/biographical books A Final Burning of Boats Etc. (1928) and Beecham and Pharaoh (1935); and her practice of drawing upon pre-existing music at several significant junctures in the score, including the heroine’s central aria ‘What if I were young again’, which is based on the traditional British ballad ‘Lord Randall’, a dialogue between a mother and the son who has been poisoned by his beloved.