Washington consensus

Suffering from high rates of inflation since the 1940s and having experienced two hyperinflations at the end of the 1980s, in 2019 Argentina faced an increase of prices of more than 50%. But in the 1990s Argentina achieved price stability and growth at once. What were the sources of such an immediate change? What lessons can be drawn from this experience? As in the 1990s Argentina adopted profound market reforms, stability could be considered an achievement of neoliberal diffusion. Not only international forces were propelling change; the International Monetary Found (IMF) celebrated the success and invited other emerging nations to imitate it. Nevertheless, this perspective underestimates the importance of the local context in the history of neoliberal reforms and overestimates the coherence of external forces. Through the analysis of testimonies of Argentine and foreign officials and the study of declassified documents from the IMF, this paper argues that stability was only achieved after the adoption of a currency board, which was against the recommendation of most foreign officials. Instead of a simple top-down transposition of ideas, the Argentinian case reveals the importance of the agency of technocrats. Their local innovation not only made the diffusion of neoliberalism possible, but it also turned the currency board into one of the global anti-inflationist recipes recommended to other countries, despite its heavy consequences.

Análise das regras do Consenso de Washington, com base sobretudo nos casos da Argentina e do Brasil, elaborado em grande medida por Fabio Giambiagi (economista do BNDES; Ipea-RJ). O artigo retoma o debate – a rigor, mais político do que propriamente econômico – sobre as famosas regras do Consenso de Washington, equivocadamente identificadas por críticos apressados com um conjunto de prescrições de cunho neoliberal. Os autores reexaminam tanto o teor como o efeito dessas regras com base na experiência recente dos países da América Latina, em especial a Argentina e o Brasil, e concluem que a maior parte dos problemas enfrentados se deve, justamente, ao fato de as regras básicas do modelo não terem sido seguidas, com ênfase nos problemas fiscais e no regime cambial. As conclusões apontam que os países que estiveram mais perto de aplicar as regras mencionadas tiveram um melhor desempenho econômico, que os críticos ainda não lograram apresentar um conjunto crível de medidas factíveis de política econômica e que o modelo original preserva sua validade operacional.

Has the international movement for democracy and human rights gone from being a weapon against power to part of the arsenal of power itself? The book explores this question and looks at how in the 1990s the U.S. government, the World Bank, political scientists, NGOs, think tanks, and various international organizations have appropriated the movement for democracy and human rights to export neoliberal policies throughout the world. It charts the various symbolic, ideological, and political meanings that have developed around human rights and democracy movements. It suggests that these shifting meanings reflect the transformation of a progressive, emancipatory movement into an industry, dominated by "experts," ensconced in positions of power.

The story begins in the 1950s when U.S. foreign policy experts promoted human rights and democracy as part of a "democratic international" to fight the spread of communism. Later, the unlikely convergence of anti-Stalinist leftists and the nascent neoconservative movement found a place in the Reagan administration. These "State Department Socialists," as they were known, created policies and organizations that provided financial and technical expertise to democratic movements, but also supported authoritarian, anti-communist regimes, particularly in Latin America.

Since 2008, the impact of the global financial markets meltdown, often attributed to the downturn in sub-prime mortgage industry in advanced Western economies, have resulted in worldwide deterioration of living standards, mass unemployment and the
collapse of various social programmes. In many developing countries, the crisis has disrupted modest economic gains and continues to undermine various attempts at securing sustainable wealth and jobs. Drawing from a critical reflection of the themes
of governance and capacity development, and the concepts of “sustainable social protection systems” and “social dialogue” advanced by the International Labour Organisation, this paper explores various means by which the public sector could be
strengthened to create wealth and employment amid the current economic crises. The paper challenges policy makers to meet mounting citizens’ expectations and various international and governmental commitments to commit to full employment and
poverty reduction through state-driven interventions. It argues, among others, that without an effective and dynamic public sector that has the capacity to undertake constructive engagements with other private actors, a strong state may be unable to meet the expectations and promises of jobs and income growth. The analysis points to the need to blend traditional administrative tools with innovative techniques revolving around information communication technologies, public-private partnerships and best-fit inclusive governance processes for effective policy making to drive economic
growth and full employment

