War and the Media

The study analyzes the survival experiences of students during the information blockade imposed during the siege of Mariupol, Ukraine, in 2022. Using the case study method, posts, photos, and videos from open sources were examined to fill in gaps regarding students who remained under siege. Additionally, semi-structured anonymous interviews were conducted with students who shared their experiences of survival, including three who provided comments on their time under occupation and their departure from the city. They described the conditions they faced during shelling, the information blockade, and exposure to Russian information aggression and propaganda. Without electricity or mobile communication, students accessed news via medium and long radio waves, conserved phone battery power, and sought mobile internet from higher floors of high-rise buildings to download website headlines or Telegram messages.

Dal 10 al 12 aprile, presso il CNC - Centre national du cinéma et de l'image animée, Fondazione Jéròme Seydoux-Pathé e INHA/Galerie Colbert - Institut National d'Histoire de l'Art, a Parigi, si svolgerà il convegno internazionale organizzato dal gruppo di ricerca del progetto PRIN 2020 Revis - Revisualizing Italian Silentscapes 1896-1922 (Università di Torino, Padova, Roma, Venezia) e Université Paris 8, in collaborazione con Direction du Patrimoine du CNC e la Cinématèque Française, dal titolo "Paesaggi perduti, paesaggi ritrovati. Ripercorrere il territorio italiano nel cinema muto".
Ringrazio il comitato scientifico del convegno per aver inserito il mio contributo dal titolo "La Liguria e il cinema: storia di un precoce sviluppo" che verrà presentato giovedì 10.
Il progetto RevIS mette a disposizione degli studiosi un'applicazione per svolgere ricerche sui luoghi dei film italiani e sulle tipologie di paesaggio nel cinema muto. Sul sito silentscapes.eu infatti è possibile consultare il catalogo, dove il lavoro di identificazione e catalogazione dei luoghi dei film e delle tipologie di paesaggio è ancora in corso; ad oggi sono stati censiti circa 300 film e 1000 luoghi/tipologie di paesaggio.

Università degli Studi di Torino
Università di Tor Vergata
CSCcinetecanazionale
Istituto italiano di cultura di Parigi
Université Paris VIII Vincennes - Saint-Denis

Ce texte court, que nous avons conçu comme un examen de conscience sans concession, replace le choc du 7 octobre 2023 et de ses suites dans l'histoire longue du conflit israélo-palestinien. Il analyse nos doutes, notre situation délicate, déchirés que nous sommes entre les horreurs commises par le Hamas, notre attachement à l'éthique juive, notre rejet de la politique israélienne, notre indignation et notre douleur face au massacre commis à Gaza. Il explique aussi à quelle déception nous a exposés une partie de la gauche radicale par certaines de ses réactions. Nous sommes l'un et l'autre, comme universitaires et comme essayistes, des spécialistes reconnus de l'histoire du judaïsme et des Juifs. Nous connaissons par ailleurs personnellement aussi bien Israël que la Palestine comme réalités concrètes et vivantes. Nous avons soutenu publiquement la cause palestinienne toutes ces années, et continuons de la soutenir. » Esther Benbassa et Jean-Christophe Attias Dirigée par Manuel Cervera-Marzal et Sébastien Chauvin Esther Benbassa a été sénatrice du Val-de-Marne puis de Paris entre 2011 et 2023. Elle est directrice d'études émérite à l'École pratique des hautes études (Université PSL), où elle a occupé la chaire d'histoire du judaïsme moderne de 2000 à 2018. Elle est notamment l'auteure de Histoire des Juifs de France (2000), Être juif après Gaza (2009), La Souffrance comme identité (2010) et Histoire des Juifs sépharades. De Tolède à Salonique (avec Aron Rodrigue, 2011). Elle a dirigé Israël-Palestine. Les enjeux d'un conflit (2010). Jean-Christophe Attias est directeur d'études à l'École pratique des hautes études (Université PSL) et titulaire de la chaire de pensée juive médiévale (vi e -xvii e siècles). Il a obtenu le prix Goncourt de la biographie 2015 pour Moïse fragile. Il est notamment l'auteur de Penser le judaïsme (2013), Les Juifs et la Bible (2014) et Un Juif de mauvaise foi (2017). Il a récemment publié Dieu n'a pas créé la nature (2023). Esther Benbassa et Jean-Christophe Attias sont les auteurs d'Israël, la terre et le sacré (2001) et du Dictionnaire des mondes juifs (2008). Ils ont codirigé Juifs et musulmans. Retissons les liens ! (2015).

