Venetian possessions in the Eastern Mediterranean

«Η σμυρναϊκή δραματουργία: Πρωτότυπες θεατρικές εκδόσεις στη Σμύρνη του 19ου αιώνα». Δελτίο Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών, τόμος ΙΣΤ΄ (αφιέρωμα στον Οδυσσέα Λαμψίδη), 2009, σσ. 211-287 (77 σ.) (και ανάτυπο). (βλ. ηλεκτρονική ανάρτηση: https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/deltiokms/article/viewFile/2397/2163.pdf

In the Early Modern Period, particularly during the Venetian-Ottoman wars in the 17th and 18th centuries, the backbone of the Venetian trans-Adriatic land forces were units called Fanti oltramarini and Croati a cavallo, recruited primarily from the Venetian possessions ranging from Istria to Albania and Greece. This paper focuses on the participation of Tragurians in these military units during the 18th century, based on the analysis of documents stored in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia (fond: Inquisitori sopra l’amministrazione dei pubblici ruoli), which contains complete lists of military personnel within regiments and companies for the given period. The analysis of these documents has shown that, in terms of numbers, the Tragurians were one of the most numerous Croatian regional groups in the Venetian infantry and cavalry. They were continuously present throughout the 18th century, and many of them – such as members of the distinguished families Michieli Vitturi, Radnić, and Radoš – held the highest officer ranks (captains, colonels) during their rich military careers. Furthermore, the analysis shows that the military units in which the Tragurians were active also had prominent military commanders from the Eastern Adriatic, notably from Dalmatia and the Bay of Kotor. These units (companies and regiments) were extremely mobile and deployed throughout the Venetian mainland and trans-Adriatic territories. The paper concludes that the issue of the participation of Croats, specifically Tragurians, in Venetian military units remains an open field for future scholarly research due to the wealth of available sources. Attached is a list of Tragurians investigated so far in the Venetian trans-Adriatic infantry and cavalry units.

Dopo la conquista veneziana del Peloponneso, due riti cristiani dovettero coesistere. La posizione della Chiesa ortodossa era particolare perché, da un lato, pur essendo predominante nella regione, era sottoposta ad uno stato eterodosso e, dall’altro, non era autonoma, ma spiritualmente (e amministrativamente) soggetta ad un’autorità con sede a Costantinopoli, capitale di uno stato ostile. La Santa Sede aveva, per diritto di conquista, affidato alla Serenissima la responsabilità dell’amministrazione della Chiesa latina nella penisola, ma, nonostante gli sforzi per la sua rinascita, il numero sia dei sacerdoti che del suo gregge era esiguo. Le ''relazioni'' degli ufficiali veneti riguardanti la nuova acquisizione mettono in luce le questioni e formulano vari giudizi valutativi e proposte per l’organizzazione della Chiesa del Peloponneso, sia ortodossa che latina.
Per organizzare al meglio il “Regno”, i nuovi dominatori dovevano presentare la struttura della Chiesa nel Peloponneso, principalmente quella ortodossa. Il numero dei vescovi ortodossi, essendo di primaria importanza, è menzionato nelle relazioni degli ufficiali, mentre segue il censimento di tutti i sacerdoti e monaci insieme alla registrazione della popolazione e l’inventariazione del territorio. Interesse presenta, tuttavia, il fatto che i dati presentati nelle relazioni divergono, una questione che solleva interrogativi di credibilità.
Gli elementi numerici e identificativi dei prelati ortodossi forniti dai resoconti degli ufficiali veneziani sono stati ampiamente utilizzati nella bibliografia. Risulta, tuttavia, ovvia la necessità di incrociare questi elementi con altre testimonianze archivistiche, sia quelle pubblicate che inedite, venete o fonti conservate dalla Chiesa ortodossa, per trarre conclusioni più sicure sulla condizione delle diocesi ecclesiastiche durante la seconda dominazione veneziana nel Peloponneso, nonché sui dati prosopografici dei prelati nell’epoca in questione.

Το ανά χείρας βιβλίο δεν είναι τίποτε άλλο από ένα ταξίδι στα
βάθη του χρόνου, με φόντο την κυκλαδική ομορφιά. Σε κάθε
βήμα μας, κάθε σελίδα θα συλλέξουμε ψηφίδες που συνθέτουν
την εικόνα του παρελθόντος της Αμοργού. Κάποιες είναι παρμένες από τα τέσσερα σημεία του ορίζοντα: Δούκες της Δύσης, Βυζαντινοί κι Οθωμανοί της Ανατολής, Ρώσοι του Βορρά και πειρατές
του Νότου. Άλλες πάλι είναι φτιαγμένες με αίμα από αγωνιστές
της ελευθερίας, με τα πάθη αρχόντων και ταπεινών νησιωτών, ή
με το φως πνευματικών φάρων και τις ελπίδες ταλαιπωρημένων
προσφύγων. Όταν τις βάλουμε σε μια σειρά, κάποιοι θα αναγνωρίσουμε με μια ματιά τις ρίζες μας, άλλοι θα νοσταλγήσουμε αλλοτινούς καιρούς, ενώ άλλοι θα μάθουμε εξαρχής πτυχές της ιστορίας του τόπου που αγαπάμε.