Postales desde el filo… de la crisis alimentaria por José Luis Vivero Pol y Andrés Pascoe Rippey 7 El FMI y el hambre por Serge Halimi 19 Motines del hambre por Ignacio Ramonet 21 El mercado mundial de cereales "revolucionado" por Dominique Baillard 25 Son pocos los agricultores que cultivan trigo por Anne-Cécile Robert 35 Alimentarse en lugar de ser alimentado por Dr. Jacques Diouf 39 La obesidad al final de la comida por Philippe Froguel y Catherine Smadja 43 Una manera de enfermar acorde con nuestros tiempos por Dr. Oriol Ramis 49 La obesidad en la pobreza por Dr. Miguel E. Angulo J. 55 Por una gastronomía militante por Carlo Petrini 63 7 Postales desde el filo… de la crisis alimentaria Introducción por José Luis Vivero Pol y Andrés Pascoe Rippey* Como una epidemia violenta, el miedo a un Apocalipsis alimentario ha infectado a las naciones, medios y sociedades del mundo.

This publication empirically evaluates and develops core aspects of the literature on global governance. Analyzing world social, gender, ecological and economic development on the basis of the main 9 predictors, compatible with the majority of the more than 240 published studies on the cross-national determinants of the "human condition" around the globe, it presents the results of 32 equations about development performance from 131 countries. We come to the conclusion that while there is some confirmation for the "blue", market paradigm as the best and most viable way of world systems governance concerning economic growth, redistribution and gender issues, the "red-green" counter-position is confirmed concerning such vital and basic indicators as life expectancy and the human development index. This work also challenges the neo-liberal consensus about democracy and the pure market economy as the way to development, equality, a good environment and peace by showing that selected market interventions and the fairly regulated regime of the early postwar years assured stability in Europe and Japan and contributed to social and economic recovery from the Great Depression and the Second World War. Present attempts to stabilize the world order by bringing in the major western industrialized countries plus Russia (the so-called G-8, composed by France; United States; United Kingdom; Russian Federation; Germany; Japan; Italy; Canada; European Union) must face up to the fact that these countries represent a declining part of world purchasing power. The rise of Asia makes the present G7/G8 structure increasingly irrelevant. This publication also re-establishes the notion that capitalist development is of cyclical nature, with strong fluctuations every 50 years.

The practice of developing countries started in the 1950’s and 1960’s in countries that were referred to as “underdeveloped” countries. The developing practice is international and has a goal of resource mobilization and allocation in order to put societies in an orderly manner. With similar thought, the article “The Rise and Fall of the Washington Consensus as a Paradigm for Developing Countries” authored by Charles Gore sought to provide a background of the Washington consensus as well as alternative measures to address its predicted failure.

Rafael Sepúlveda Jiménez 1 . SUMARIO: I. Consideraciones previas; II. El imponente protagonismo de Estados Unidos en la economía global ¿sombras nada más?; III. China y su paulatina incorporación como potencia emergente con altos índices de desarrollo; IV. Mitos y realidades del G2; V. Interdependencia o dependencia en las relaciones China-EEUU; VI. A modo de conclusión; VII. Fuentes de información.

The main purpose of the chapter is to assess the adequacy for an understanding of development, of the various frameworks that have been put forward by the Bank. Predominantly, it seeks to situate the agenda that was implied by the Washington Consensus, and to assess the extent to which the current agenda articulated by the Bank offers substantially new and different insights. Where the Washington Consensus was admittedly characterised by an excessive macro bias towards stabilisation and a restricted micro agenda of price incentives, the current agenda seeks to ‘broaden’ the understanding of development. Closer inspection of the latter however reveals its intrinsic limitations and weaknesses. The rupture between the Washington and post-Washington Consensus appears rather circumscribed, with the latter framework perpetuating the incapacity to accommodate the actual economic and social realities of development. Between the Washington and the post-Washington Consensus, illusions of development persist.