Yossi Shain étudie le concept de diaspora, essentiel pour comprendre la politique internationale contemporaine. Ses analyses, un peu trop centrées sur l'exemple israélien, montrent que les diverses diasporas s'invitent bien souvent dans la vie politique intérieure et extérieure de leur nation d'origine. Recensé : Yossi Shain, Kinship and Diasporas in International Affairs, University of Michigan Press, octobre 2007. Depuis une quinzaine d'années, le concept de diaspora connaît une inflation tout à fait remarquable dans le champ des sciences sociales. Après s'être émancipé de la connotation religieuse qui était jusqu'alors la sienne dans les années 1950-60 puis s'être libéré de sa charge de malheur, née de son association originelle à la diaspora juive, il désigne aujourd'hui un très grand nombre de réalités migratoires, quelquefois fort éloignées du modèle initial. Le déplacement des frontières dans l'ancien bloc soviétique a certes conduit à la naissance de diasporas que l'on a dit « échouées ». La mondialisation a, quant à elle, contribué à une intensification des déplacements de migrants qui, bien plus qu'auparavant, conservent aujourd'hui des liens avec leur pays d'origine. L'accélération des communications et la

Avec l'accord de tous les participants et participantes , nous présentons sous une forme écrite la discussion intitulée « Le travail de la solidarité : le rôle des institutions culturelles en temps de crise », qui a eu lieu lors de l'édition 2023 des RIDM. Cette discussion a été suscitée par l'annulation forcée/la censure du programme consacré à la Palestine et aux films de Jocelyne Saab qui devait avoir lieu le 6 novembre au Cinéma du parc en présence de Mathilde

Wikipédia n'est plus la source impartiale qu'elle ambitionnait d'être. Depuis quelques années, elle est littéralement subvertie par des contributeurs palestiniens et pro palestiniens qui introduisent des contenus  de nature à promouvoir la cause palestinienne, par différents stratagèmes rédactionnels habilement rédigés pour donner l'impression de contributions loyales.

This article is a theoretical analysis and generalization of the views of
scientists on various approaches to understanding hybrid warfare in modern society
and determining the trends of its influence on public opinion. It has been proven that
media use during such wars has a practical impact on public opinion and most often
carries a manipulative nature (by agreement with the social customer). The purpose is
to understand the specifics of modern media weapons and determine the trends of their
influence on public opinion in conducting a hybrid war. General scientific and special
sociological methods were used during the study. The article is based on general
scientific methods: analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, typology, modeling,
extrapolation, operationalization, interpretation, abstraction, generalization, and
synergy, as well as logical-historical, systemic, comparative, network, and structuralfunctional
analysis. The analysis showed the comprehensive nature of the information
space, where the modern Ukrainian society and the entire civilized world are located.
The information space was aimed at a purely informational function today. In that
case, it acts as an effective manipulative weapon on the part of power structures,
which led to the emergence of the term “hybrid war”. It turned out that over time,
society ceases to experience systemic information influence, which complicates the
ability to protect against it. The article determines that media channels, as the latest
type of weapons of mass destruction, occupy a key place in the conduct of a hybrid
war. The newest media channels have become vital in conducting the hybrid war.
Keywords: Hybrid war, Information space, Information weapons, Latest media,
Media, Media weapons.

La situation humanitaire à Gaza est apocalyptique. Pourtant, Israêl accentue la catastrophe humanitaire en bannissant formellement l'UNRWA, la principale institution qui peut soulager la misère énorme des Gazaouis. Au même moment, l'ambassadrice étatsunienne au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, tweete que Francesca Albanese, rapporteuse spéciale de l'ONU sur la situation des droits de la personne en Cisjordanie et à Gaza, est antisémite et donc indigne de ses fonctions. Au lieu de faire un reproche publique au pays responsable de la souffrance inimaginable des Palestiniens et Palestiniennes, elle le fait à celle qui offre la critique la plus fondée et articulée de ce pays.

