Violin Concerto

The tradition of musical duels harkens back to the days of ancient Greece. One of the earliest examples of musical rivalry is the myth of Marsyas and Apollo, which ends tragically for the satyr. Without doubt, the tournaments of the ancients served as an inspiration for later generations of musicians. In each epoch they took a different form, tailored to the current norms and customs. In the sixteenth century the singing contests of the Meistersingers became extremely popular. With the development of instrumental music in the seventeenth century, duels, in which the main subject of the dispute was the superiority of one of the performers in terms of interpretation and mastery of playing a given instrument, were increasingly growing in importance. The eighteenth century, in which public concert life flourished and demand for virtuoso instrumentalists consequently grew, brought a genuine boom in musical duels. During that era, musical duels were not only confrontations between individual musicians or their patrons, but also important contributions to the exchange of experiences between artists,

All’interno delle oltre 160 composizioni strumentali albinoniane autentiche, i concerti per/con strumento solista (violino e/o oboe) e orchestra rappresentano oltre un terzo dell’intera produzione. Cinquantaquattro di questi concerti vennero pubblicati in raccolte a stampa tra il 1700 ed il 1735/36 (opp. 2, 5, 7, 9, 10), mentre soltanto cinque lavori senza numero d’opus sono stati tràditi in forma indipendente e manoscritta (a stampa, nel caso di un solo concerto). [...]

Preface
Violin and cello have shared repertoires since their birth, and the 19th century was no exception. Not only have they played together in the well-known chamber music of the piano trio or string quartet, but they have also been regarded as mutually interchangeable instruments. Many violin sonatas were transcribed for cello –with more or less intervention by the composer–. Especially frequent in our programmes are Brahms' Op. 78, or Cesar Franck's Sonata, but the old catalogues all over Europe offered a large number of these arrangements: classical composers from the first half of the 18th century, or the complete violin sonatas of Mozart and Beethoven, as well as less performed but equally fascinating works such as Guillaume Lekeu's Sonata in G major. The reverse way was also explored. Some cello sonatas were arranged for violin: Beethoven and Grieg are just two of the examples with a special presence on the publishing market.
In parallel to this sonata repertoire, hundreds of short pieces –ballades, nocturnes, fantaisies, chansons sans paroles etc.–, often collected in volumes, presented on the cover the choice of being performed by a violinist or by a cellist with piano accompaniment.
As far as the conversion between concertos for soloist and orchestra was concerned, the situation was very diverse. A concerto includes, by definition, a great deal of virtuosic material, especially adapted to the characteristics of the instrument. In this sense, the difference of a fifth between the strings of the violin and the cello (even more than the difference of an octave) made the exchange of repertoires practically insurmountable. Other peculiarities such as the distribution of arpeggios or triple and quadruple string chords made the task even more challenging. The violin retained its concertos, and the cello its own.
Of particular interest for this edition, however, are a few isolated cases of arrangements of works with orchestra. Beethoven's Romanzas Op. 40 & 50 - transcribed by Friedrich Grützmacher - are a natural example, given the essentially melodic profile of both pieces. In the same vein, Robert Schumann's Cello Concerto Op. 129 was almost immediately arranged for violin by the composer in collaboration with the young Joachim. A remarkable but rare case was the transcription for cello of Beethoven's virtuosic Concerto Op. 61, published around 1870 by Robert Emile Bockmühl (1820-1881).
Mendelssohn's Concerto for violin and orchestra in E minor Op. 64 is undoubtedly one of the central works in the repertoire for its instrument. On the other hand, the early death of the composer prevented Felix from continuing to write for the cello. An instrument for which he left two sonatas, the Variations Op. 17, some single works; and which he knew at first hand through his brother Paul and the many soloists he came across during his intense musical life. We know at least of his contacts and joint performances with Julius Rietz, Mateusz Wielhorsky, Lisa Christiani and Robert Lindley, and no doubt there were many more.
The work is particularly suitable for a transcription for violoncello. The solid classical workmanship of the Concerto Op. 64 allows the necessary and unavoidable modifications to be traced naturally. On the other hand, the low register of the cello makes a notable addition to the solo line in some passages.
This cello arrangement of Mendelssohn's Concerto will be issued in two parallel editions: a 'simple version' and a 'full version'. As the names indicate, the 'full version' will make full use of the technical resources of the cello in the second half of the 19th century, with the aim of being as close to the original as possible. The 'simple version' presents a less demanding reading from this technical point of view, which will bring it closer to a larger number of performers.
The first edition of the work, from 1845, has been used as the principal source. However, in some passages, the author's manuscript version has been recovered, valuing the outcome in cello as more idiomatic. As the original key of E minor has been preserved, the accompaniment for orchestra or the reduction for piano is the same as for violin. This edition allows double-sided printing.

EINFÜHRUNG Die Romanze F-Dur op. 50 gehört neben der Romanze G-Dur op. 40 und dem Violinkonzert D-Dur op. 61 zur Gruppe jener Werke, in denen sich Ludwig van Beethoven mit dem Gegenüber von konzertierender Violine und Orchester auseinandersetzte. 1 Die genaue Entstehungszeit der Komposition liegt zwar im Dunkeln, lässt sich aber durch Befragung der überlieferten Quellen näher eingrenzen: Da Beethovens Bruder Karl brieflich am 18. Oktober 1802 dem Verlag Breitkopf & Härtel in Leipzig und am 23. November 1802 dem Verlag Jean André in Offenbach beide Romanzen als »2 Adagios für Violin, mit ganzer Instrumentalbegleitung« 2 zur Veröffentlichung angeboten hatte, müssen die Partituren spätestens zu diesem Zeitpunkt vorgelegen haben. Dass die Werke allerdings wesentlich früher komponiert wurden, lässt sich aus anderen Kontexten erschließen. Einen Hinweis darauf gibt ein am 18. Dezember 1869 in der Wiener Freien Presse abgedruckter Bericht von Carl Ferdinand Pohl über eine Akademie des Bassisten Ludwig Fischer am 5. November 1798, bei welcher der Geiger Ignaz Schuppanzig (1776-1830) »ein Konzert von Viotti und ein Adagio von Beethoven« gespielt habe. 3 Shin Augustinus Koshima setzte dieses »Adagio« mit der Romanze op. 50 gleich, da er die Entstehungszeit oder Niederschrift der G-Dur-Romanze aufgrund einiger am Autograph festgestellter und mittlerweile von Douglas Johnson bestätigter Schreibmerkmale auf den Zeitraum »Ende 1800 / Anfang 1801« festlegen konnte, wobei er dem Jahr 1800 höhere Wahrscheinlichkeit einräumte. 4 Tätsächlich wird eine Entstehung der F-Dur-Romanze vor Herbst 1798 durch Ergebnisse von Untersuchungen an der hier reproduzierten autographen Partitur bestätigt. 5 Die Handschrift, heute im Besitz der Library of Congress in Washington (Gertrude Clarke Whittall Foundation), umfasst 13 unsignierte Blätter im Querformat (ca. 32,5 x 23 cm) und ist am Kopf der ersten Seite mit »Romance. Adagio Cantabile« übertitelt. Das Vorsatzblatt trägt -von unbekannter Hand geschrieben -neben dem Titel »Romanze / von / L. van Beethoven.« unten links die Aufschrift »Dem verehrten Meister Joachim / Nicolaus Dumba / Wien 22. Februar 1889« und dokumentiert damit den Umstand, dass der in Wien ansässige Industrielle und Mäzen Nicolaus Dumba (1830-1900) dem Geiger Joseph Joachim (1831-1907) das Autograph als Geschenk vermachte. 6 Der Notentext selbst ist »mit einer dunkleren, schwarzbraunen Tinte« niedergeschrieben, während bei den Artikulationen und dynamischen Angaben eine »etwas hellere, aber ebenfalls schwarzbraune Tinte« benutzt wurde. 7 Bedeutsam ist eine am Ende des Autographs auf S. 24 notierte Passage von fünf Takten Länge, mit der Beethoven die ursprünglich intendierte Wiederaufnahme des Themenkopfes ersetzte (vgl. die entsprechende Streichung S. 22-23): Diese Korrektur erfolgte mit einer auffallenden, rötlich-gelbbraunen Tinte, die auch bei anderen Überarbeitungen (etwa S. 3 und 13-15) Verwendung fand und mit der »außerdem auf den S. 2-10 die beschriebenen Systeme jeweils von 1-11 durchnumeriert sind«. Wichtige Indizien für die frühe Entstehung des Werkes ergeben sich aus gewissen Besonderheiten von Beethovens Schreibweise, vor allem aber aus der zuletzt genannten Tintensorte: 8 Da sie höchstwahrscheinlich mit jener Tinte identisch ist, die der Komponist auch für die im Oktober 1798 erfolgte Niederschrift seines Klavierkonzerts C-Dur op. 19 benutzte, erscheint es nicht abwegig, für die ersten 23 Seiten des Romanzen-Autographs eine Ent-