The title Archbishop designates an administrative or honorary distinction for a high-ranking clergyman, typically a bishop of the highest order. There are different types of archbishops, including Archbishop-Patriarchs, who hold a superior position, and Autocephalous Archbishops, who are not under the jurisdiction of a metropolitan but remain subordinate to the Patriarch of Constantinople. These autocephalous archbishops are usually appointed to cities of historical significance or those associated with saints, martyrs, politics, or important historical events.
In the hierarchy of precedence, Archbishop-Patriarchs rank highest, followed by Metropolitans, then Autocephalous Archbishops, and finally Bishops. Over time, the number of autocephalous archdioceses declined after the Fall of Constantinople.
The Diocese of Rheon and Prastos was initially under the jurisdiction of the Metropolis of Monemvasia and likely existed before 1293, though its exact founding date remains unknown. Despite the late introduction of Christianity to the region, the diocese flourished. During the Venetian era, Prastos was merely a small village, while Rheon had already disappeared. Venetian sources frequently reference the Diocese of Tsakonia, with its bishop, Iakovos Saloufas, referred to as vescovo di Zacogna (Bishop of Tsakonia).
Iakovos I Saloufas first appears as the Bishop of Rheon and Prastos in 1680, but by 1693, he began identifying himself as Αρχιεπίσκοπος Ρέοντος και Πραστού (Archbishop of Rheon and Prastos). While this title was not recognized by the Venetian State, the Ecumenical Patriarch Gabriel III addressed him as θεοφιλέστατε αρχιεπίσκοπε (Most Reverend Archbishop) in a letter dated 1703. This confirms that the Patriarchate of Constantinople acknowledged the elevation of the Diocese of Rheon and Prastos to an Archdiocese. However, the reasons for this elevation—and its subsequent reversal to a diocese in 1720—remain unclear.
This elevation does not appear to be linked to the presence of a saint or martyr bishop, nor does it seem related to the Metropolitan of Monemvasia or Venetian influence. One possible explanation is that Iakovos I Saloufas’ consistent support and generosity toward the Ecumenical Patriarchate contributed to his promotion to Archbishop.

During the brief second Venetian rule in the Peloponnese, intensive efforts were made to reorganize land ownership for military and taxation purposes. The peninsula’s population was surveyed, and private properties were distinguished from public ones. Due to Venice’s military operations against the Ottomans, refugees from other regions of Greece flooded into the Peloponnese, settling there with the assistance of the Venetian authorities.
Both old and new residents, along with the Orthodox Church, were required to provide written proof of property ownership. Buildings and land were concurrently granted to residents and institutions, either permanently or through various leasing methods from the government. Venetian officials recorded these surveys and grants and sent them back to Venice, lis-ting the baptismal names and surnames of Peloponnesian residents and settlers - some of whom may still have descendants in the region today. The documents also reveal place names of the peninsula, including cities, villages, settlements, and even small family-owned estates, as well as sacred spaces, such as churches, monasteries, mosques, and sites of archaeological interest, reflecting their historical continuity.

This study examines the history of the monasteries of Tsakonia during the Second Venetian rule in the Peloponnese (1685–1715). This brief yet pivotal period brought significant administrative and ecclesiastical changes, serving as a bridge between the two Ottoman occupations of the region while shaping conditions that would later contribute to the Greek War of Independence.
Following their conquest of the Peloponnese, the Venetians established a new administrative structure, incorporating Tsakonia into the province of Romania, with Nafplio as its capital. This research focuses on the ecclesiastical organization of the area, the role of monastic institutions, and their interactions with both Venetian authorities and the Ecumenical Patriarchate.
Drawing on historical sources, archival material, and ecclesiastical records, the study sheds light on the evolution of monastic life, the economic and social functions of the monasteries, and their impact on the local Tsakonian community.

This study examines the villages of Kamenitsa and Achaia as recorded in Venetian sources during the Second Venetian Rule (1685-1715). Based on archival sources and tax registers of the period, it provides an initial overview of the population, economic activity, and administrative organization under Venetian governance. Special emphasis is placed on property records, demographic changes, and Venetian efforts to strengthen the local economy through censuses and taxation policies. The research offers valuable insights into the structure and social life of these villages during a period of significant political and economic transformation.

This study focuses on the contribution of Spyridon II Voulgaris, Grand Protopapas of Corfu, to the homiletic tradition of the Orthodox Church during the Venetian rule. Through unpublished sources and archival documents, it highlights his role in the spiritual guidance of the local community and the influence of Latin rhetoric on the development of Orthodox preaching. Special emphasis is placed on the structure, content, and theological references of his sermons, revealing a synthesis of traditional and modern elements. The research contributes to understanding how the Church used preaching as a means of catechesis, moral education, and the preservation of Orthodox identity in 18th-century Corfu.

During the second Venetian rule in the Peloponnese, the Venetians did not alter the administrative structure of the Orthodox Church, while at the same time attempting to revitalize the Latin Church. Both the Orthodox and the Latin Church maintained eponymous dioceses (Methonis – Mothonensis or Methonensis) in the Methoni area. The largest Latin congregation, consisting mainly of refugees from Chios, resided in Venetian Modon. For this reason, proposals were made to reorganize the region’s Latin diocese as the second most important in the Regno di Morea. There is evidence of the presence of Latin monastic orders, with a notable case being the establishment of a Latin-Armenian order in the area. Latin churches also existed, and there were plans to establish a college for the education of both Orthodox and Latin children.

This study examines places of worship in Messenia during the Second Venetian Rule (1686-1715), focusing on their religious, administrative, and social significance. Based on archival sources and census records from the period, the research analyzes the management of churches and monasteries under Venetian administration, as well as efforts to preserve Orthodox identity amid Latin and Ottoman influences. Special attention is given to the organization of religious communities, changes in worship practices, and the spatial distribution of churches within the new political and social framework established by the Venetians.

The Orthodox Bishops of Venetian-ruled Peloponnese (1685–1715): The Traditionalists, the Pro-Venetians, and the Separatists
After the Fall of Constantinople, the Orthodox Church assumed an ethnarchic role, with its hierarchs holding not only spiritual and judicial authority but also representing their flock before the political authorities. The Venetians recognized this reality and, as a result, sought to win over Orthodox hierarchs in order to organize their newly acquired territories. The Orthodox bishops responded accordingly, showing little concern for doctrinal differences.
Based on their stance, they can be categorized into different groups: those who remained traditionally aligned with the Ecumenical Patriarchate; the pro-Venetian bishops and agents-collaborators of the Venetians; the separatists who distanced themselves from the Mother Church in Constantinople; the unionists who sought rapprochement with the Holy See; and even Orthodox refugee bishops from Ottoman-ruled regions who settled in Latin-controlled territories.