Analyse du dispositif rhetorique complexe de ce texte autobiographique, opposant l’ethos et le pathos double de l’enfant et du vieillard : son glissement vers une ecriture adulte, depuis le discours rapporte matriciel de l’insulte (la mention credule et traumatisee) jusqu’a ses echos diffractes (antiphrases, ironie etc.) destabilise l’identite ethique et stylistique de l’enonciateur, y inscrit une duree, un murissement, un vieillissement, et renforce sa portee rhetorique et ethique, jusqu’a la tendresse de pitie embrassant tout et tous dans une derision et une empathie universelles.

Over the past decade, Xi Jinping’s one-party China and Vladimir Putin’s petro-nationalist Russia have weaponized entertainment to build popular support for wars. But the United States is the globe’s most significant center for “militainment” (or, military-themed entertainment that is made by media corporations with assistance from military publicity offices). To show how the US Department of Defense (DoD) uses “militainment” for imagining (and waging) future warfare, the chapter’s first section contextualizes the United States’s military-corporate futurism industry, the DoD’s hegemonic genre of dystopian futurism, and the DoD’s new partnership with science fiction writers. Drawing from past and present examples, the second section identifies eight salient ways that the DoD uses militainment to sustain a dystopian future warfare imaginary. Militainment helps the DoD: (1) imagine future threats to national security; (2) imagine future enemies; (3) imagine how future warfare will be fought; (4) imagine futuristic weapons systems and R&D projects; (5) imagine future soldier identities; (6) enlist personnel for future warfare; (7) train the imagination of personnel in preparation for future warfare; and, (8) move the civilian imagination toward future warfare. For the foreseeable future, the likely outcome of the US military-entertainment complex’s militainment will be more conflict and war, both real and imagined.

This study examines the impact of the new digital communication environment on the spiral of silence mechanisms in the context of the current Yemeni crisis. The research focuses on three controversial topics related to the crisis: the role of the Arab coalition in Yemen, the legitimacy of President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi and the call to disengage the Yemeni southern governorates from the unified Yemeni state. The sample for this study consisted of 438 respondents, selected using the snowball sampling method. The findings suggest that despite the changes in communication conditions, the mechanisms of the spiral of silence remain effective KEYWORDS spiral of silence social media opinion expression self-censorship digital communication polarization snowball sampling Yemen jammr pp. 1-19 Intellect Limited

Le 7 octobre a brisé la confiance des Israéliens dans la protection de l'État et a ébranlé le sentiment d'acceptation sociale totale des juifs américains-mais il existe une voie à suivre Un homme projette une ombre sur le mur alors qu'il entre dans l'abri anti-bombes en bord de route où Ziv Abud a survécu, protégée par l'écrasement des corps au-dessus d'elle, lors de l'attaque du Hamas du 7 octobre 2023, près du kibboutz Reim, vue le 26 septembre 2024. (AP Photo/Leo Correa). Déjà un an ? Seulement un an ? Depuis le 7 octobre 2023, beaucoup d'entre nous se sentent déconnectés du temps. Je connais rarement la date ; parfois, j'oublie le mois. La désorientation est une réponse appropriée à la fin de l'ère post-Holocauste, un moment fondateur au cours duquel nombre de nos hypothèses les plus chères ont été bouleversées...