Here is the piano reduction to one of 3 concert endings (Version B) to conclude the first movement of Bruch's Violin Concerto No. 1 in G Minor, Op. 26. A popular work among violinists, this concert ending provides an elegant conclusion to the first movement in G Minor using a Tristan like harmonic progression and without altering the solo violin part. Ideally suited and extremely useful for student recitals, masterclasses, and concerto competitions where students typically perform only one movement of a concerto.

For the three last decades of his life the violinist Johann Friedrich Schreivogel (fl. 1707–1749), known as Il Tedeschino, was a leading violinist in Milan, active in both the Teatro Ducale and the Cappella Ducale. Few biographical details are known about his life there,
and nothing at all about his life prior to his arrival in Milan, but a statement by Johann Joachim Quantz (who encountered him in 1726) that he was Swiss by birth is on the surface very plausible. His few surviving works for his own instrument, not previously studied, prove him to have been an unexpectedly capable composer, greatly indebted to Vivaldi but also possessing some individual traits, as the article describes in some detail. The three concertos and at least two sonatas surviving in Dresden were copied by Johann Georg Pisendel in Venice in 1716–1717, while an isolated violin sonata in the so-called “Tartini Collection” in Berkeley can be dated, on account of its galant-inflected style, to the years around 1730–1740. Schreivogel’s name should certainly be added to the list of significant Milanese violinist-composers of the eighteenth century, and his reported Swiss connection
deserves further investigation.

Einführung Das Konzert für Violine und Orchester e-Moll op. 64 von Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy gehört zu den außerordentlichsten Beispielen für seine Gattung. Mit Blick auf die musikhistorischen Entwicklungen in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bezeichnete Arnold Schering das Werk als »Rettung aus der allmählich zur Unnatur gewordenen Formelhaftigkeit der Gattung«, die zugleich »zum Inbegriff höchster geigerischer Schönheit wurde« 1 und zielte damit auf die formalen und strukturellen Besonderheiten der Komposition ab. Seit jeher wurde der ungewöhnliche Beginn des Konzerts hervorgehoben, denn dem Kopfsatz fehlt die Orchesterexposition, so dass das Soloinstrument selbst über einer zurückhaltend vom Orchester angestimmten Begleitung das Hauptthema formuliert. Dieses Kennzeichen hob schon der Rezensent hervor, der das Werk 1845 in der Neuen Zeitschrift für Musik ausführlich besprochen hatte: »Als wir vernahmen, daß Mendelsohn [sic] die Literatur der Violine um ein Concert bereichert habe, waren wir sehr gespannt, dasselbe kennen zu lernen, da wir von dem Componisten eine eigenthümliche Erfassung der Aufgabe erwarten durften. Daß wir uns hierin nicht getäuscht hatten, erwies sich gleich im ersten Allegro, welches nebst dem sich daran anschließenden Andante merklich von der üblichen Construction abweicht; hier namentlich fiel uns auf, daß das erste Tutti weggefallen ist. Bis jetzt ist uns nur eine Abweichung von diesem Gebrauch, in Beethoven's Pianoforte-Concert in Es, vorgekommen, wo jedoch das Tutti nach der Cadenz sehr ausgeführt nachfolgt.« 2 Indem Mendelssohn den Solisten gleich zu Beginn des Kopfsatzes mit dem Thema einsetzen lässt, unterläuft er das konventionelle, den Solo-Auftritt vorbereitende Eröffnungstutti. Die herkömmliche Rollenverteilung wird dadurch umgekehrt, dass der Virtuose nun seinerseits mit seinem Spiel den Weg für den Tutti-Einsatz des Orchesters ebnet -eine Strategie, die sich stark von dem in der Rezension erwähnten, kadenzartigen Beginn von Beethovens Klavierkonzert Nr. 3 Es-Dur op. 73 (1808/09) unterscheidet. 3 Allerdings bezieht sich Mendelssohn hier auf formale Neuerungen, die er bereits zuvor in seinen Klavierkonzerten Nr. 1 g-Moll op. 25 (1831) und Nr. 2 d-Moll op. 40 (1837) erprobt hatte, denn schon dort verwarf er die für ältere Konzerte obligatorische Orchester-Exposition und ließ den Solisten das Material des

Antonio Vivaldi's violin concerto in A major RV 335, entitled The Cuckow (the name is English since the sources transmitting its main version all originate from England), enjoyed extraordinary popularity in eighteenth-century England. It is noteworthy for its abundant use of the ultra-high register, its bird-song effects and its simple, homophonic textures. It was known in England by 1717 and remained a showpiece for violin virtuosos for several decades, lingering on, in increasingly debased versions, into the nineteenth century. At first sight, it appears that the type of bird imitated is not the cuckoo, since the descending interval forming its call is a fourth, not a third, which implies that the title is spurious. However, in early spring the cuckoo's call is actually wider than a third, so the authenticity of the title is not entirely disproved, even if Vivaldi elsewhere represents the cuckoo with a third. The eight-bar slow movement of RV 335 belongs to a favourite Vivaldian type and is scored just for solo violin and continuo. The prominent German-born musician J. C. Pepusch borrowed this slow movement for an otherwise original violin concerto in A major, adding extra string parts. A pupil of Pepusch in London, the violinist-composer J. H. Roman, took the music of RV 335 back to his native Sweden, where he produced a version of it with a slow movement of his own composition. Finally, there is a different version of RV 335 preserved in Ancona. Entitled Il rosignuolo, this has several variant readings in its outer movements and contains a slow movement almost identical with that of the violin concerto RV Anh. 14, which Marc Pincherle believed to be a work by Vivaldi but is ostensibly by F. M. Veracini, under whose name it was published c. 1717 in Jeanne Roger's anthology Concerti a cinque. RV Anh. 14 is indeed remarkably Vivaldian in style in many respects – more so, perhaps, than Veracini's other concertos – but it has certain 'dissonant' features that include most notably the use of a two-sharp key signature (whereas Vivaldi, unlike Veracini, always used three sharps for A major). The question of the authorship of RV Anh 14 is not, however, fully resolved, particularly while the motivation behind Pincherle's attribution remains obscure.
The article is downloadable from the website of the Cini Foundation.at <http://www.cini.it/publications/studi-vivaldiani-16>.