Η Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία μετά την Άλωση της Κωνσταντινούπολης είχε λάβει εθναρχικό ρόλο και οι αρχιερείς της είχαν εκτός από πνευματική και δικαστική δικαιοδοσία και εκπροσωπούσαν το ποίμνιό τους στις πολιτικές αρχές. Οι Βενετοί αντιμετώπισαν το γεγονός και εξαιτίας αυτού προσπάθησαν να προσεταιριστούν τους ορθόδοξους ιεράρχες προκειμένου να οργανώσουν τη νέα κτήση. Οι ορθόδοξοι αρχιερείς συμπεριφέρθηκαν ανάλογα, χωρίς μάλιστα να τους απασχολεί ιδιαίτερα το ζήτημα της δογματικής διαφοράς. Θα μπορούσαν σύμφωνα με τη στάση τους, να διακριθούν σε κατηγορίες: τους παραδοσιακούς σε σχέση με το Οικουμενικό Πατριαρχείο, τους βενετόφιλους και τους πράκτορες - συνεργάτες των Βενετών, τους αυτονομιστές από την Μητέρα Εκκλησία στην Κωνσταντινούπολη, τους ενωτικούς με την Αγία Έδρα, ακόμη και τους ορθόδοξους πρόσφυγες αρχιερείς από τις οθωμανοκρατούμενες περιοχές σε λατινοκρατούμενο χώρο.

Dopo la caduta di Costantinopoli, la Chiesa Ortodossa aveva assunto un ruolo di guida della nazione e i prelati avevano giurisdizione non solo spirituale e giuridica, ma rappresentavano anche il loro gregge presso le autorità politiche. I veneziani affrontarono questa situazione e cercarono di coinvolgere i prelati ortodossi per organizzare il nuovo possedimento. Questi ultimi reagirono di conseguenza, senza essere particolarmente preoccupati dalla questione delle differenze dottrinali. In base alla loro posizione, potrebbero essere distinti in diverse categorie: i tradizionalisti vicini al Patriarcato Ecumenico, i filo-veneziani e gli agenti-collaboratori dei veneziani, gli autonomisti che cercavano maggiore spazio di azione nei conftronti della Madre Chiesa di Costantinopoli, coloro che cercavano l’unione con la Santa Sede e infine i prelati ortodossi rifugiati nel Peloponesso dalle regioni sotto il dominio ottomano.

The Venetian State Archives (Archivio di Stato di Venezia), in its series Bailo a Constantinopoli, preserves the testament of an Orthodox scholar, likely a clergyman. Constantius drafted his last will in Constantinople in 1765, distributing his property among his relatives. The Patriarch ratified the testament, and among the witnesses who signed it were the Metropolitan of Aleppo and several officials of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Before distribution, the existing movable items (such as clothes and books) were recorded.
What diplomatic interest prompted the Venetian official (Bailo) to retain the testament, with an attached Italian translation, and possibly send it to Venice, where it remains to this day? Regardless of the political motives behind its preservation, its significance lies both in the individuals mentioned and in the books that were part of Constantius’s library.

Article available on the EBOOK readable at: https://www.editricesapienza.it/book/10349 (please, see there the links to Google Play, Google Libri, MLOL).
My contribution explores the historical research practices of the Ionian Islands during the Greek Revolution and the Italian Risorgimento. I will explain how the enduring influence of transnational intellectual ties between the Ionian and Italian areas era paved the way to the innovations of Count Ermanno Lunzi of Zakynthos (1806-1858), the effective forefather of modern Ionian historiography. My aim is to show how Lunzi’s perspective fitted more to the Italian efforts to build aggregative regional histories through legal historicism than to current philhellenic and romantic national historiographies.

L’artista Christina Nakou, già ospite a Venezia in occasione
di Biennale Architettura 2023, https://christinanakou.gr/
paintings/venice-architecture-biennale/ dialoga con i docenti,
gli studenti e le studentesse di lingua e letteratura neogreca
dell’Università Ca’ Foscari e dell’Università di Padova.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the possible impact of the Black Death on the early Ottoman society. Firstly, a temporal and spatial analysis of the outbreaks was established using contemporary Ottoman, Byzantine and Latin sources. In view of the territorial expansion of the Ottoman state in the period studied, information on the adjacent territories was included. The response towards plague was then evaluated taking into account the information obtained on the frequency and geographical distribution of the disease and contrasted with certain previous theories on the impact of plague on Ottoman society. The study reveals that the high frequency of plague outbreaks identified by this study can be linked to a behavior of overall acceptance and to specific actions of an administrative and religious nature.

Streszczenie W nauce akademickiej wciąż nie ma zgody w kwestii słowiańskości Wenedów, opisywanych przezpisarzy antycznych i lokowanych na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Bałtyckiego (dawne tereny Prus, terytoria obecnych krajów bałtyckich oraz u ujścia Wisły). Tacyt umiejscawiał ten lud na pograniczy starożytnej Germanii i Sarmacji, nie za bardzo jednak wiedział, czy przypisać ich do jednych czy drugich, co wskazuje, że rozumienie etnosu w czasach rzymskich było inne niż dzisiaj. Jordanes nie miał już większych wątpliwości i pisał, że Słowianie znani są w jego czasach (połowa VI wieku) pod trzema nazwami Sławeni, Wenetowie i Antowie. W swoim opracowaniu przedstawiam po krótce historyczne aspekty sporu o określenie przynależności etnicznej nadbałtyckich Wenedów, których niektórzy autorzy utożsamiają nie tylko z Wandalami, ale również z nadadriatyckimi Wenetami. Omawiam teorię wenecką, mówiącą o pochodzeniu Słowian od Wenetów paflagońskich, a nawet przez niektórych badaczy włoskich (Piero Favero) wywodzących ten lud z Łużyc (kultura łużycka).