Resumo: Este trabalho procura fazer uma análise crítica da proposta da Nova CEPAL para a retomada do crescimento e desenvolvimento na América Latina. O objetivo é demonstrar que essa proposta, na verdade, não propõe a ruptura com as reformas neoliberais, apostando em um gerenciamento eficaz dessas reformas. Argumenta-se apenas no que se refere à reforma de abertura externa das economias, que isso implica manter e acentuar os desequilíbrios estruturais que conformam a restrição externa ao crescimento das economias da região. Sendo assim, uma verdadeira alternativa deveria, como pré-condição, rechaçar e reverter essas reformas.

Theoretical aspects of economic development and growth The aim of this article is to compare the economic development models of two economic transformations that are widely recognised as successful. They constitute the two cases frequently referred to not only in the scientific literature, but also in real reform programmes designed for the so-called economies in transition. The comparative research approach will allow for a more comprehensive presentation of the course of the changes and will also allow attention to be paid to elements that may otherwise remain hidden. The aim of the study is also to define what the Abstract: Poland and South Korea are widely recognised as successful examples of economic transformation. As a result of transformation, poor and economically underdeveloped states have managed to maintain extraordinary economic growth for a long time, significantly improving their citizens' quality of life and joining the group of highly developed economies. The changes in both states were implemented on the basis of consistent references to two different paradigms of political economy: interventionist and liberal. This article presents theoretical models of growth, trying to match them with the practical dimension of the economic policy of the two states. The aim of the comparison is to define and present these models and their empirical verification. The period of the study in the case of South Korea comprises mainly the developments after 1961, and in the case of Poland, the reforms after 1989. The article consists of five sections dealing, respectively, with: theoretical aspects of development; justification of the comparison and the choices made by the states; transformation in South Korea; transformation in Poland; and finally, the summary.

The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, is to provide an empirical analysis of the implementation of economic reforms in the areas of privatization, trade liberalization, and public expenditure priorities, using the Washington Consensus guidelines. Second, is to assess to continued viability of the Washington Consensus as a model for developing economies. The two methodologies used in this paper are case study and analysis of aggregated data. A case study of Mexico’s economic reforms since the 1980’s is used to assess whether those reforms have been implemented consistently. An analysis of aggregated data is then used to determine levels of implementation. The study finds that Mexico has failed to implement reforms in privatization, trade liberalization, and public expenditure priorities consistent with the ideals established by the Washington Consensus. It also recommends that developing countries continue to use the Washington Consensus as a blueprint for their own economic reforms.

This chapter compares various instances of everyday routine meetings in political institutions (such as the European Parliament and the European Commission) with meetings in business organizations, with the aim of, first describing similarities and differences in the genre (and subgenres) of meetings across organizations and social fields; and of secondly investigating the impact of organizational knowledge of the genre on presuppositions and context models of the participants related to the interaction and intended outcome of the meetings.

The latest economic crisis has forced many organizations to look very closely at their financing, operations, marketing and strategy. Recessions are certainly a sobering period for many people, requiring changes in habitual spending and consumption patterns. Main problem in a period of recession will depend on anticipation of this new environment and understand consumer attitudes and needs will change. The purpose of this study is to make a literature review about ‘marketing strategies during recession’ and provide ‘proposed guidelines’ for firms and practitioners working on this field.

Since 2008, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has become more open to the use of discretionary fiscal stimulus packages to deal with recessions, while changing its doctrine on the timing and content of fiscal consolida- tion. The article traces this evolution of the Fund’s doctrine to staff politics, more diverse thinking in mainstream economics, and a careful framing of the message through the use of mainstream macroeconomic models. To map the changing contours of institutional views on fiscal policy through 2008– 2013, the article undertakes a detailed content analysis of official publica- tions from the Fiscal Affairs Department and the Research Department. The connection between these shifts and significant personnel shake-ups is demonstrated through an extensive biographical analysis of the authors of all IMF studies cited in the official reports of the two departments. The findings contribute to the emerging debate on the sources of intellectual and policy change in international economic organizations.