Teaching the stylistic aspects of Classical era violin literature in a systematic way is a relatively recent endeavor in drastic need for readily accessible material. One of the goals of this document is to propose applicable and historically informed solutions to Classical era concertos that lack written-out cadenzas by the composer. Two problematic works
--a speculative violin concerto attributed to Mozart, and an authentic and fully-orchestrated fragment of a projected violin concerto by Beethoven--work effectively as sources for stylistic information and preparation for the authentic concertante works by these composers. They also provide adventuresome violinists with fresh opportunities to craft original cadenzas.
The document’s three studies address issues of style, performance, and authorship present in authentic, spurious, and incomplete works for solo violin and orchestra of the late Classical era (ca. 1780-1800). The first essay presents different solutions available for composing, selecting, and modifying existing cadenzas for Mozart’s authentic violin concertos (K. 207, 211, 216, 218, and 219). Since Mozart did not write out his own cadenzas for these works, and the art of in situ improvisation in the Classical style has virtually disappeared from the concert stage, most soloists perform lengthy, virtuosic cadenzas by renowned late Romantic virtuosos and pedagogues such as Joseph Joachim, Leopold Auer, and Sam Franko, who do not always follow a stylistically appropriate approach.
The second essay explores the origins, authorship claims, and inherent musical value of Mozart’s Violin Concerto in E-Flat, K. 268, a problematic work almost unanimously dismissed by scholars. Commonly attributed to Mannheim-born violinist and composer Johann Friedrich Eck (ca. 1766-1810), Mozart’s “sixth” concerto, for all its obvious deficiencies in its current form and lack of autograph sources, nevertheless constitutes a rare and effective example of late
xii
eighteenth-century violin concerto writing in the tradition of the Franco-Belgian school led by Viotti and Rode, and as such a precursor to the violin concertos of Ludwig Spohr (1784-1859). K. 268 ultimately helps bridge the stylistic gap between Mozart’s authentic masterworks and Beethoven’s monumental Violin Concerto in D Major, Op. 61 (1806).
The third study compares four different attempts to finish a youthful fragment (259 bars) of a projected violin concerto composed by Beethoven prior to his departure for Vienna. The composer did leave us a “torso” that includes the full exposition and part of the development of a sonata form concertante movement in C major. We now have four completed versions, by one of Beethoven’s acquaintances (the German violinist and composer Joseph Hellmesberger), early twentieth-century Spanish violinist Juan Manen, noted Beethoven scholar Wilfried Fischer, and Dutch composer Cees Nieuwenhuizen, a specialist in completing unfinished works by Beethoven. They all provide apt and wonderfully inventive solutions, thus enabling violinists to perform a work that can help prepare students for Beethoven’s completed concerto.

Traditional narratives of music history have presented Johann Georg Pisendel as a composing violin virtuoso and a possible inspiration for Bach's solo sonatas. However, if one disregards traditional categories such as 'composer' or 'virtuoso' and considers Pisendel's merits as music director praised by his contemporaries, the supposed second rate master proves to be a true 'key figure in the German musical life of the baroque' (Christoph Wolff). Due to the central position of Pisendel as a student of Torelli and Vivaldi, as a friend of Telemann and Bach, as a colleague of Heinichen and Hasse and as a teacher of Quantz and two brothers Graun in this section of music history, the work offers numerous impulses for neighboring research areas and provides vivid insights into the musical life of the Bach era.

After a biographical section that considers a large number of unpublished sources, the study focuses on Pisendel's school-building orchestral education. This intended to ensure a differentiated reproduction of international musical styles, which is reflected in numerous entries by Pisendel in the Dresden instrumental repertoire. For the first time, Pisendel's practice of musical direction is presented, which anticipated the modern professional conductor and established the fame of the Dresden orchestra. Important insights go far beyond Pisendel, such as the definition of concertmaster's office as "vice-Kapellmeister of instrumental music" or insights into the structure and ownership of musical repertoire libraries. Even the reconstruction of performance norms, which were not explicitly noted in the score, results in fundamental new approaches to the performance and editing practice in this important repertoire. A catalogue raisonné of Pisendel’s works and documents completes this extraordinary study.

This article explores, for the first time, the nexus between Giuseppe Tartini’s concertos for violin and orchestra, written for the Franciscan Basilica of Saint Anthony in Padua, and the devotion to this Saint’s tongue, still preserved as a relic. Anthony’s tongue, hagiographers write, was the instrument of a rhetoric that transcended verbal signification, able to move people of different languages and even animals. Soon, the tongue of Saint Anthony became a powerful symbol of universal language.  In the eighteenth century, the Catholic Church, and especially the followers of Saint Anthony, revitalized their global mission to overcome cultural and linguistic barriers. Commissioning orchestral church music was part of this strategy. Like Anthony’s preaching, Tartini’s music was informed by the utopian goal to reach out to a pluralist community. Not surprisingly, his music and ideas attracted the attention of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Charles Burney, both engaged in contemporary debates on the quest for universality of music in a multicultural world. In this essay Tartini’s ideas are discussed in relation to this broad topic, taking into account the ritualistic purpose of his music. Newly discovered evidence sheds light on the liturgical context of Tartini’s violin concertos, as well as on religious rituals of music making and listening that left long-lasting traces of sacrality in the secular rites of production and consumption of instrumental music.

The core of this article is a plea for the recognition of the violin concerto in F major RV Anh. 131, first admitted to the Vivaldi catalogue in 2007, as an authentic work of the composer – a change of status that, if accepted, would result in its move from the Anhang (Supplement) section of the catalogue into the main part and also make it eligible for publication in the critical edition. The concerto is of special interest for having the appearance of an early work already displaying many of the features expressed in their classic form in L’estro armonico (1711).
It appears as the third of six concertos for various instrumental combinations contained in Harmonia Mundi, the Second Collection, an anthology brought out in late 1728 or early 1729 by John Walsh senior and Joseph Hare in London. To set the scene, the article begins by discussing Vivaldi’s significant presence in published concerto anthologies in general. Concerto III in Walsh’s print names Albinoni as the composer, but this is clearly wrong, since its style is palpably non-Albinonian. By good fortune, a thematic catalogue of the concertos once possessed by the Piarist monastery at Podolínec in eastern Slovakia lists the same concerto, this time attributed to Vivaldi. Although this catalogue is full of evident misattributions, it seemed a good idea to score the work up and test the credibility of its attribution.
Close analysis of both the structure and the musical style of the concerto quickly leads to a positive conclusion. Each aspect of the work exhibits not only a multitude of features highly characteristic of Vivaldi but also a good many that are seemingly unique, or nearly so, to him and have been widely recognized as such in scholarly literature. The article uses several tables and music examples to support its arguments.
Notwithstanding its brevity and a relative lack of technical challenge in the solo part, which could possibly reflect its use for pedagogical purposes at the Ospedale della Pietà, Concerto III can, in the author’s view, be attributed with absolute confidence to Vivaldi. Since the Harmonia Mundi anthology includes another work, the oboe concerto RV 456, that has had its attribution to Vivaldi in that source contested for a while in modern times before being ultimately vindicated, there is scope for future exploration of a possible link between the two compositions.