The sharp demographic increase in Athos after the second half of the 10th century made it clear that the rough, mountainous landscape of the peninsula could never be enough to cover the vital needs of the monastic community. Therefore, the founders of the new monasteries, being concerned about the viability of their institutions long after their death, endowed them with land property of a considerable scale. As those
lands were mainly intended for direct exploitation, the founders preferred the area just outside the athonic borderline, however more regions in Chalkidiki and Thessaloniki were eligible as well, thus formatting the Athos’ physical extension. Soon, this area evolved to what could be called an athonic vital space, covering the whole peninsula of Chalkidiki, and a territory from Thessaloniki up to Strymon valley, also including
the islands of Lemnos and Sporades to the south.
This area expanded in “circles” throughout time, towards mostly the NW or NE, depending on the historical background. While the maintenance of that core space was linked mostly with the vital needs of the monasteries and its founder’s providence, the expansion of that area beyond its initial limits was a phenomenon linked mainly to the practice of donation and the emergence of a new generation of benefactors and donors. State and private land donations of various scales took place in the period after the establishment of the great monasteries, during the Late Byzantine period and especially in the 14th and early 15th centuries. Although the background of donors as well as the motivations, the size and the terms of the donations vary so much, the donation, as a practice, seems to be the basic means for the expansion of the athonic space and the spreading of its spirit throughout the Byzantine world. The following
centuries after the Ottoman occupation simply confirm that scheme, as the monasteries, in order to respond to the new economic challenges of the Ottoman reality (especially after the so-called confiscation of the monastic properties by Selim II, 1568/9) had to attract a new wave of donations, especially from the rich Danuban hegemonies, thus putting the whole issue of monastic land ownership on a new basis almost up to the
modern times.

A più di quarantʼanni dalla sua pubblicazione, La Macchina Territoriale (Laterza, 1983) è ancora un testo fondamentale per gli specialisti di architettura militare e per capire le componenti culturali e storiche delle trasformazioni del territorio e delle città. In questa ricerca pionieristica, Ennio Concina ha considerato il territorio per la prima volta come «macchina da difesa» nel nuovo assetto fortificatorio dei territori veneziani dopo i conflitti scatenati dalla Lega di Cambrai (1508-1516). Una puntuale ricostruzione storica e documentaria dellʼampio dibattito sul ruolo dellʼarchitettura, dellʼarte militare e delle istituzioni nel «far la città». Uno studio che offre ancora oggi nuovi spunti di riflessione agli studiosi sia rispetto ai contenuti sia dal punto di vista metodologico e critico.

* Il presente studio è stato pubblicato in lingua greca, v. MARIANNA KOLYVÀ, Θεόδωρος Παλαιολόγος, αρχηγός µισθοφόρων “στρατιωτών” και διερµηνέας στην υπηρεσία της Βενετίας (1452c.-1532), «Θησαυρίσµατα. Thesaurismata», 10 (1973), pp. 138-163. Con la presente pubblicazione in lingua italiana, si intende soddisfare la richiesta di colleghi che si occupano di argomenti simili. Da sottolineare che nel testo e le note non sono stati apportati cambiamenti ed integrazioni. Inoltre, è importante segnalare che le deliberazioni degli organi veneziani, ed in particolare del Consiglio del Senato, inerenti questo argomento, per la fine del Quattrocento e gli inizi del Cinquecento, sono state pubblicate da C. N. Sathas, cui si rimanda.

Μεταξύ των χειρογράφων που φυλάσσονται στην Ιστορική και Εθνολογική Εταιρεία της Ελλάδος σώζεται ποίημα, χρονολογημένο στο έτος 1842, με θέμα τον «Διάλογο» μεταξύ των αγαλμάτων Schulenburg και Adam, που βρίσκονται στη μεγάλη πλατεία της Κέρκυρας. Το έργο, το οποίο δημοσιεύεται στο τέλος της παρούσας μελέτης, πέρα από την όποια φιλολογική του αξία, την οποία μπορούν να κρίνουν οι επαΐοντες, είναι αξιοπρόσεκτο για το περιεχόμενό του, καθώς πολλές από τις πληροφορίες που ενσωματώνει ανατρέπουν όσα έως τώρα γνωρίζαμε για τη θέση και για τον χρόνο τοποθέτησης των δύο αγαλμάτων στη μεγάλη πλατεία της Κέρκυρας. Επιπλέον μας επιτρέπει να ανιχνεύσουμε τη γενικότερη στάση του συγγραφέα απέναντι στον εκπρόσωπο της βρετανική Προστασίας στον χώρο του Ιονίου, τον αρμοστή Adam, η οποία, δίχως άλλο, αντανακλούσε τη γενικότερη στάση ή τις αντιδράσεις μερίδας του τοπικού πληθυσμού στα αποικιακά μνημεία και κατ’ επέκταση στην αποικιακή κυριαρχία. Στη μελέτη μας αφηγούμαστε την πορεία ελέγχου της ακρίβειας των πληροφοριών του στιχουργήματος, με την επανεξέταση της βιβλιογραφίας και κυρίως των διαθέσιμων πηγών, αφήνοντας όμως στη γοητευτική αυτή πορεία τη ματιά μας να αγκαλιάσει κάθε τι που αφορά τα δύο αυτὰ αγάλματα, από την κατασκευή τους έως την οριστική τους τοποθέτηση στον χώρο που βρίσκονται σήμερα και τις αντιδράσεις του λαού.

Among the manuscripts preserved in the Historical and Ethnological Society of Greece is a poem datet 1842, on the subject of the "Dialogue" between the statues of Schulenburg and Adam, located in the large square of Corfu. The work, which is published at the end of this study, apart from its literary value, which can be judged by experts, is remarkable for its content, since much of the information it incorporates overturns what we have known so far about the location and the time of the placement of the two statues in the great square of Corfu. Moreover, it allows us to trace the author's attitude towards the British representative in the Ionian area, Commissioner Adam, which, undoubtedly reflected the general attitude or the reactions of part of the local population to colonial monuments and, by extension, to colonial rule. In our study we narrate the process of checking the accuracy of the information in the poem, by reviewing the literature and especially the available sources, but in this fascinating process we allow our gaze to embrace everything about these two statues, from their construction to their final placement in the place where they stand today and the reactions of the people.