Washington Consensus-krytyka i przewartościowanie neoliberalnego paradygmatu Upadek paradygmatu (utożsamiany w tym tekście z rewolucją naukową w rozu-mieniu Thomasa Kuhna) to rzadko spotykane wydarzenie, które neguje nie tylko wyniki naukowe, lecz także metody ich uzyskiwania. Wiele z dotychczasowych twierdzeń musi zostać poddane ponownemu zbadaniu, podobnie jak zmianie ulec powinien również sam sposób i zakres zadawania pytań. Wiąże się to ze zmia-ną procedury badawczej, obszarów zainteresowania, ich zakreślania, rozumienia i objaśniania. Tematem niniejszej pracy jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy w związku z odrzuceniem porządku Washington Consensus 1 mamy do czynienia z takim upadkiem, zbadanie jego przyczyn, przebiegu oraz sprawdzenie, czy ist-nieją jakieś wiarygodne wobec niego alternatywy. Narodziny i ukształtowanie się paradygmatu Punktem wyjścia do tak ujętych rozważań powinno być postawienie pytania o to, czy przedstawiany czasami jako doktryna, czasami jako ideologia 2 neoliberalizm można uznać za paradygmat. Paradygmatyczna natura neoliberalizmu najbar-dziej widoczna jest w pracach Johna Williamsona 3 , który z jednej strony jest au-torem sformułowania Washington Consensus, z drugiej zaś nigdy nie operuje sło-wem "paradygmat". Jednakże sposób, w jaki przedstawia i opisuje neoliberalizm w swoich pracach, sprawia, że wypełnia jednak, powszechnie zaakceptowane, 1 Termin Washington Consensus używany jest przez autora jako sformalizowany, normatywny rezultat tzw. neoliberalizmu w naukach ekonomicznych.

""The emergence of China as a significant economic force in Latin America has sparked both optimism and alarm. Recent books and articles depict China as a rising imperial power scouring the globe for natural resources and as a competitive threat to Latin America. Other studies applaud China’s pragmatic, unorthodox development strategies and portray China as a successful model for developing countries. The competing narratives about China’s rise do agree on one thing: China has become a formidable force in the developing world whose influence merits careful evaluation.

Will China's engagement with Latin America produce alternative paradigms of economic development that improve the quality of life while respecting ecological limits? Or will China replicate the trade and investment regimes that reinforced the economic and political subordination of developing countries, facilitated the exploitation of their natural resources, and brought the planet's ecosystems to the brink of collapse?

This chapter attempts to bridge the contentious debate over China’s role in Latin America by interrogating the dominant narratives that portray China as either a menace to Latin America’s development or as a model worthy of emulation. The chapter proceeds in five parts. Part I places China’s engagement with Latin America in historical context by providing an introduction to the economic history of Latin America. Part II examines the claim that China’s economic rise should be regarded as a model for Latin America. Part III evaluates the claim that China poses a threat to Latin America’s development. Parts IV and V discuss the implications of China’s rise for international economic law and for sustainable development, including China's role in the World Trade Organization, China's bilateral trade and investment agreements with Latin American nations, and China's potential contributions to sustainable development law. ""

Prefácio
Introdução: o que são falácias e como incorrem nelas os acadêmicos...
1. O mito do neoliberalismo
2. O mito do Consenso de Washington
3. O mito do marco teórico
4. O mito do Estado corretor dos desequilíbrios de mercado
5. O mito do complô dos países ricos contra o desenvolvimento dos países pobres
6. Os mitos da Revolução Cubana
7. Os mitos em torno do movimento militar de 1964
8. Os mitos da utopia marxista
9. O mito do socialismo do século 21
10. Mitos sobre o sistema monetário internacional
11. O mito da transição do capitalismo ao socialismo
12. O mito da exploração capitalista
13. O mito do socialismo de mercado na China
Conclusão: como não incorrer em falácias, sem deixar de ser acadêmico...