Avant-garde trends of the 1950s-'60s are generally evaluated by today's history and criticism as the norm of that period, as regards art and culture being cultivated into social and political reforms. Musical genres and aesthetics of the first half of the 20 th century (or prior) that were incorporated into a new stream after 1950, are nowadays examined either under a touch of academic conservatism, or as new prospects of experimentation within the very trends of avant-gardism. The violin concerto encompasses a 200-year period of continuous development within tonal traditions of Western music, ranging from the late Italian baroque period to belated romanticism of the early 20 th century (Sibelius, Glazunov). Between 1920-1950, it was reintroduced as a paradigm of neoclassicism within new tonalities (Bartók, Prokofiev, Stravinsky, and many others), and also as a trend of atonal expressionism (Berg, 1935 and Schoenberg, 1936). After World War II (and particularly after 1970) many composers consecutively employed the genre of violin concerto, involving miscellaneous aspects of form, notation and performance practice that sometimes resulted in impressive and innovative works. As concerns the post-war context of neoclassicism within concerto form, it was expanded, restrained, innovated, misinterpreted or even post-modernly reapplied.

Ligeti is talking mainly about his then new violin concerto.
Publications:
MS, "Gespräch zwischen György Ligeti und Manfred Stahnke am 29. Mai 1993", in: Musik - nicht ohne Worte. Beiträge zu aktuellen Fragen aus Komposition, Musiktheorie und Musikwissenschaft, hrsg. von Manfred Stahnke, von Bockel-Verlag, Hamburg 2000, S.121-152. Innerhalb von:
Musik und ... Bd.2. Eine Schriftenreihe der Hochschule für Musik und Theater Hamburg, hrsg. von Hanns-Werner Heister u.a.
Ferner veröffentlicht in: Musik-Konzepte, Sonderband: Musik der anderen Tradition. Mikrotonale Tonwelten, hrsg. von Heinz-Klaus Metzger und Rainer Riehn, München 2003, S.66-97

BY VIVALDI (AFTER ALL): THE VIOLIN CONCERTO RV ANH. 131

SUMMARY

The core of this article is a plea for the recognition of the violin concerto in F major RV Anh. 131, first admitted to the Vivaldi catalogue in 2007, as an authentic work of the composer – a change of status that, if accepted, would result in its move from the Anhang (Supplement) section of the catalogue into the main part and also make it eligible for publication in the critical edition. The concerto is of special interest for having the appearance of an early work already displaying many of the features expressed in their classic form in L’estro armonico (1711).
It appears as the third of six concertos for various instrumental combinations contained in Harmonia Mundi, the Second Collection, an anthology brought out in late 1728 or early 1729 by John Walsh senior and Joseph Hare in London. To set the scene, the article begins by discussing Vivaldi’s significant presence in published concerto anthologies in general. Concerto III in Walsh’s print names Albinoni as the composer, but this is clearly wrong, since its style is palpably non-Albinonian. By good fortune, a thematic catalogue of the concertos once possessed by the Piarist monastery at Podolínec in eastern Slovakia lists the same concerto, this time attributed to Vivaldi. Although this catalogue is full of evident misattributions, it seemed a good idea to score the work up and test the credibility of its attribution.
Close analysis of both the structure and the musical style of the concerto quickly leads to a positive conclusion. Each aspect of the work exhibits not only a multitude of features highly characteristic of Vivaldi but also a good many that are seemingly unique, or nearly so, to him and have been widely recognized as such in scholarly literature. The article uses several tables and music examples to support its arguments.
Notwithstanding its brevity and a relative lack of technical challenge in the solo part, which could possibly reflect its use for pedagogical purposes at the Ospedale della Pietà, Concerto III can, in the author’s view, be attributed with absolute confidence to Vivaldi. Since the Harmonia Mundi anthology includes another work, the oboe concerto RV 456, that has had its attribution to Vivaldi in that source contested for a while in modern times before being ultimately vindicated, there is scope for future exploration of a possible link between the two compositions.

Either for reasons of historical context or because of the (supposed) presence of certain structural features within the score, two eminent Bach scholars, Christoph Wolff (Harvard University) and Peter Wollny (Bach Archive Leipzig), have recently disputed – independently of one another – that J.S. Bach’s concerto for harpsichord and orchestra BWV 1052, whose musical material the composer had already used in three movements with obbligato organ in church cantatas (BWV 146/I-II and BWV 188/I), was based on a lost original for violin, as has long been believed, proposing instead that it was conceived from the start as a work for a keyboard instrument.
Since for BWV 1052 there also exists an earlier version, likewise for harpsichord (catalogued as BWV 1052a), whose musical content probably goes back to the Weimar period (1708-1717), the article analyses the textual differences emerging from a close comparison of the known primary sources, focusing on various portions of musical text that display apparently inconsistent changes of octave register, alterations to notes or entire passages and modifications to orchestral tuttis (in the first movement), many of which appear to have been dictated by the simple practical need to transfer to the keyboard musical ideas originally conceived for violin. Moreover, this hypothesis receives support from certain peculiarities in the soloist’s melodic line in the second movement, as well as from some interesting notational features and particular types of writing associated with passages in bariolage and arpeggiated chords, all of which point unequivocally towards an original version of this concerto for violin (BWV 1052R).
The second part of the article highlights the presence of several unique features of BWV 1052/1052a within the entire corpus of Bach’s ‘original’ concertos: the particular choice of key for the second movement; the presence of not one but two substantial cadenzas for the soloist (originally both unaccompanied); the appearance of the orchestral unison as a compositional device characterizing tutti sections; the extraordinary variety shown by the combinations employed in the accompaniment of solo passages; the composer’s propensity to introduce asymmetrical or irregular phrase structures.
In the light of the analysis performed it is legitimate to hypothesize that the original version for violin (BWV 1052R) represents one of Bach’s first attempts at composing an ‘autonomous’ Italian-style concerto (drawing on the experience of his keyboard transcriptions made during the years 1713-1714), which would place it chronologically within the last years of the Weimar period: between 1714 and 1717.
Further, the concerto is revealed to be heavily indebted to Vivaldi on account of the large number of structural, harmonic, instrumental and timbral details showing affinity to some of the early works of the Red Priest (in particular, to the concertos RV 208, 316, 522, 528 and 813). It appears to be one of the first compositions in which Bach tested out – above all, in the construction of the orchestral tutti – the application of the cardinal principles of “order, coherence and proportion” (“Ordnung, Zusammenhang und Verhältniß”).

En el artículo, con el fin de ofrecer algunos ejemplos prácticos para una praxis ejecutiva históricamente informada, se analiza la relación entre el texto original de unos movimientos lentos de conciertos para violín de Antonio Vivaldi (RV 299, 316, 528) y su indispensable ornamentación a través de algunos ejemplos significativos que nos han dejado Johann Sebastian Bach (BWV 973, 975, 980) y el mismo Vivaldi (RV 775).