Διαθέσιμο στη διεύθυνση: https://eplopublications.eu/publication/digital-edition/otan-o-schulenburg-synantise-ton-adam

Hrvatski restauratorski zavod -Zagreb U članku se razmatra odnos mletačke uprave prema državnim građevinama namijenjenima upravi, administraciji i sudstvu. Prikazani su slijed aktivnosti uključenih u projekte obnove, složenost administracije i financiranja, kao i dokumentacija koja je tom prilikom nastala. Također se govori o pokušajima stvaranja pravnih regulativa s ciljem boljeg održavanja javnih palača. Mletačka Republika je dolaskom na istočnojadransku obalu početkom XV. stoljeća 1 u urbaniziranim centrima preuzela vlasništvo nad postojećim javnim palačama 2 te u njih smjestila organe svoje vlasti u provinciji. Većina javnih palača 1 Dolaskom nove vlasti, osim teritorijalnih promjena, uslijedile su i promjene u političkom uređenju dotadašnjih gradskih komuna koje su kroz XIV. stoljeće bile samostalne jezgre u strukturi cijele regije. Općenito o vremenu i karakteristikama mletačke vladavine na području istočne obale Jadrana vidi primjerice u: M. Novak, »Sudstvo, državna uprava i gradnje u Mletačkoj Dalmaciji i Albaniji«,

Izgradnja i održavanje upravnih građevina u Krku od Vinciguerrine obnove iz godine 1489. do kraja 18. stoljeća Krasanka Majer Jurišić UDK: 725.1(497.5KrK)(091)"14/17" Hrvatski restauratorski zavod 725.1.025.3(497.5KrK)"14/17" Hr -10 000 Zagreb, Ilica 44/I 711.4(497.5KrK)(091) Izvorni znanstveni rad/Original Scientific Paper Primljen/received: 15. 5. 2012.

Η δικαιοδοσία της λατινικής Εκκλησίας της Κέρκυρας στη χειροτονία του ορθόδοξου κλήρου: τεκμήρια από το αρχείο της λατινικής αρχιεπισκοπής (13ος -μέσα 16ου αι.), στο Δυτικές κυριαρχίες στον ελληνικό χώρο (13ος-18ος αι.). Ζητήματα των πηγών, επ. διεύθυνση Κώστας Ε. Λαμπρινός, Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών 2024, σ. 137-166.

Between the 17th and early 20th century, numerous icons travelled from place to place in ships and caravans, by land and sea, crossing territories belonging to different states and empires. Works made in Venetian Crete, various centres in Russia, the Venetian Ionian Islands, Ottoman Constantinople, the pan-Orthodox Mount Athos, or the Aegean islands could be found side by side in monasteries, churches and pilgrimage sites, as well as in the private icon niches that adorned and protected the homes and workshops of Orthodox Christians.
Which were the main centres of icon production, and what was the scope of their influence? How can we unravel the long or short journey of these icons and the conditions that allowed such dissimilar works to coexist in close contact in the homes and churches of people who lived in different places or spoke different languages?
The exhibition and the accompanying concise catalogue address these questions by reconstructing a diverse ensemble of emblematic icons from the Benaki Museum collection. The juxtaposition of works of different provenance explores the stylistic and technical diversity of the icons circulated in the Greek Orthodox space from the 17th to the 19th century. The concept of space is treated not so much as a geographical entity but, above all, as a social construct that is consistent with the notion of community created by an Orthodox identity and shared by populations with different traditions, ethnic backgrounds, political allegiances, and language.

ίναι πραγµατικά πολύ κρίµα που τα παιδιά και τα εγγόνια του τελευταίου βασιλέα Κωνσταντίνου Β΄ παραµένουν εγκλωβισµένα στις δικές του αντιλήψεις, όπως έδειξαν πανηγυρικά µε την επιλογή του δήθεν ελληνικού επωνύµου τους. Για την κυβέρνηση, όµως, αποτελεί ολίσθηµα το ότι συναίνεσε στη συγκεκριµένη επιλογή και µάλιστα τη µεθόδευσε µε τρόπο που απέκλειε έγκαιρο δηµόσιο διάλογο. Ενώ το θέµα είχε συµφωνηθεί, όπως φαίνεται, από τον Σεπτέµβριο, µόλις έγινε γνωστό έκλεισε µε αστραπιαία ταχύτητα (ΦΕΚ Β΄ 7035/20-12-24). Πού να προλάβει να διαβάσει ο αρµόδιος υπουργός Εσωτερικών τις εύλογες υποδείξεις του Νίκου Αλιβιζάτου («Κ», 22/12/2024)!

Ο τόμος αναλύει τον ρόλο της ευγένειας και της ευπρέπειας και τη ριζική παρακμή τους στις χώρες του δυτικού πολιτισμού τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες, συλλέγοντας θεωρίες και αναλύσεις που έχουν ήδη εδραιωθεί. Οι αναλύσεις του τόμου ακολουθούν τις ίδιες σε όλη την ιστορία των πολιτισμών της Κίνας, της Ιαπωνίας και της Ινδίας, καθώς και των περσικών και αραβικών πολιτισμών, συλλέγοντας πάντα τις θεωρίες και τις αναλύσεις που έχουν ήδη δημιουργηθεί. Εκτός από τους ευρωπαϊκούς, οι χώρες αυτών των άλλων πολιτισμών θα εξετάσουν επίσης εάν η μείωση του ρόλου που παρατηρείται στον δυτικό πολιτισμό όσον αφορά τους κανόνες ευγένειας και ευπρέπειας από τη δεκαετία του 1960 έχει επίσης λάβει χώρα εκεί. Τέλος, ως παράρτημα, στην ετυμολογία του όρου «ευγένεια» σε διάφορες πολιτισμικές περιοχές, θα εξεταστεί, με βάση τις θεωρίες που έχουν ήδη εδραιωθεί, αν πήρε το όνομά του από τη διάδοση εξελιγμένων συμπεριφορών σε βασιλικές αυλές εκτός Ευρώπης, ή αν εξελίχθηκε διαφορετικά εκεί.