This study sheds light on the unprecedented complexities of the Israel-Gaza war, offering insights into the challenges that journalists face in this conflict zone. It employs the Hierarchy of Influences Model to analyze the factors influencing conflict reporting within the dynamic landscape of contemporary war journalism. Design/methodology/approach: Rooted in the Hierarchy of Influences Model, the research is informed by interviews with 18 Palestinian journalists in Gaza. It examines the multifaceted influences on war coverage, encompassing individual, media routines, organizational, and societal factors, offering detailed insights from journalists' firsthand experiences. Findings: The research unveils semi-hierarchical influences within the model, illustrating the intertwined nature of micro and macro-level factors impacting war reporting. It sheds light on the complexities of journalistic practices amidst conflicts, underscoring the importance of safety, ethics, and the intricate relationship between personal experiences and professional duties as well as the evolving role of technology, acting both as a facilitator and a limitation in journalistic endeavors. Practical implications: The study holds substantial implications for war journalism practices, providing valuable perspectives for educators, policymakers, stakeholders, and media practitioners engaged in conflict reporting. It highlights the Article Note: This article underwent double-blind peer review.

Bellingcat’s dramatic arrival on the world stage came when they identified the Russian military intelligence (GRU) officers behind the Skripal poisonings in Salisbury in 2018. But, before then, they had already chalked up some impressive successes. They provided crucial elements to the Dutch enquiry which found that a Russian Buk missile launcher had shot down Malaysian Airways MH-17 over Ukraine in 2014. They had also thrown light on President Assad’s use of Chemical Weapons in Syria.

This is a fascinating book but one which leaves the reader with a deep sense of unease both at the sheer scale of the problem but also for the safety of these rather naive information warriors operating in an environment in which the dividing line between the online and real worlds is dangerously opaque.

In recent decades, ongoing armed conflicts worldwide have fueled global instability. This collection highlights the importance of understanding the evolving media landscape within the realm of conflicts. It delves into various research themes and future directions for examining news coverage amid unrest, featuring recent studies from Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly. These studies shed light on media dynamics in conflict zones, emphasizing the importance of comparative analyses and transnational journalism to address challenges in high-conflict environments.

Henry,1958). This amount is more than sufficient for plant requirement but the major problem in Phosphorus uptaken from the soil by root is very low due to very low solubility of most Phosphorus compounds, resulting in a low concentration of Phosphorus ions in soil solution at one time. Plants can uptake only a little amount in a specific time in the form of P-ions by their root which is called available Phosphorus in the soils. This availability of Phosphorus in agricultural soil mostly depends on some factors like parent material of the soil, intensity of weathering, soil pH, amount of organic matter, amount of precipitation and porosity of soil etc. But in agricultural field, it is very difficult to establish a clear-cut relationship between Phosphorus availability and influences of said factors. In agricultural field every characteristics of soil are directly modified by farming practices and these are not static one, may change even in a same crop season. The study in Sarenga Block, South Bankura, West Bengal tries to identify the influence of Parent material, Soil pH, Organic Matter,

Background: While a small number of scholars explore how contemporary American soldiers consume music "in theatre" (in a war zone) to motivate themselves and protect their mental health, little research addresses how music functions for Canadian combatants.
Analysis: Case studies of two Canadian veterans illuminate the varied ways they used music to protect their mental health during their deployments in Afghanistan.
Conclusion and implications: This article demonstrates that Canadian soldiers listened to a wide range of music to cope while on tour and argues for music as a unique portal through which to understand soldiers' deployment experiences.