Jean-Marie Leclair est le plus éminent représentant de l’école française de violon du XVIIIe siècle. Après plusieurs voyages dans le Piémont où il se forma à l’école italienne de violon, Leclair fit une carrière de soliste et de compositeur, à la ville, notamment au Concert Spirituel où ses concertos ont régulièrement été joués, mais aussi à la Cour en tant que violoniste de la Chambre et de la Chapelle royale. Ses concertos, d’une grande qualité formelle, ont une écriture particulièrement dense et contrapuntique, peu commune en France à cette époque et sans doute rapportée par Leclair de ses nombreux voyages à l’étranger.

Chaque concerto est en 3 mouvements et dure environ un quart d’heure. L’orchestre est à 4 parties à l’italienne (Violino 1&2, Alto viola, Violoncello et continuo). La partie de violon concertant du concerto n°3 peut aussi être jouée, d’après l’auteur, par la flûte allemande (flûte traversière) ou le hautbois.

Cette édition du Centre de musique baroque de Versailles comporte une introduction en français et en anglais (comprenant des notes historiques et des notes pour l'interprétation), la partition et des notes critiques.

The 19th century is the era of expressive portamento, both in vocal and instrumental performance. However, in contemporary sources the varieties and types of portamento were described with much greater precision in string treatises than in singing tutors. As a result it is possible to derive systematic terminological categories that proove to be important tools for the analysis of interpretation. This is demonstrated in a recording of the celebrated soprano Adelina Patti (1843-1919), analysing the showpiece of her art of portamento (Mozart’s „Voi che sapete“).

Franz Kaern-Biederstedt Sommer 2005, revidiert 26./27.2.2015. Wenn man sich fragt, welche Rolle die Musiktheorie für die kompositorische Praxis spielt, in welchem Verhältnis theoretisch erklärendes Nachdenken über Musik und die Komposition von Musik zueinander stehen, dann sind durchaus zwei verschiedene Arten der Wechselbeziehung denkbar: Die eine Art besteht in der Vorstellung, die Musiktheorie würde auf kompositorische Neuerungen reagieren, sich gleichsam gewöhnen an die Regelverstöße und "Fehler", welche von "unangepassten" Komponisten fortwährend begangen werden. Diese Regelverstöße werden irgendwann zur neuen Regel (man denke etwa an die allmähliche Lockerung ursprünglich strenger Anweisungen und Verbote zur Behandlung dissonanter Intervalle, die im Lauf der Musikgeschichte immer freier und selbständiger zur Bereicherung des Tonsatzes zugelassen wurden). Die Musiktheorie hinkt hierbei immer hinterher, darum bemüht, einen einmal angerichteten Schaden, der aus bewussten Regelbrüchen resultiert, im Nachhinein theoretisch zu reflektieren und dadurch zu "heilen" und zu legitimieren. Aber es gibt auch Zeugnisse eines umgekehrten Verhältnisses, bei denen Kompositionen aus einer musiktheoretischen Tradition erwachsen, aus dieser ein erprobtes Repertoire an Zeichen und dahinter stehenden Konnotationen schöpfen. Hierunter wird nun allerdings kein kleinmeisterliches Regelbefolgen oder inhaltsleeres Nachplappern tausendfach erprobter musikalischer Mittel ohne jede persönliche Erfindungskraft verstanden. Gemeint sind durchaus große Komponisten, auch im 20. Jahrhundert, die sich nicht als Avantgarde verstanden, nicht um jeden Preis das Neue, nie Gehörte erfinden wollten, die zurückgriffen auf schon Bekanntes und Erkanntes, auf Tradiertes und Ausprobiertes, um es durch fantasievolle Umwertungen und überraschende Kontextualisierungen neu und unverbraucht erlebbar zu machen. Dennoch wurden solche Komponisten oft gerade in Deutschland mit all seiner Ideologie-und Fortschrittsgläubigkeit leicht links liegen gelassen und belächelt, weil man sie für Eklektizisten hielt, wenn sie beispielsweise wagten, an Tonalität festzuhalten, wo diese doch ringsum als verbraucht und ausgehöhlt galt. Zu solchen Komponisten kann wohl Benjamin Britten gerechnet werden, wenngleich es gerade bei ihm ganz und gar nicht angebracht wäre zu vermuten, er hätte ängstlich an etwas

This is an article to review the different aspects of Vivaldi’s life and his works. Ospedale Conservatory, Venice school, the importance of concerto in his works also getting back to his unforgettable masterpieces are the others issues to consider.


در اين مقاله زندگي، آثار و تأثيرات آنتونيو ويوالدي در موسيقي جهاني مورد بررسي قرار مي‌گيرد، و از كنسرواتوار اوس پداله، مكتب وِنيز، جايگاه كنسرتو در آثار ويوالدي، چگونگي دستيابي دوباره به شاهكارهاي فراموش نشدني ويوالدي و مقام فعلي اين نابغه ونيزي مورد توجه قرار مي‌گيرد.

Per lungo tempo la tomba al «Père Lachaise» di Parigi delle violiniste sorelle Milanollo, Maria e Teresa, considerate nell'Ottocento tra i fenomeni musicali viventi più clamorosi in quanto a bravura ed età (con concerti in tutta l'Europa di allora, e non soltanto), è stata dimenticata ed ha corso il rischio di essere addirittura cancellata (nonostante appartenesse alle sepolture perpetue, quindi inamovibile dalla sua posizione, a fianco della tomba di Frédérich Chopin). Il saggio pubblicato documenta per la prima volta in tempi recenti la riscoperta del singolare monumento funebre, raccontandone le circostanze e fornendo notizie inedite e ricche di spunti storici, biografici e musicali

Si tratta della «prima bozza» di uno studio del 1983 che esamina vent'anni di storia del teatro di Savigliano, a poco più d'un lustro di distanza dall'inaugurazione del teatro, indagando le compagnie che hanno replicato migliaia di recitazioni, opere musicali, teatri di danza e dei burattini, spettacoli di arte varia e recite dilettantesche, coi riferimenti ai lavori eseguiti, agli incassi, alle spese ed agli utili ricavati, alle stagioni ed ai giorni di rappresentazione. Uno spaccato, unico ed irripetibile,  di vent'anni di attività teatrale a Savigliano, tra alti e bassi, all'insegna di una incredibile partecipazione di popolo e ad una grande attenzione alla produzione teatrale italiane – e non solo – delle maggiori compagnie itineranti.

Depuis les années 70, il y a une volonté d’effectuer un rattrapage pour redonner aux musiciennes une visibilité et une reconnaissance au sein de l’histoire musicale. Si la musique des femmes est aujourd’hui un élément incontournable de théorisation, de débats et de revendications féministes pour faire évoluer la réflexion sur cette question, il est surprenant que leurs œuvres soient encore peu jouées dans les concerts de musique contemporaine au Québec que l’on tienne compte de la quantité de pièces ou de leurs modalités de diffusion. Considérant l’importance de l’environnement socioculturel qui teinte les perceptions sur les capacités créatrices des femmes, l’auteure propose une analyse des concerts produits de 1966 à 2006 par la Société de musique contemporaine du Québec (SMCQ), les Événements du neuf (E9), l’ECM+ l’Ensemble contemporain de Montréal (ECM+) et le Nouvel Ensemble moderne (NEM)  en vue de délimiter la participation des compositrices et de mettre en évidence les pratiques de ces organismes relativement à la présence des femmes en concert. Offrant une contribution originale aux études féministes en musique, l’auteure explique le rôle des organismes de musique contemporaine dans la production de concerts thématiques, l’offre de commande d’oeuvre et l’organisation de concours, discute également des limites de l’intégration des femmes.
***
Since the 70s, there is a will to give female musicians visibility and recognition within musical history. If the music composed by women is today subject to feminist’s theory, debates and advocacy to push this issue forward, it is surprising that their works are seldom performed in concert in Quebec in terms of number and modality of distribution. Giving the importance of the sociocultural environment, that impact the perceptions on the women composer’s capacities, the author offers an analysis of Société de musique contemporaine du Québec (SMCQ), Événements du neuf (E9), Ensemble contemporain de Montréal (ECM+), and Nouvel Ensemble moderne (NEM) concerts produced between 1966 and 2006, which aims to describe the participation of women composers and shed a light on their practices related to the presence of women in concerts. Providing an original contribution to the feminist studies in music, the author describes new music organisms’ role by producing thematic concert, commissioning musical pieces and organizing composition contests, and she discusses their limits in women integration.