Registrazioni delle entrate e delle spese: una fonte rara per il monastero
di Santa Maria dei Crociferi a Candia (XVI sec.).

    Nel presente studio si prendono in esame le registrazioni delle entrate e delle spese del monastero di Santa Maria dei Crociferi a Candia (XVI sec.), monastero subordinato ai Crociferi di Venezia sin dall’insediamento dell’ordine ospedaliero nell’isola di Creta dopo la quarta crociata e sede ufficiale dei Crociferi nel capoluogo cretese. Si tratta di una fonde rara, ora conservata nell’Archivio di Stato di Venezia (serie dei Procuratori di San Marco di Supra, Commissarie), che supplisce in parte alla perdita degli archivi Santa Maria di Candia, specialmente nel campo economico, nonché in quello sociale. Nonostante il carattere frammentario e laconico degli atti, i quali si estendono cronologicamente dal 1519 al 1560, emergono informazioni importanti sulla storia, sulle attività economiche e sull’ambiente sociale di tale ordine a Creta. Veniamo, per esempio, a conoscenza del patrimonio immobiliare, urbano e rurale, e delle rendite del monastero dagli affitti di vari edifici (case, forni, molini, magazzini), dalle chiese dipendenti di rito greco, la cui gestione spirituale era affidata a preti ortodossi, e dai legati lasciati da persone private. Tra l’altro, questi documenti ci informano sui prodotti che i monaci compravano per il sostentamento quotidiano, nonché sulle loro transazioni finanziarie con artigiani e professionisti di Candia.

Kupιoc έπιδίωξΎJ τΎjς δοχ.ιμΎjς* ποu άχ.ολοuθεϊ εΙνοcι &φενος νιΧ θέσει το πpόβλΎ)μΟC μιοcς νέοcς χ.pιτιχ.Ύjς Ιtχ.δοσΎJς τών εϊχ.οσι 'Ωδών τοu 'Ανδpέοc Κά.λβοu, άφοu πιιΧ διοcθέτοuμε τ�ν πολύτψΎJ έμπεφίοc μιοcς πpώτΎJς χ.οcλΎjς, &λλιΧ οχι &πόλuτοc ίχ.οcνοποιψιχ.Ύjς, πpοσπάθειοcς &π ο τον fΌ Μ. Pontani1, χ.ocl &φετέpοu νιΧ προτείνει μιιΧ ΟCλλΎJ λύσΎ) στο πpόβλΎ)μΟC οcuτό. Οί σuγχ.εχ.pιμένες &νάγχ.ες ποu uπocγopεuouν μιιΧ τέτοιοc πpοσπάθειοc θιΧ έχ.τεθοuν &νοcλuτιχ.ιΧ στο σχεδίοcσμοc ποu &χ.ολοuθεϊ. Στο τέλος θιΧ ποcpοcτεθεϊ, ώς μιχ.pο δεϊγμοc έφοcpμογΎjς τών &pχών ποu πpοτείνοντοcι, ή χ.pιτιχ.� itχ.δocr7J τΎjς πpώτΎJς ΏδΎjς ιι Ό Φιλόποcτpις» &πο τ� σuλλογ� τΎjς Λύρας. Ό σχ.όπιμοc δοχ.ιμοcστιχ.ος χocpocχ.τ�pocς οcύτοu τοu δΎ)μοσιεuμοcτος έπιθuμεϊ νιΧ πpοχ.οcλέσει γόνψΎJ σuζ�τΎJσΎ), γεγονός ποu θιΧ βοΎJθοuσε στο μέλλον &ποφοcσιστιχ.ιΧ τ�ν ένδεχόμενΎJ όλοχ.λΎJpωμένΎJ ποcpοuσίοcσΎJ τΎjς ((πpότoccr7Jς» οcύτΎjς. 1.1. 'Αpχίζοντοcς, σΎ)μειώνοuμε τιΧ έντελώς &ποcpοcίτψοc: Τ�ν χ.upιoc έλλψιχ.� ποιψιχ.� ποcpοcγωγ� τοu Άνδρέοc Κάλβοu ( 1792-1869) &ποτελοuν εϊχ.οσι Ώδές2 σέ δύο σuλλογές, ποu έχ.δόθψοcν ή πpώτΎJ στη ΓενεύΎJ το 1824 μέ * Την πα.ρα.κίνφΊ) γι& τ� δοκιμ� α.ύτ-Ιj, ιiλλ& κα.ί τ�ν πολύτιμΊ) συμπα.ριiστα.σΎ), όφείλω στον κ. 'Αθ. Κα.μπuλΊJ, κα.θΊJγψ� τΊjς Ηuζα.ντινΊjς κα.ί Νεοελλ. Φιλολογία.ς στο Πα.νεπ. τοu 'Αμβοuργοu, στον όποϊ.ο έκφράζω τίς θερμότα.τες εύχα.ριστίες μοu κα.ί ιiπο τη θέσΥJ α.ύτΊ]. 1. 'Ανδρέα Κάλβου, Ώδαί. Κριτ. ltκi> .•.. Μ. Porιlarιi. Είσα.γ. Κ. Θ. Δψα.ρας. Γλωσσιiριο Α. (;erιιilirιi, 'ΑΘΥjνα., "Ικα.ρος 1970. 'Ο μόχθος γι& τ�ν έτοιμα.σία. μιiiς τέτοια.ς ΙtκδοσΊ)ς είνα.ι προφα.νΥjς, iiν λοcβει κα.νείς uπόψΊ) τοu τ�ν itλλειψΊ) προΊ)γούμενοu προβλΊ)μα.τισμο\.ί γι& κριτι.κ� ΙtκδοσΊ) το\.ί Κάλβοu, ιiλλ& κα.ί την έπίπονΊ) ιiντιβολη με τίς 15 τοuλιiχιστον προΊ)γΊ)θεϊ.σες έκδόσεις των ΏΙΙων. 2. Άπο τόν Δ. ΓκίVΊ) ιiνα.κα.λι)φθΊjκε (Νέα Έστία 23, 1938, 347-49) ίtνα.ς «Είς Έλα.ία.ν "lμνος» τuπωμένος στ�ν Κέρκuρα. το 1830 (σΊ]μερα. στη Βιβλιοθ. τοu Μοuσείοu ΜπενάκΊJ, μονόφ. ιiρ. 1930), το\.ί όποίοu � πα.τρότψα. πα.ρα.μένει ιiμφίβολΊ). 'ΕπίσΎ)ς ό Μ. Viιιi (Α. Κα/νω• e i .fuoi .κritti in italiano, Naμoli 1960, σσ. 325-28) i>Ί)μοσίεuσε ιiπόσπα.σμα. ένος νεα.νικο\.ί τρα.γοullιο\.ί τοu Κιiλβοu σ•rarηπιerιιο dalla ωnzone a Na r •oleorιe), το όποϊ.ο κα.τ& τον Br. ιavagnini (La pr irηa r•oesia in greω di Α. Calνo, Πρακτ. Άκαδ. 'Αθηνών 4 7, 1972, 199-210) &να.φέρετα.ι στοίις τuρα.ννοκτόνοuς 'Αρμόllιο κα.ί 'Αριστογείτονα. κα.ί πρέπει ν& γράφτηκε το πιθανότερο γUρω στ& 1813-1814.