"Alter-Globalization / The Global Justice Movement
From Bangalore to Seattle, Porto Alegre, Copenhagen and Dakar, citizens, indigenous, farmers, intellectuals and dalits have contested globalization in its neoliberal form, proposed alternative policies, implemented participatory organization models and promoted a nascent global public space. Based on extensive field research conducted since 1999, Alter-Globalization provides a comprehensive account of these movements and their attempts to answer one of the major challenges of our time: How can citizens and civil society contribute to the building of a fairer, sustainable and more democratic world?


'Pleyers has traveled the world to offer readers the most sweeping look yet at this crucial global movement, including how it has changed in the face of the recent crisis of the very capitalism it criticizes. By showing us a movement grappling continuously with the Pyramid Dilemma over top-down versus bottom-up approaches, this book helps us think about the most basic issues of democracy and social change.'
James M. Jasper, City University of New York's Graduate School

'This important book is the first scholarly account of the alter-globalization movement. This highly original analysis of the way the movement is constructed around the tension between its two logics – subjective experience and expertise based on reason - helps us to understand not only the movement itself but also the role that the movement plays in inventing global citizenship.'
Mary Kaldor, London School of Economics

“Well-documented and relying on the most in-depth analyses. This book presents a movement both truly global and adapted to the economic context of each country and region. The main contribution of Geoffrey Pleyers, and what makes this book an indispensable tool, is that he clearly exposes the mixed strengths and weaknesses of a movement which was, and remains, a grassroots movement in which activists from poor countries occupy a place observed in no other movement.”
Alain Touraine, EHESS

“An outstanding example of contemporary sociological research that rises to the immense demands of a truly global ethnography. Pleyers’ book is bound to become the definitive account by a contemporary of the alter-globalization movement.”
Martin Albrow, L.S..E.

“This book will be the main reference for those who want to understand how the alter-globalization movement shapes today's world, how it modifies our perception of action, but also of democracy, and how this new actor articulates local and personal meanings with general concerns for the future of humanity. This study enables us to discover with precision the short, but real history, the aims, the functioning, the internal tensions, the hopes and the difficulties of the first real global movement.”
Michel Wieviorka, President of the International Sociological Association 2006-2010.

"Un livre indispensable pour comprendre l'histoire de l'altermondialisme et où le mouvement en est aujourd'hui"


Reviews:
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http://www.contretemps.eu/lectures/altermondialisme-temps-bilan-n%C3%A9cessit%C3%A9-perspectives

Book website:
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The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has caused a shift in the debate on international trade issues and is questioning the basic topdown strategy. Never before has such resistance occurred concerning trade issues. So far, hundreds of other FTAs have been negotiated by the EU and U.S. with economically weaker states and (before the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon of 2009) by EU member states, without considerable resistance by the people at large. In this paper, using the argumentative discourse analysis, I will attempt to explain the intensive debate on the current negotiated TTIP
located against the contextual backdrop of trade policy and its key benchmarks.
While I will focus on the debate about the TTIP in Germany as one of the most influential countries in Europe, I argue that opponents have managed to make a
substantial influence on the path of negotiations and consequently on the topdown process of TTIP. Hence, I speak of an early failure of the top-downprolicy which has increasingly transformed into a bottom-up process, influenced by civil society organizations. Finally, it was the public which took
the leading role in the TTIP-debate by making demands for a forward-looking global policy that does not foster the destruction of environment and which is ultimately geared to accounting for and fulfilling the needs of the people.

"""How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe?

Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund.

In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome.