Giulio Taglietti (ca. 1666-1718) considered one of the forerunners of the instrumental concerto. His Concerti e sinfonie, op. 2 (Venice, 1696) were the first Venetian publication ever to contain instrumental concertos. The compositions by Taglietti are closely interlinked with his work for Collegio de’ Nobili and Oratorio alla Pace in Brescia. This article discuses two of the completely preserved collections of his musi: Concerti a cinque, op. 8 (Venice, 1710) and Concerti a Quattro con suoi rinforzi, op. 11 (Bologna, 1713). The works published in the collection exemplify compositions which include elements of a solo concerto, ripieno and grosso. Even though they were not so significant for the history of the genre as the concertos by Torelli, Vivaldi or Tartini, they provide a valuable source of information about the abundance of styles of an early Baroque concerto, broaden our perspective on the diversity of the genre, and show one of its local varieties. Working outside the mainstream musical centers, Taglietti did not blindly follow the patterns established by Corelli (Rome), Torelli (Bologna) or Gentili (Venice), but employed his individual compositional language, which judging by Dutch and English copies of his scores and high acclaim for his composition by Pierre Mortier, must have been widely enjoyed by the audiences.

Summary
The so-called “Anna Maria partbook”, the collection of violin concertos that made up the repertory of this exceedingly gifted pupil of Vivaldi, contains 31concertos, 24 of which can be attributed securely to Vivaldi; of the remainder, the four anonymous concertos have always aroused the curiosity of scholars – none more so than RV Anh. 76, whose idiom is markedly Vivaldian. The author shows how this concerto, notwithstanding the fragmentary nature of its survival (comprising only the principal violin part, with the bass part added for the middle movement), contains a great number of quotations from Vivaldi’s music; the first movement has a phrase from RV 537, while the second opens with the initial theme of the Salve Regina RV 617 and the sonata RV 2. But it is the third movement that provides the real revelation: this is a set of variations on a particular Chaconne bass much loved by Vivaldi (the descending tetrachord rounded off by a return to the tonic via an ascending trichord) and which, even in its incompletely preserved state, reveals surprising correspondences with the Ciacona of the concerto RV 114. A comparison between the two movements shows that they have 37 bars of music in common. The third movement of RV Anh. 76 is thus identifiable as a version with obbligato violin and organ of the concluding chaconne in the concerto for strings RV 114. Among the shared phrases one also discovers a harmonicmelodic idea of which Vivaldi was very fond – a sort of “trademark” appearing in ten further compositions by him. In the light of this evidence, the anonymous concerto RV Anh. 76 has been admitted to the main section of the Ryom catalogue as RV 808.

Swiss educator, Émile Jaques-Dalcroze observed over 100 years ago that often music conservatoires focus primarily on the development of technique and repertoire, at the expense of musicianship. His embodied approach to music education aims to connect all our faculties, emotional, corporeal and intellectual, through experiencing music making, in and through movement. This arts practice research addresses how embodiment in classical music instrumental education can be enhanced by an embodied teaching method such as Dalcroze Eurhythmics. The research journey culminated with 'Dance of Shadows', a multidisciplinary , multi-sensorial interpretation of Eugène Ysaÿe's second sonata for solo violin, opus 27. To document the intrinsic reflexivity of the research, the researcher utilises the tools of artistic research and other arts practice methods. The findings of this investigation revealed not only an enhancement of the researcher's embodied preparation and performance practice but also a transformation in the experience of engagement for the audience.