The Domaine royal de Marly's museum is inviting you to discover one of its most mysterious vestige: a marble slab wearing a XVth century latin inscription. This marble history is the narrativ of an extraordinary journey from the marble pit to its arrival at Marly-le-Roi by passing Constantinople and the veneto-genoese colony of Tana (Azov).

S obzirom na to da od Šabanovićeva prijevoda nije bilo konkretnog pomaka u domaćoj historiografiji po pitanju Evlije Čelebija, zajednički
rad dr. Anđelka Vlašića, orijentalista i docenta na Odsjeku za povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Osijeku i dr. Dijane Pinjuh, također docentice na Odsjeku za povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Mostaru, predstavlja vrlo važan doprinos u tom smjeru.

Σε μια πρακτική εφαρμογή παραγωγής χώρου χρησιμοποιούμε ελαφριά υλικά, απορρίμματα, κατά κύριο λόγο, της βιομηχανίας της μόδας. Το δίπολο μεταξύ αυτών και των “άλλων” υλικών, των πιο σκληρών και αμετάβλητων, είναι αυτό που μας απασχολεί και μας αφηγείται την ιστορία των πρακτικών που οικειοποιούμαστε για να τα μεταβάλλουμε. Ανακαλύπτουμε και μελετάμε αυτό το δίκτυο πρακτικών καθώς και τα απαραίτητα εργαλεία μετασχηματισμού αυτής της ύλης με δεξιότητες οικιακής και συλλογικής επεξεργασίας ινών. Η ιδέα συστήνεται πάνω στους πυλώνες της δημιουργικής επανάχρησης και παιδικής μορφής διάδρασης, διερώτησης και ανακάλυψης με έναν μη-ευθύγραμμο τρόπο, πολυαισθητηριακής εμπειρίας, ενίσχυσης της κοινότητας και παρασιτικής χωρικότητας που διατυπώνουν τα σώματα που την πλάθουν. Προτείνεται ένας τρόπος λειτουργίας αυτού του εργαστηρίου, και μελετάται μια εφαρμογή του βάσειν επιθυμίας, χρόνου, ευρυμάτων, δοκιμής και σφάλματος και νοηματοδήτησης της διαδικασίας μέσω της ίδιας της παραγωγής σε μια εφικτή για εμάς συνθήκη. Όλη αυτή η πορεία καταγράφεται υπό μορφή αρχείου και “βιβλίων μαγειρικής” που διαμοιράζεται στην παρουσίαση της διπλωματικής μας εργασίας και μετέπειτα από αυτήν. Στόχος του κοινοτικού διαμοιρασμού της πληροφορίας είναι η διεύρυνση του χώρου δράσης των πρακτικών καθώς και η ενδυνάμωση ή η συγκρότηση μιας κοινότητας αλληλοφροντιστικών τρόπων.

Andrei Mirea, « Monnaie et commerce en Romanie génoise d’après une minute notariale inédite », Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, n.s., vol. LXIV, 2024, p. 45–100.
L’article offre une étude de cas portant sur l’histoire commerciale et monétaire de la Méditerranée orientale et de la mer Noire au cours de la dernière décennie du XIVe siècle à partir d’une minute notariale inédite provenant des riches archives de Gênes. Le document principal autour duquel s’articule cet exposé est représenté par une minute notariale datée du 7 juin 1417, rédigée à Gênes, faisant partie intégrante du dossier juridique relatif au litige entre les marchands génois Lodisio Bavosi et Bartolomeo Mosca. Après avoir entrepris une enquête visant à rassembler toutes les informations disponibles sur les acteurs principaux du procès et à esquisser brièvement leurs biographies, une analyse des enjeux du conflit opposant les deux marchands a été effectuée. Le même document fournit des détails d’une importance particulière pour l’histoire économique de la région concernée, notamment des transactions commerciales, des types de marchandises, des monnaies rares, des prix, des taux de change et des unités de mesure, que l’auteur a cherché à replacer dans leur contexte historique.
Mots-clés : Romanie génoise; Gênes; Péra; Licostomo; Lodisio Bavosi; Bartolomeo Mosca; mer Noire; minute notariale.