Since 2011 the international media have done much to highlight the suffering of civilians in the ongoing war in Syria, including through innovative forms of reporting such as VR journalism and news games. 1 Yet in some respects coverage has harked back to an earlier era, recalling the style of 'attached' or advocacy journalism that developed in the 1990s. As in much Western reporting of the wars of that period, some journalists have understood the conflict in simplified, black-and-white terms and called for 'something to be done' to counter an evil regime and rescue innocent victims. Such coverage-like Western policy itself-has only occasionally involved direct and overt military interventionism (Briggs et al. 2017: 167). Yet a subtler but no less significant use of 'emotive phrases…such as, "History will judge us"…"We cannot look the other way"…and "What will the world think"' has beaten a steady drum for escalating international involvement in the conflict (Milojevich and Beattie 2018: 831-2). This narcissistic approach, characteristic of 1990s-style advocacy journalism (Hume 1997), has led many to interpret the Syrian war as a test for Western selfunderstanding. In the Telegraph (24 August 2013), for example, Matthew d'Ancona said that the 'Syrian conflict holds a mirror up to Britain and asks us what sort of nation we want to be'; while the BBC's Gavin Hewitt interpreted it as a 'test for Europe' (BBC, 27 August 2013). In its editorial columns, the Guardian depicted the battle for Aleppo as 'a rebuke to America and the world' (10 February 2016), where 'the credibility of western strategies' was 'hang[ing] in the balance' (3 August), and as 'a humiliation for the UN' (30 November). Columnist Natalie Nougayrède described the conflict as 'a moral defeat for Europeans', affecting 'how we relate to the world, to ourselves and to the values we like to profess' (Guardian, 27 February 2018). Times columnist Philip Collins acknowledged that 'Intervention…will mean chaos', but shrugged this off: 'there is chaos already', he argued, and it was 'important to add weight to our moral impulse' (Times, 24 February 2012). For Collins-formerly a speechwriter for Tony Blair-the problem was that the 'idea of liberal intervention…fell apart in Iraq'. Syria, he maintained, was the 'counterfactual for Iraq', showing 'what Iraq would have been like, sooner or later' and thereby providing a retrospective justification for the 2003 invasion. Jonathan Freedland pursued a similar line in the Guardian (10 February 2012): Iraq had 'tainted for a generation the idea once known as "liberal interventionism"', he said, but this made 'no moral sense'. Initially, it perhaps seemed possible to rehabilitate this idea: Freedland had made a similar, but more optimistic argument about Libya, where, he maintained, 'the case for intervention remains strong' (Guardian, 22 March 2011); and Collins hoped that the 'success of our intervention in Libya…is redeeming the argument that was lost in Iraq' (Times, 24 February 2012). In August 2013, the parliamentary defeat of British government proposals for airstrikes in Syria, and President Barack Obama's reversal of his earlier decision to take direct action if the 'red line' of chemical weapons use was crossed, put full-blown Western military intervention off the immediate agenda-although the US and its allies carried out air strikes in 2017 and 2018. As the 'successful' Libyan intervention also fell apart in bloodshed and chaos, the prospect of rehabilitating liberal interventionism in Syria receded even further.

This study sheds light on the unprecedented complexities of the Israel-Gaza war, offering insights into the challenges that journalists face in this conflict zone. It employs the Hierarchy of Influences Model to analyze the factors influencing conflict reporting within the dynamic landscape of contemporary war journalism. Design/methodology/approach: Rooted in the Hierarchy of Influences Model, the research is informed by interviews with 18 Palestinian journalists in Gaza. It examines the multifaceted influences on war coverage, encompassing individual, media routines, organizational, and societal factors, offering detailed insights from journalists' firsthand experiences. Findings: The research unveils semi-hierarchical influences within the model, illustrating the intertwined nature of micro and macro-level factors impacting war reporting. It sheds light on the complexities of journalistic practices amidst conflicts, underscoring the importance of safety, ethics, and the intricate relationship between personal experiences and professional duties as well as the evolving role of technology, acting both as a facilitator and a limitation in journalistic endeavors. Practical implications: The study holds substantial implications for war journalism practices, providing valuable perspectives for educators, policymakers, stakeholders, and media practitioners engaged in conflict reporting. It highlights the Article Note: This article underwent double-blind peer review.

This memo builds from Enloe’s insights and outlines factors that have sustained the spiral of militarization in US policy with a focus on the Middle East. These include 1) exaggerated threat perception, 2) declining US political leverage abroad, 3) the workings of a policy and political economy “iron triangle,” 4) US interests and policy defined by militarized masculinity, and 5) technological change and the ongoing blurring of distinctions between peace and war. While these factors suggest seemingly overwhelming pressures for militarization, they also help define the multiple areas where the struggle against militarization needs to be fought and demilitarized alternative approaches fostered.

This article argues that the events of 11 September 2001, and the subsequent ‘war on terror’, have highlighted the role of the media in both the coverage and conduct of modern conflict. The article concentrates on the ‘conflict media strategies’ pursued by belligerents and examines the development and refinement of such strategies over time, from the Second World War through to the conflict in Afghanistan. Using data from Vietnam, the Falklands, the Gulf, Kosovo and other conflicts, I argue that an effective conflict media strategy is an essential tool of warfare that is used by states and terrorist groups alike.