»Brahms' Violin-Concert darf wohl von heute ab das bedeutendste heißen, was seit dem Beethovenschen und Mendelssohnschen erschien; ob es auch in der allgemeinen Gunst mit jenen beiden jemals rivalisiren werde, möchte ich bezweifeln. Es fehlt ihm die unmittelbar verständliche und entzückende Melodie, der nicht blos im Beginne, sondern im ganzen Verlaufe klare rhythmische Fluß, wodurch das Beethovensche und das Mendelssohnsche Concert so einzig wirken. Manche herrliche Gedanken kommen nicht zur vollen Wirkung, weil sie zu rasch verschwinden oder zu dicht umrankt sind von kunstvollem Geflecht.« 1 Mit diesen Worten schätzte Eduard Hanslick, Kritiker der Wiener Erstaufführung vom 14. Januar 1879, im Rahmen eines ausführlichen Berichts das Violinkonzert D-Dur op. 77 von Johannes Brahms ein, um am Ende seines Textes noch hinzu zu fügen, das Werk sei »ein Musikstück von meisterhaft formender und verarbeitender Kunst, aber von etwas spröder Erfindung und gleichsam mit halbgespannten Segeln auslaufender Phantasie«. 2 Diese ambivalente Bewertung durch den renommierten Kritiker verdeutlicht, stellvertretend für andere Aussagen, zweierlei: Dass die Brahms'sche Komposition zwar einerseits durchaus in ihrer Bedeutung wahrgenommen und gedanklich aufgrund ihres Anspruchs in einen Kanon konzertanter Violinwerke eingeordnet wurde; dass es aber andererseits dem zeitgenössischen Hörer schwer fiel, ihre Feinheiten bis ins Letzte zu würdigen. Ursache hierfür mag die spezifische Machart des Konzertes gewesen sein, die sich weniger an der Virtuosität interessiert zeigt, als an den verschiedenen Möglichkeiten, das Soloinstrument in einen gleichsam sinfonisch ausgearbeiteten Orchesterpart einzubinden -ein Umstand, der dem Werk von Seiten des Dirigenten Hans von Bülow oder des Geigers Joseph Hellmesberger die wenig schmeichelhafte Rede vom »Konzert gegen die Violine« oder auch vom »Konzert gegen das Orchester« eingetragen haben soll. 3 Trotz solcher Einwände gilt die Komposition heute als wohl bekanntestes Beispiel für ein sinfonisch orientiertes, das Soloinstrument nicht im Sinne virtuosen Selbstzwecks zur Schau stellendes Violinkonzert aus der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Als Pianist stand Brahms von Beginn des Kompositionsprozesses an vor der schwierigen Aufgabe, bei der Gestaltung des Soloparts die eigenen Vorstellungen vom Geigenklang mit den spieltechnischen Gegebenheiten seiner Zeit in Einklang zu bringen, wozu ihm die Hilfestellungen des befreundeten Geigers Joseph Joachim (1831-1907) sehr gelegen kamen. Das Vio-1 Eduard Hanslick, Concerte, Componisten und Virtuosen der letzten fünfzehn Jahre: 1870-1885, Berlin 2 1886, S. 265-268, hier S. 265. 2 Ebd., S. 268. 3 Vgl. Günter Weiß-Aigner, Johannes Brahms: Violinkonzert D-Dur, München 1979 (= Meisterwerke der Musik 18), S. 13. linkonzert ist letzten Endes auch eine Frucht der zu diesem Zeitpunkt schon 25 Jahre -nämlich seit 1853 -andauernden Freundschaft zwischen beiden Musikern. Von der Wertschätzung, die Brahms dem Geiger entgegen brachte, zeugt einerseits die Widmung von op. 77 an Joachim, andererseits aber auch der Wunsch des Komponisten, dem Geiger die Verantwortung für die Kopfsatz-Kadenz zu übertragen, da er sie nicht -wie dies etwa Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy mit Unterstützung von Ferdinand David in seinem Violinkonzert e-Moll op. 64 getan hatte -selbst ausformulieren wollte. 4 Aber auch die zahlreichen erhaltenen Quellen zur Entstehung und Überarbeitung des Violinkonzerts geben Aufschluss darüber, welch großen Wert Brahms auf den künstlerischen und spieltechnischen Rat seines Freundes legte und wie stark Joachim letzten Endes in die Fertigstellung der Solopartie involviert war. Seine Empfehlungen betrafen zunächst vor allem Details der Bogensetzung, grifftechnische Aspekte von Doppel-und Akkordgriffen sowie Fingersätze, doch hielt er auch Bemerkungen zur Spielbarkeit nicht zurück, erörterte mit Brahms ausführlich Fragen der Streicherartikulation und ihrer Notation, 5 und in der Zeit nach der Uraufführung nahm sein Anteil an der endgültigen Gestaltung umso mehr zu, als er den Violinpart immer wieder in der Konzertsituation praktisch auf seine Podiumstauglichkeit hin erproben konnte. Der Beginn des Kompositionsprozesses und zugleich der Startschuss für die gemeinsame Arbeit wird durch eine am 21. August 1878 in Pörtschach am See abgestempelte Postkarte angezeigt, auf der Brahms seinem Freund »eine Anzahl Violinpassagen« mit Bitte um Durchsicht ankündigte. 6 In einer brieflichen Präzisierung dieses Wunsches vom Folgetag ging er näher auf die Hintergründe seiner Bitte ein, indem er seinen Plan näher skizzierte: »Die ganze Geschichte hat vier Sätze; vom letzten schrieb ich den Anfang -damit mir gleich die ungeschickten Figuren verboten werden!« 7 Mit der Bitte, dem bezüglich technischer Bedürfnisse eines Violinvirtuosen eher unerfahrenen Komponisten die »ungeschickten Figuren« auszutreiben, begann eine bemerkenswert intensive Zusammenarbeit, die sich über den Zeitraum eines ganzen Jahres erstreckte und damit endete, dass sich Brahms und Joachim im August 1879 ein letztes Mal in Aigen bei Salzburg trafen, um dort gemeinsam die zum Druck vorbereitete Ver-oder im dritten Satz T. 42-49 (S. 73-74), wo Brahms die Verdopplung durch Pizzicati in den Bässen ersetzte. Auch an anderen Stellen finden sich Eingriffe, die auf eine größere Transparenz des Orchestersatzes zielen, so im Kopfsatz die Veränderung des Bläsersatzes in T. 445-452 (S. 44-45) durch Eingriffe in Flöte, Fagott und Horn sowie die entscheidende Modifikation von dessen rhythmischer Struktur in T. 547-567 (S. 54-56). Kleinere Korrekturen beziehen sich auf Artikulation und Akzentsetzung, darüber hinaus wurden auch Ausdrucksanweisungen, die Platzierung und Reichweite von Tempoveränderungen oder grundlegende Tempobezeichnungen revidiert, beispielsweise im Kopfsatz durch Verlagerung der Angabe »poco rit.« von T. 328 nach T. 326 (S. 32) und durch Einfügung der Angaben »poco rit.« und »a tempo« in T. 379 und T. 381 (S. 38) oder im Mittelsatz durch Hinzufügung der Anweisungen »calando« in T. 75 und »tempo primo« in T. 78 (S. 64-65). Eine weitere Veränderung betrifft auch die ursprüngliche Bezeichnung des zweiten Satzes, die Brahms von Un poco Larghetto zu Adagio veränderte (S. 57), während er im Gegenzug die zwischenzeitlich durch Streichung z u Allegro giocoso verkürzte Tempoangabe des Finales wieder in Allegro giocoso, ma non troppo vivace modifizierte (S. 69). Am bedeutsamsten sind jedoch all jene Revisionen des Soloparts, die auf dem kontinuierlichen Gedankenaustausch zwischen Brahms und Joachim basieren und sich vor allem auf spielpraktische Details beziehen. Obgleich Joachims Veränderungen der Solopartie zunächst nur versuchs-oder vorschlagsweise erfolgten, wurden sie später vielfach zu kompositorischen Änderungen, sofern Brahms sie übernahm oder nochmals modifizierte. Allerdings wurden sie meist nicht gleich von Brahms selbst vorgenommen, sondern -anhand der roten Tinte identifizierbar -zumeist erst durch den Lektor Keller aus der Stichvorlage der Solostimme in die Stichvorlage der Partitur übertragen. Entsprechende Passagen sind im Kopfsatz etwa die von Brahms oder Joachim notierte Ossia-Variante in T. 348-354 (S. 35), dann die Eintragung von Joachims Korrekturen durch Keller in T. 431-435 (S. 43) oder die Phrasierungsvariante mit alternativen Figurationen in T. 509-510 (S. 50). Phrasierungsvarianten von Kellers Hand und schon von Brahms vorgenommene Überarbeitungen der Solostimme finden sich auch im Mittelsatz in T. 71-85 (S. 64-65), wobei Brahms selbst die Violinstimme in T. 75 (S. 64) zugunsten einer vereinfachten melodischen Struktur verändert hat, oder in T. 90 (S. 66), wo der Komponist die Hinzufügung eines Auftakts mit dem Vermerk »NB in die Solostim[m]e einzutragen!« am unteren Seitenrand versehen hat. Am stärksten ist der dritte Satz von solchen Veränderungen betroffen: Hier finden sich beispielsweise alternative Lesarten der Tonhöhen (vgl. etwa T. 21-27 auf S. 71), eine Variante des Soloparts in T. 35-36 (S. 72-73), Korrekturen von Phrasierung und Dynamik in T. 69-73 (S. 77) oder die völlige Neugestaltung der bereits in zwei Varianten vorliegenden Solovioline in T. 259-265 (S. 97-98). Entsprechend dieser anhand der autographen Partitur erkennbaren Korrekturen des Violinparts lassen sich auch in der als Stichvorlage dienenden Violinstimme -sie stellt die »verbindliche Quelle für den Notentext in Partitur und Klavierauszug« 16 dar -zahlreiche Überarbeitungsspuren entdecken, die über den Revisionsprozess des Werkes im Zuge der Vorbereitung zur Drucklegung Aufschluss geben. Einige charakteristische Passagen aus diesem 1963 von der Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.) erworbenen, undatierten Manuskript von 24 Seiten Umfang (Signatur ML31.H43a Case) wurden zwecks Dokumentation der Zusammenarbeit von Brahms und Joachim in die vorliegende Ausgabe mit aufgenommen. Zusätzlich zum eigentlichen Notentext finden sich in der von einem unidentifizierten Kopisten mit dunkelbrauner Tinte geschriebenen Violinstimme gewichtige Änderungen, die Joachim mit schwarzer Tinte und Bleistift eingetragen hat, sodann Modifikationen von Brahms mit Bleistift und blauem Farbstift sowie wiederum redaktionelle Revisionen von der Hand Kellers mit roter Tinte und gelegentlich auch mit Bleistift. Weitaus stärker als im Falle der Partitur, die zumeist bereits die endgültigen Lösungen dokumentiert, treten hier gelegentlich die kontroversen Auffassungen von Interpret und Komponist hervor: Dass Brahms etwa bei der Diskussion von Veränderungen gelegentlich ablehnend auf Joachims Vorschläge reagierte und sie teilweise verwarf oder lediglich modifiziert aufgriff, wird an einer Stelle aus dem Kopfsatz besonders deutlich: Joachim markierte die Passage T. 337-339 auf S. 8 der Reinschrift mit einer Klammer (Abbildung 1) und notierte als Alternative mit schwarzer Tinte in einem leeren System am Ende von S. 9 eine alternative Version (bis...