Architect and professor Gyula Sándy (1868–1953) documented his 1895 journey with the Association of Hungarian Engineers and Architects in a series of travel notes. Published in eight instalments in the Association’s Weekly Bulletin, these notes detail travels through Zagreb, Rijeka, Dalmatia, Dubrovnik, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This research examines Sándy’s focus on Dalmatia, where he intricately links societal, cultural, architectural, and artistic elements. Special attention is given to Sándy’s contextualisation of his observations, analysed from two viewpoints: the literary aspect, highlighting the captivating landscape descriptions with characteristics of literary veduta, and the architectural and art historical context, emphasising specific buildings and structures that caught his attention, as well as the reflection of this journey’s overall influence on Sándy’s subsequent architectural work.

L’articolo riconsidera l’esperienza delle ciurme a bordo delle galere veneziane e nei porti dello Stato da Mar. Nei brevi momenti di libertà, la quotidianità dei galeotti era caratterizzata da una vera e propria economia clandestina: la persistenza della tradizione criminale era rafforzata dalla miseria delle loro condizioni di vita, che li costringeva a cavarsela come potevano. Oltre a fornire un’interpretazione di questo fenomeno parallelo alla pirateria e al banditismo diffusi in tutta l’area mediterranea, nell’articolo vengono esaminati alcuni casi giudiziari con una prospettiva dal basso. I processi delle Cariche da Mar consentono di capire che, in seguito alla guerra di Cipro, la riforma di Cristoforo Da Canal (1545) si è estesa alla gestione delle galere come strumento di disciplinamento interno alla marina militare.

The article reconsiders the experience of crews on board Venetian galleys and in the port towns of the Stato da Mar. The everyday life of the galley men was characterised by a specific underground economy: the persistence of the criminal tradition was reinforced by the misery of their living conditions, which forced them to rob and smuggle as strategies of subsistence. The article examines some court cases with a perspective from below and provides an interpretation of this phenomenon parallel to Mediterranean piracy and banditry. The judiciary records of the Cariche da Mar allow to understand that, following the War of Cyprus, Cristoforo Da Canal’s reform (1545) was extended to the military management of galleys as a tool for the navy’s internal discipline.

Keywords: Galeotti, giustizia, sussistenza, furto, contrabbando.
Galley men, justice, subsistence, robberies, contraband.

In late medieval period Poljica were a community of lesser nobility under Venetian suzerainty. Around 1497/8 the nobility split into pro-Ottoman and pro-Venetian party with two parallel hierarchies loyal to different suzerains. Defter data and Venetian sources from that year confirm that conclusion.
Around 1514 the whole community accepted the Ottoman rule with occasional attempts to change sides again until 1540. The defter TD 174 from 1533 is the first defter that surveyed the whole community. But traces of previous turmoil were still traceable in the defter data.


Sačuvani defteri za nahiju Poljica kao i za cijeli Hercegovački sandžak nisu dobili zasluženu pažnju znanstvenika dijelom i zbog svoje fragmentarnosti, a dijelom zbog postupnog širenja osmanske vlasti u ovoj pograničnoj zoni. Podaci iz deftera TD 174 iz 1533. godine su ovdje odabrani za raščlanjivanje zbog specifičnosti koje sadrže: u defteru je cijelo stanovništvo sandžaka popisano uz obavezu plaćanja rajinskih poreza, a ne filurije kako je to bilo uobičajeno u ostalim defterima Hercegovačkog sandžaka. Samo je nahija Poljica i dalje plaćala filuriju zahvaljujući svojem pograničnom položaju prema Klisu, Splitu i Omišu kao i zbog strateškog značaja solana u Banjskoj i Sitima na području te nahije. U kasnome srednjem vijeku Poljica su bila plemićka općina sa složenom
hijerarhijom. Ta je unutarnja struktura ostala nepromijenjena nakon prihvaćanja osmanske vlasti, međutim, njihov je povlašteni položaj morao biti prilagođen postojećoj terminologiji osmanske porezne administracije. Položaj nižeg plemstva fiskalno je protumačen vlaškom terminologijom te se na stanovništvo Poljica širi vlaški porezni status usprkos njihovu nevlaškom porijeklu. Pripadnici elite zadržali su povlašteni položaj zahvaljujući izuzeću od poreza kojeg su dobili kao predstavnici
lokalne samouprave i izvršitelji državne politike na tom području.
Ova rasprava pokušava protumačiti “vlašku” hijerarhiju unutar nahije Poljica 1533. godine u svjetlu onoga što inače znamo o plemićkom ustrojstvu Poljičke općine. Iako se to u samom defteru ne spominje jasno, raščlambom se dolazi do ustrojstva nahije na džemate/katune, pripadnosti pojedinih sela i točnih dužnosti pojedinih ljudi unutar nahijske tj. plemićke hijerarhije. Na temelju višeg iznosa njihovih timara bilo je moguće prepoznati i one pripadnike glavarskog sloja koji su pripadali proosmanskoj struji unutar Poljica još od vremena prvog spomena nahije Poljica u defteru iz 1497/8. godine. Promletačka struja prihvatila je osmansku vlast oko 1514. godine, a obje su struje nastavile postojati kao grupacije sve do Ciparskog rata kada se promletačka struja iseljava. Nepodudarnosti defterskih podataka s klasičnom slikom poljičke hijerarhije i teritorijalne organizacije upućuju (9 katuna 1497/8. i 13 katuna nakon 1533. umjesto klasičnih 12) i na to da su Poljica jedno vrijeme bila podijeljena na mletački i osmanski dio, a plemstvo na dvije odgovarajuće grupacije. Uz to se nameće i zanimljiv zaključak da su osmansku vlast mogli prihvatiti ne nužno cijela naselja nego čak i samo dijelovi pojedinih sela pa čak i individualna kućanstva.