Contributors include Vaso Makrygianni, Haris Tsavdaroglou, Christos Filippidis, Christos Giovanopoulos, TPTG, Metropolitan Sirens, Yannis Kallianos, Hara Kouki, Kirilov, Some of Us, Soula M., Christos Lynteris, Yiannis Kaplanis, David Graeber, Christos Boukalas, Alex Trocchi, Antonis Vradis, Dimitris Dalakoglou and the Occupied London Collective. Art and design by Leandros, Klara Jaya Brekke and Tim Simons. Edited by Antonis Vradis and Dimitris Dalakoglou of Occupied London.

Occupied London is an anarchist collective writing on all things urban. Since 2007, the collective has worked together to publish an irregular journal, offering a platform for discussion within the global social antagonist movement, and featuring contributions by writers and collectives from around the globe, including Nasser Abourahme, Zygmunt Bauman, Franco Berardi, Klara Jaya Brekke, Manuel Castells, Mike Davis, Dimitris Dalakoglou, Christos Filippidis, David Graeber, Richard Pithouse, Marina Sitrin, Antonis Vradis, and many, many more. Since 2008, the collective has maintained a wildly popular blog, “From the Greek Streets,” providing up-to-the-minute coverage of the urban revolt of December 2008 in Greece, and examining the impact and legacies of the revolt and the crisis that followed. http://www.occupiedlondon.org | http://www.occupiedlondon.org/blog)

AK Press is a worker-run, democratically-managed publisher of anarchist and radical literature. Founded in 1990, AK Press is a ten-person collective of committed anarchists, spread between Oakland, Baltimore, and Edinburgh, working hard to publish more than twenty new titles each year, and distributing thousands of other titles from like-minded publishers around the globe. (http://www.akpress.org | http://revolutionbythebook.akpress.org)"""

The chapter argues that the neoliberal doctrine, which emerged in the 1980s as a response to the crisis of the Keynesian economics, has shaped both the IMF's conditionality policy and the European economic governance. The orthodox prescriptions known as the Washington Consensus have formed the " one-size-fits-all approach " applied for several decades by the IMF. The EU has given constitutional strength to the neoliberal principles through the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. However, this chapter also shows that the latest global financial crisis has represented a turning point for the IMF-EU consensus on macroeconomic policy. European policy makers have adopted a hyper-conservative approach by remaining devoted to the economic orthodoxy. The Fund has, instead, engaged itself in an open-minded discussion about the best policies to promote stability and growth which has led IMF researchers to challenge all the main neoliberal tenets.

While the philosophical idea of the return of revolution is becoming increasingly more popular and relevant today, the current body of literature thinking through it has tended to under-theorize and often neglect a crucial dimension of this return: the actuality of the revolution itself. This paper argues that we can locate a supplement to this problem in Deleuze and Guattari's constructivist political analysis. In particular, this paper demonstrates how Deleuze and Guattari's political analysis can help us illuminate the actuality of one of the most interesting revolutionary movements underway today: the Occupy movement.

How does the massive use of social media in contemporary protests affect the character of activist communication? Moving away from the conceptualization of social media as tools, this research explores how activist social media communication is entangled with and shaped by heterogeneous techno-cultural and political economic relations. This exploration is pursued through a case study on the social media reporting efforts of the Toronto Community Mobilization Network, which coordinated and facilitated the protests against the 2010 Toronto G-20 summit. The network urged activists to report about the protests on Twitter, YouTube, and Flickr, tagging their contributions #g20report. In addition, it set up a Facebook group and used a blog. The investigation, first, traces the hyperlink network in which the protest communication was embedded. The hyperlink analysis provides a window on the online ecology in which this communication unfolded. In addition, the examination interrogates how the particular technological architectures, related user practices, and business models of the various social platforms steered communication. This investigation shows that the use of social media brings about an acceleration of activist communication, and greatly enhances its visual character. Moreover, as activists massively embrace corporate social media, they increasingly lose control over the data they collective produce, as well as over the very architectures of the spaces through which they communicate.