During the first weeks of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, part of the
Russo-Ukrainian War continuing since 2014, the Ukrainian resistance and
victories fascinated external observers. One of these unforeseen victories has been successful communication. This chapter aims to give an empirical overview of shifts in the Ukrainian mediascape during the first year of the invasion, focusing on three principal sites of analysis: media infrastructures, actors and practices. We observe collaborative communication between different actors, involving a synergy of top-down, bottom-up and horizontal actions, where hyperlocal reporting, lobbyism via social media, media activism, folklore and art have played important roles. Ukrainian society compensated for its lack of resources through the media and communication equivalent of a levée en masse (mass mobilisation), yet in a decentralised, networked way based on swarm communication paralleling the swarming tactics used by the Ukrainian military.

The growing impact of new media around the world has been the subject of study by scores of scientists in multidisciplinary fields. Satellite TV and the Internet have been viewed as instruments of social and political change-connecting communities, educating the youth, and creating social networks previously unaccounted for, like virtual groups. However, in the Arab World and the Middle East, such technological developments have been hailed as tools for the empowerment of marginalized communities such as women and the youth, also brought new opportunities that have resulted in the breaking of the communication monopoly by those in power and the creation of a new communication environment. Such environment has-as part of its manifestations-the current social transformations that the region is witnessing. Drawing on examples from social media networks used in Tunisia and Egypt, this article analyzes the extent to which new technologies have changed the rules of the game regarding public opinion construction and the communication flow traditionally monopolized by the hegemonic power structures in Arab society. This study not only reveals the decisiveness of platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube in the Arab Spring countries' revolutions, but also the extent to which their availability served in a complex manner the democratic transition that Tunisia have been undergoing and the political turmoil that Egypt is witnessing. Furthermore this study argues that such online spheres of communication mark the emergence of the virtual yet vibrant space of political campaigning and social empowerment, especially for the youth and marginalized communities.

Dans une dérive messianique aveugle, totalement opposée aux valeurs humanistes du judaïsme, le gouvernement israélien s’avère incapable de voir ses propres crimes de guerre et actes génocidaires. Les Palestiniens se retrouvent comme face à un peloton d’exécution qui les extermine par les bombes, la faim, la soif et la maladie.

Voici un gros plan sur les dangers de l’intelligence artificielle, cette « belle » découverte à haut
risque contre laquelle nous continuons à mettre en garde.

Aujourd’hui, c’est d’Israël lui-même et de France que viennent les alertes. Là aussi, une mobilisation citoyenne sera essentielle, car Wall Street a déjà beaucoup trop misé sur les futurs profits de l’IA pour reculer.

Bernard-Henri Lévy, dans "Solitude d'Israël", réussit de nouveau cet exploit de ramèner encore et toujours tout à lui. Son propos est bien au-delà du narcissisme tant il est clair d'emblée que le massacre du 7 octobre 2023 n'est pour lui qu'un MacGuffin pour refourguer ses obsessions et poursuivre ses règlements de compte. Sauf que dans le contexte actuel, son plaidoyer pro-domo sur l'exceptionnalité d'Israël - qui n'est jamais que la reprise des théories de Benny Lévy d'un judaïsme absolutiste - s'avère totalement contre-productif.

El artículo ahonda en las principales transformaciones que el periodismo de conflicto ha vivido en el último siglo y medio y trata de identificar los retos a los que se enfrenta en la actualidad. Para ello, además de una amplia revisión bibliográfica a trabajos académicos, biografías o libros publicados por periodistas, se han realizado 24 entrevistas en profundidad a profesionales con experiencia en la cobertura de conflictos, responsables de la sección internacional de varios diarios españoles, y a militares con experiencia en gestión de información pública en operaciones y en formación en materia de seguridad para periodistas. Entre las conclusiones destacan, por un lado, el impacto que la cobertura de conflictos ha logrado más allá de los medios y el rol de la tecnología como elemento transformador de los perfiles y la práctica profesional. Todo esto, en un contexto de aumento de la peligrosidad de la profesión y de la precarización del periodismo, también en zonas de conflicto,...