This book constitutes both a study and a historical musicological analysis of Sir William Walton's Violin Concerto, treating the form of the violin concerto in general in England, as it developed between 1900 and 1940, taking into consideration the works of Charles Villiers Stanford, Edward Elgar, Samuel Coleridge-Taylor, Frederick Delius, Ralph Vaughan Williams, Arthur Somervell, Arnold Bax and Benjamin Britten.

The study is divided into three parts:

- The Violin Concerto in England between 1900-1920: Stanford, Elgar, Coleridge-Taylor, Delius.

- The Violin Concerto in England between 1920 and 1940: Vaughan Williams, Somervell, Bax, Britten.

- William Walton's Violin Concerto

The book opens with a brief description of the form of the Violin Concerto between the 19th and 20th centuries in Europe. This description is intended to provide both a familiarity with the fundamental characteristics of this musical form during the period under examination, and the beginning of a comparison between different national compositional styles.
Each section is introduced with a portrait of the historical musical character in England during the respective period, and presents, after a biographical introduction to the respective composers, a formal structural, harmonic and aesthetic analysis (this analysis being embedded within a general discussion of the concertos themselves). In addition, a study of the technical and interpretative aspects of the concerto and a reflection on the relationship between composer and performer form part of the analysis. At the close of each section a comparative overview is also given.
The first and second parts are developed entirely in relation to the third, which treats, exclusively and in considerable depth, Sir William Walton's Violin Concerto, the work to which the greatest attention is devoted.
The appendix provides various unpublished texts concerning some of the concertos treated (with particular reference to Walton's) that were gathered during research. It is hoped that these will prove useful in enriching and completing a reflection, begun in the book, on the decidedly performative and interpretative aspect of violin music produced by British composers in the first half of the 20th century.
Currently there are no modern texts that approach the violin concertos of this period in an exhaustive way. This text proposes to fill the gap, drawing the attention of scholars, musicologists and musicians to the appeal of this repertoire, composed of works of great artistic value that have been, for too long, unjustly forgotten.
The volume will be useful to university and conservatory students, musicologists, composers, violinists and musicians in general, in as much as it treats, in specialized yet accessible language, the aspects of the concerto that are of interest to the author.
The study is enriched by the inclusion of unpublished documents (letters and essays written by both the composers themselves and by those to whom the concertos were dedicated), that will help to illuminate the myriad cultural and personal circumstances that fed and gave life to these great works.

Anhand des Violinkonzerts »unbalanced instability« wird ein wesentlicher Aspekt von Dieter Ammans Komponieren skizziert: die Erfindung von Klängen aus den gestischen Impulsen beteiligter Musiker heraus und damit die gedankliche Verankerung vorgeschriebener Aktionen in konkreten körperlichen Bezügen sowie den damit unauflöslich verbundenen energetischen Momenten und ihrer visuellen Seite.

It has been already demonstrated before that Bach's Harpsichord Concerto in F Minor BWV 1056, though clearly a transcription like all of the harpsichord concertos, does not go back to a single work but was assembled from movements from (at least) two different concertos. The middle movement thus does derive from a concerto whose outer movements survive as the two sinfonias of Cantata BWV 35. Though the unity of the fast movements of BWV 1056 has been repeatedly questioned as well, their form, length and content proves them beyond doubt to stem from a single model, as my detailed analysis demonstrates. This lost concerto must have been a Violin Concerto in G Minor, a highly sophisticated piece composed at the very end of Bach's Cothen period. Its original middle movement in all probablity survives in the form of the six-bar fragment BWV Anh. I/2 - a Siciliano in B-flat Major - and must thus for the greater part be considered lost.

The tradition of musical duels harkens back to the days of the ancient
Greece. One of the earliest examples of a musical rivalry is the myth of
Marsyas and Apollo, which ends tragically for the satyr. Without doubt, the
battles of the ancients served as an inspiration for the next generations of
musicians. In each era, they took a different form, tailored to the prevailing
norms and customs. In the 16th century the singing competitions of
the Meistersingers became extremely popular, and along with the development of instrumental music in 17th century, duels, in which the main subject-matter of the dispute was the superiority of one of the performers
in terms of interpretation and fluidity in playing a given instrument, gained
increased importance.
A real boom of musical duels did not came along until 18th century, in
which public concerts bloomed and along with it, the demand for virtuoso
instrumentalists increased. During that era, musical duels were not only confrontations between specific musicians or their patrons, but also
contributed to the exchange of experiences between the artists and the
spread of musical news and the works themselves. Additionally, the battles
symbolised a confrontation of musical styles, in particular the Italian
and French styles.
Jean-Marie Leclair, known as the French Corelli, is considered by many researches as the founder of the French violin school. Pietro Antonio Locatelli, an heir to the legacy of Arcangelo Corelli is justifiably considered the Paganini of the 18th century. Their music has shared roots in the tradition
of the Italian violin school, yet it differs both in terms of its formality
as well as expressiveness. At first glance the French music of J.M. Leclair
bears the imprint of standards of the violin concerts of Antonio Vivaldi,
whereas the typically Italian works of P.A. Locatelli significantly transcend
the norms accepted at that time in terms of requirements imposed on
violinists. We know that the first confrontation of the violinists took place
on 22 December 1728 at the manor in Kassel. However, some speculate that
it was not the only meeting of the musicians. The preserved information
suggest that both of them stirred strong emotions among the audiences
with their playing.
The profiles of the aforementioned composers, despite their immense
importance on the development of violin music, still remain underrated.
This article outlines the short story of musical duels and sheds light on
violin concerts in the first half of the 18th century. Additionally, the author
made an attempt of a comparative analysis of selected violin concerts,
i.e. Locatelli’s Violin Concerto in G major, Op. 3, No. 9 and Violin Concerto in
A minor Op. 7, No. 5 by Jean-Marie Leclair’s from a similar artistic period of
both composers and close in terms of the time of their creation to their
famous duel.

Availiable online - https://issuu.com/elvanden/docs/fuga_bookletdigital_fug7578-vdef-new (French / English / German)
Booklet for the 5 Cd's recording A Tribute to Ysaÿe (Fuga Libera/Outhere) in collaboration with Queen Elisabeth Music Chapel.
This booklet includes a description of the two Ysaÿe's Concerto (world premier recording)