"The Report presents insights which illuminates the intertwinements of European regulatory policies and global governance arrangements. By pinning down the exact nature of the interaction between these two levels, the EU’s dilemma becomes obvious: On the one hand, stronger global governance can be a chance, through which the EU can clarify its own raison d’être of increased integration to the wider world. On the other hand, the design of the European project is being challenged by more assertive global structures. This is especially the case in relation to the WTO regime, which is constraining the decisional autonomy of the EU, regarding the appropriateness of its content and its external effects. Thus, the regulation of services in the EU and the WTO are discussed in the first section of this report. Section two focuses on labour standards, which are analysed from different angles in order to clarify the functions of the WTO and the ILO, multinational companies as well as other private actors within this specific field. The final section deals with the legitimacy problematic of transnational governance.

Table of contents:

Introduction
Christian Joerges and Poul F. Kjaer

Section One: Freedom of Services

Chapter 1
The Multiple Understandings of Conflict between Trade in
Services and Labour Protection
Alexia Herwig
Chapter 2
Competing in Markets, not Rules:
The Conflict over the Single Services Market
Susanne K. Schmidt
Chapter 3
Competitiveness and Labour Protection: A Comment
Markus Krajewski
Section Two: Labour Standards
Chapter 4
WTO and ILO: Can Social Responsibility be maintained
in International Trade?
Josef Falke
Chapter 5
Reframing RECON: Perspectives on Transnationalisation and
Post-national Democracy from Labour Law
Claire Methven O’Brien
Chapter 6
Transnational Governance and Human Rights: The Obligations of
Private Actors in the Global Context
Regina Kreide
Section Three: The Legitimacy of Transnational Governance
Chapter 7
Legitimacy through Precaution in European Regulation of GMOs?
From the Standpoint of Governance as Analytical Perspective
Maria Weimer
Chapter 8
The Justice Deficit of the EU and other International Organisations
Jürgen Neyer
Chapter 9
Towards Normative Legitimacy of the World Trade Order
Alexia Herwig and Thorsten Hüller
Chapter 10
From Utopia to Apology – The Return to Inter-state Justice
in Normative IR Scholarship: Comments on Neyer and
Herwig & Hüller
Jens Steffek"

Neoliberalism, the currently dominant policy framework and development ideology, supplanted the Keynesian order from the late 1970s on. Cracks appeared in the Keynesian consensus in 1971 when the United States withdrew its pledge to back its currency with gold at a set rate, the cornerstone of the Bretton Woods' fixed exchange-rate regime. Further stresses flowed from a crisis of stagflation in the West and faltering state-directed import-substituting industrialisation (ISI) and socialisms in the Global South and East. Neoliberal leaders emergedmost prominently, General Augusto Pinochet in Chile, together with Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan -who seized on the politico-economic malaise as signifying the failure of the state and Keynesian or socialist remedies, and the need for deregulation, liberalization, privatization and open economies to rejuvenate market forces. 1 At first, in the 1980s, this "Washington Consensus" was not widely contested. But opposition mounted in the 1990s and thereafter. Probably the East Asian financial collapse of 1997 was the turning point, though other financial crises preceded and followed this catastrophe. The narrow, market-fundamentalist Washington Consensus (WC) gave way to an increasingly more complex, state-friendly and inclusive Post-Washington Consensus (PWC). The global financial crisis of 2008-2009, however, dealt a further, heavy blow to the dominant doctrine, even in its more complex and open-ended form. The Left, which had been humbled by the collapse of socialisms around the world, recovered its élan. I contend that the Left's visionwhat I will refer to as its development paradigmremains distinct from the Post-Washington Consensus. The latter identifies an important role for the state in economic life and purveys a discourse of poverty alleviation, democracy, 38 inclusiveness, participation and empowerment. But the Leftist vision, with its focus on equal freedom, social solidarity and participatory democracy and its critique of liberal democracy and neoliberal capitalism, extends well beyond the PWC.