Study purpose: The study analyzed online editorial cartoons depicting the Israel-Palestine conflict through visual, symbolic, metaphorical, and textual analysis. The study reveals a prevailing anti-war sentiment across editorial cartoons, with a notable inclination towards supporting Palestine. This support was prominent in cartoons originating from the Global South, particularly Sub-Saharan Africa. However, there was a scarcity of such cartoons within mainstream Western media. Methodology: The study employs an in-depth approach, analyzing cartoons from both Western and non-Western media. It utilizes Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) and Multimodal Semiotics (MS) theories, focusing on symbolism and text to decode nuanced narratives within the cartoons. Main findings: The cartoons depict complex narratives, using symbolism to explain how politicians and the main media are framing specific entities while undermining victimology. They reveal subjective perspectives that influence audience perceptions. They echo existing scholarly views on the influential power of editorial cartoons in communicating complex political concepts. Social implications: The cartoons shape public understanding of the conflict, potentially influencing biases and perspectives. They present Hamas as both an aggressor and a victim, portraying multifaceted perceptions of the group. Practical implications: The findings are instrumental in depicting political identities, including major organizations like the UN. The boldness in depicting such entities provides a practical avenue for understanding the role of such organizations. Article note: This article underwent a double-blind peer review.

Prije par dana u štampanim i elektronskim medijima pojavio se, kao "ekskluziva" na YouTube, audio-video snimak razgovora-intervjua sa Mirkom (Pajom) Velimirovićem, jednim od dva ključna svjedoka saradnika u tzv. "državnom udaru" u trajanju od 55 minuta i 21 sekunda, na osnovu kojeg imamo mogućnost da (pr)ovjerimo istinitost, bitno i suštinski, onoga šta se dešavalo odnosno navodno trebalo desiti tog sudnjeg dana 16. oktobra 2016. godine na dan parlamentarnih izbora u Crnoj Gori! Sada, u tom razgovoru, svjedok Paja otključava Katnićev "državni udar" koji se zbio samo u glavi tadašnjega Glavnog Specijalnog državnog tužioca, imenom Milivoja Katnića! Tako nam jasno reče, iako usporeno i poprilično uznemireno, i dobrim dijelom ispriča ključni "svjedok Paja" Mirko Velimirović! A jeste "malo" odocnjelo ali, ipak, na vrijeme i za veliku brigu onoga ko je tome i za koga svemu "kumovao"! O navedenom čitam(o), gledam(o) i slušam(o) gdje nekada ključni svjedok Mirko (Paja) Velimirović potvrđuje ono što je cjelokupna javnost crnogorska, koja je pratila tok višemjesečnog "suđenja vijeka", a povodom "državnog udara", da sve "jeste izmišljeno i... jeste, sve je to izmišljeno! To jeste to jezero i..., ali to je mesto… nema tog oružja,… u stvari…, ne postoji nikakvo oružje..., u vezi toga nema ništa od tog oružja, … jeste sve izmišljeno i Fadilj i oružje…, ja se nadam da ćemo posle svu tu priču ..., reću vam: ima jedan glavan(gladan!), glavni čovjek u tome, najglavniji čovjek u Podgorici u Crnoj Gori, zove se Milivoje Katnić! E to je sve njegovo... od njega je sve to poteklo... on mi je to sve servirao... kaži ovo, kaži ovo... kaži ovo… kaži …!? Dakle, kada se presluša taj audio-video snimak razgovora, sve se poklapa do u detalje sa javnim pojavljivanjem, prvom i naknadnim izjavama tadašnjeg glavnog SDT-a, koji je znao sve do u tančine i pod čijom naredbom je "oružje bačeno u jezero Gazivode"! Priča, koju nam je servirao tadašnji glavni SDT-a, je njegova izmišljena priča, a sa namjerom da spasi tadašnji režim Mila Đukanović. I, uspio je u toj namjeri. Znamo šta se sve potom izdešvalo i kakav je sudski epilog dobio taj njegov "državni udar"! Farsa koja je trajala sve do jednoga dana kada se i drugi ključni svjedok osmjelio da reče punu i pravu istinu o tom izmišljenom komplotu-zavjeri na tadašnjega premijera "Sedmaka Čobanina"! Naravno, i Saša Aleksandar Sinđelić je, post festum naknadno, u jednom svom intervjuu govorio o montiranom procesu zvanom "državni udar"! Sada su se sve kockice posložile, iako je malo odocnilo ali nije zakasnilo! Neka se (sa)zna prava i jedna jedina istina o tom zakulisanom scenariju koji je bio u tadašnjoj glavi glavnoga SDT-a, o kojem je on sve znao i rukovodio sve do epiloga sudskoga odnosno prvostepene osuđujuće presude za "učesnike" farse od "državnoga udara"! Nož pod sopstvenim grlom imati, i nije neki veliki problem za postojana čovjeka!? Međutim, kada vam prijete da će vaša ženska djeca biti "data" šiptarima, to je nešto je što razara i slama i najtvrđe moralne gromade! A Paji se, kako nam kaže, prijetilo u navedenom slučaju, ako suprotno postupi od onoga što mu je rečeno pod prijetnjom! U to sam potpuno uvjeren i njegova priča me nije ni za promil pokolebala! Šta se moglo više očekivati nego da će, ipak, jednoga dana ključni svjedok tu farsu od "državnog udara" razbiti u paramparčad i odriješiti na sramotu svih onih koji su učestvovali u

The  repercussions  of  conflicts  and  wars  on  human  life  and  national  progress  are  inestimably  high.  Indeed,  the  incalculably ravaging  consequences  of  conflicts  and  wars  suggest  that  countries  need  to institute  measures  aimed  at  promoting  peace  and peaceful  coexistence  among  their  citizens.  However,  to  achieve  this,  one  must  have  a  full  understanding  of  the  various  causal elements and triggers of conflicts and wars. Where there is a lack of clear understanding of the push and pull factors of conflicts and  wars  and  their  socio-political,  socio-cultural,  and  psychological  undertones,  stakeholders  find  it  extremely  difficult  to institute measures to promote peace and unity. The Rwandan genocide, arguably, provides a rather tragic reminder of the sorry state  of  affairs  countries  have  to  endure  as  a  result  of  conflicts.  The irreparable damage caused by the Rwandan genocide continues to attract huge attention among ...

The Serbian Volunteer Guard was a Serbian volunteer paramilitary unit, created on 11 October 1990, founded and led by Željko Ražnatović, better known as "Arkan", that fought in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Yugoslav Wars and was responsible for numerous war crimes. Ražnatović was on Interpol's most wanted list in the 1970s and 1980s for robberies and murders committed in a number of countries in Western Europe. Up until his assassination in 15 January 2000, Ražnatović was the most powerful organized crime figure in the Balkans. When the Croatian War of Independence broke out in 1991, the SDG was active in the Eastern Slavonia region, committing crimes against Croat and Hungarian civilians in Dalj, Erdut and other areas. The crimes committed by the Serbian Volunteer Guard and its links with the Serbian police, military and political establishment, were an integral part of the indictments of the ICTY's Office of the Prosecutor against Slobodan Milošević, Goran Hadžić, Jovica Stanišić and Franko Simatović. In those judgments, ICTY found that the SDG was involved in murders, persecutions and forced displacement in the area of Serbian Autonomous Region of Slavonia, Baranja and

Performative acts of reading in websites are defined by interactivity which constitutes a site of action and signs in cyberspace. The interactive potential in websites is further augmented through multimodal representations of content. Multimodality hinges on synaesthetic combinations of multiple modes such as orality, writing, visuality and sound. This paper seeks to examine the multimodal representations of discourses surrounding the news of death sentence awarded to four convicts involved in Delhi gang rape and murder of Nirbhaya in CNN IBN news website. Furthermore, it adopts an approach to locate affective forces that characterise the multimodal text concerning the macro-theme of the news through mediated discourses of affect.