A commitment to eradicate global poverty through development and economic growth is a challenge which has been accepted by governments worldwide, in spite of the straightforward difficulty of finding a general consent on the strategies to undertake to face this particular issue. World Bank’s commitment to poverty reduction is commonly deemed to be genuine. Yet, the governance agenda is far from perfect, and a re-evaluation of the Bank’s role is needed

It has been generally thought that having natural resource endowments play key role in the economic and political development of states due to the privilege that they are leading to their owner states since they can increase wealth and purchasing power over imports, so that resource abundance might be expected to raise an economy's investment and growth rates as well. However, most of the natural resource-endowed countries can easily refute the general perception with their poor economic and political performance. Many studies have proved that most countries whose economies are based on oil, mineral and other natural resources have experienced slower growth rates than those having less natural resource.

Neoliberalism has grown to become the dominant political and economic agenda of our time. Its supporters hold influential positions across governments, education, the media and corporate and financial institutions, yet its effects have been largely negative for populations around the world: declining economic growth, together with most social indicators (life expectancy, mortality among infants, children, and adults, literacy, and education); increasing social and economic inequality; skewing of political power in the favour of wealthy interests; and an increase in financial activities leading to more frequent crises in which the costs are socialised. This research endeavoured to examine whether the BBC, an organisation dedicated to serving the public interest with impartial news reporting, could be said to support neoliberal interests. To do this it analysed how BBC2’s Newsnight reported the January 2015 election of the Greek political party Syriza. Syriza’s policies were markedly anti-neoliberal and thus represented a threat to the dominant economic interests of much of Europe, including the British Government. Utilising a mixed methods approach, the analysis found that through a combination of negative framing and the absence of any critical analysis or discussion of neoliberalism, BBC Newsnight’s overall reporting did in fact serve to support neoliberal interests.

For around fifteen years now, anthropology has been engaged in the study of neoliberalism. What contribution does the discipline have to make to a debate largely monopolized by economics and political science? To answer this question, the present article returns to the major texts and highlights the three perspectives from which anthropology has approached neoliberal expansion: culturalist, systemic and the approach based on governmentality. Each has its own epistemological presuppositions and a specific conception of anthropology, globalization and neoliberalism. The article highlights the relevance and limitations of these approaches.

This chapter examines the emergence of neoliberalism in development economics and development studies, and the implications of the neoliberal transition across both scholarship and policy-making. It argues that the meaning and significance of neoliberal theory and its policy implications have shifted over time, place and issue, and that there can be inconsistencies across its component parts. These are, often, due to tensions between the rhetorical and policy worlds built by the advocates of neoliberalism and the realities of social and economic reproduction in the so-called "developing" countries. Examination of these tensions can help to illuminate the weaknesses of the Washington consensus, the reasons for its displacement by the post-Washington consensus led by Joseph Stiglitz, and the ensuing disputes between the post-Washington consensus and its predecessor around the shortcomings of "deregulation", and the desirability and optimal extent of state intervention in the economy. The chapter concludes that the differences between the Washington consensus and the post-Washington consensus have been overblown and, in particular, that they share much the same conception of development and attachment to neoliberalism, and the same limited commitment to democracy. However, because of its greater plasticity the post-Washington consensus is better positioned to weather the criticisms levelled against the Washington consensus, especially after the impact of the economic crisis starting in 2007.

Gregory Bateson said that we are ‘governed by epistemologies that we know to be wrong’ back in 1972. In the same book Bateson wrote: 'the organism that destroys its environment destroys itself.’ Almost forty years later global ecological systems are in steep decline and converging crises make a deep evaluation of the underlying premises of our philosophical traditions an urgent imperative. This paper will suggest that the roots of the economic crisis are epistemological and that to correct this error whole systems thinking and ecological literacy will become increasing important in business management as well as in other disciplines. It will also suggest that the economic crisis opened new political space and has provided an opportunity for intervention. If we are brave enough to examine of the roots of our problems there is possibility for renewal.