Universal Basic Income

While economic liberalism has delivered national wealth, substantial portions of the population have been left behind. The precariously and unemployed experience reduced wellbeing that may be remedied by their greater involvement in egalitarian, purposive collaborative groups. Policy to achieve this objective may be assisted by an understanding of how positive psychology interacts with social psychology. The PILAR model of collaboration is postulated to translate between an individual's psychological capital (PsyCap) and their meeting of basic psychological needs (BPN). In a proposed cyclical model, a collaborating individual will meet BPN, thereby experience enhanced wellbeing, which bolsters PsyCap, and hence promotes further collaboration. Given collaboration is amenable to incentivisation, a policy of collaboration vouchers might cost-effectively promote individual wellbeing throughout society, whilst having complementary effects such as social cohesion.

Universal basic income – the idea of guaranteeing a minimum level of income for all – has a long history of been framed as a radical proposal, a way to address issues ranging from wealth distribution and economic justice through to degrowth and gender equality. Yet an increasing number of proponents, especially in international development and public policy circles, see basic income as an efficient technological solution to poverty and economic insecurity. Critical development studies scholars have overwhelmingly problematized such ‘rendering technical’ of complex social, economic and political issues. In this paper, we use a critical development lens to point to two areas of particular danger to the transformative potential of basic income: coloniality and class relations. We do so through two case studies: a proposed basic income for Indigenous Australians and the support of UBI by high-net-worth individuals in California’s Silicon Valley. Using these two cases, we argue that despite best intentions, without critical engagement and nuance around questions of power, the radical potential of basic income may be jeopardized, with basic income becoming another technological quick-fix of development and policy interventions.

Two vital challenges facing the world are global inequality and global climate change. Solutions to both these problems are urgently needed, but, given current policies, they can potentially conflict with each other. The United Nations has set 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to be met by 2030. Even in 2019, the world was not on track for many SDGs, but the 2020 coronavirus pandemic has made their timely attainment even less likely. Similarly, atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations have continued to rise, even in the first half of 2020. Clearly, present approaches to solving both problems are not working. This paper suggests several non-mainstream approaches that have the potential to address both challenges. A prerequisite is deep reductions in fossil fuel energy. Possible policies to achieve this include major cuts in air and car travel, shifts to a vegetarian diet, a global carbon tax and transitioning to some form of universal basic income.

In 2015/16, stress was found psychologically to be responsible for 37% of work-related illnesses and 45% of working days lost due to illness in Great Britain. Stress has also been linked to long-term chronic health conditions – including heart disease, stroke, cancer, type 2 diabetes, arthritis and depression – responsible for 70% of NHS England spend, 50% of GP appointments, 64% of outpatient appointments and 70% of inpatient bed days. It is apparent that medical responses to stress-related illness contribute to the NHS funding crisis without resolving underlying causes. It is necessary to address the social bases of this public health issue. We argue that one of the primary causes of stress stems from a basic assumption of modern economics: that hierarchies are essential to organizational success. We argue that the combination of hierarchy and possibility of destitution inflicts domination on individuals. We then consider the potential contribution of Universal Basic Income (UBI) to dealing causally with this public health problem. This marks a new development in both the public health and UBI literatures. We conclude that future trials and studies of UBI ought to measure physiological effects on stress as part of an holistic evaluation of the policy.

While basic income has surged in policy interest in recent years, political research has not kept up with the debate in the trenches. In this paper we tackle a political problem any enacting coalition must face: how to ensure the political stability of a basic income scheme over time. We first demonstrate how basic income schemes are particularly vulnerable to processes of policy change discussed in the recent policy feedback literature. We then analyze whether constitutionalizing basic income in a Bill of Rights protected by strong judicial review would offer a valuable route for boosting basic income’s stability. A careful examination of the decision-making process within judicial review suggests that, caught up in a dilemma between judicial restraint and judicial activism, an enacting coalition would do well not to rely on constitutional mechanisms as the sole avenue for ensuring the political stability of basic income.

A wealth of new writing has emerged around the future of labour, focusing on thinking beyond employment in imagining the futures of ‘surplus populations’ no longer needed by labour markets. These new imaginaries include radically expanded forms of redistribution, such as unconditional cash transfers or universal basic income. But what are the views of the ‘surplus populations’ themselves? This article uses ethnographic research in an informal settlement in South Africa to understand why the unemployed or precariously employed poor are themselves often reluctant to delink labour and income. In particular, we focus on the discursive use of ‘laziness’ by urban unemployed young men. The varied (and often contradictory) ways in which these men employ the laziness discourse sheds light on the logics linking waged work and money in our informants’ social imaginaries. It illuminates the underlying contradictions and complexities of such logics, including those of gender, relational obligations, expectations of citizenship, and the inevitable tensions between aspirational hopes and economic realities. To begin thinking ‘beyond the proper job’, to use Ferguson and Li's phrase, we must unravel and understand such nuanced logics that continue to bind together hard work, deservingness and cash – even for those left out of labour markets.

Opposition to Universal Basic Income (UBI) is encapsulated by Martinelli's claim that 'an affordable basic income would be inadequate, and an adequate basic income would be unaffordable'. In this article, we present a model of health impact that transforms that assumption. We argue that UBI can affect higher level social determinants of health down to individual determinants of health and on to improvements in public health that lead to a number of economic returns on investment. Given that no trial has been designed and deployed with that impact in mind, we present a methodological framework for assessing prospective costs and returns on investment through modelling to make the case for that trial. We begin by outlining the pathways to health in our model of change in order to present criteria for establishing the size of transfer capable of promoting health. We then consider approaches to calculating cost in a UK context to estimate budgetary burdens that need to be met by the state. Next, we suggest means of modelling the prospective impact of UBI on health before asserting means of costing that impact, using a microsimulation approach. We then outline a set of fiscal options for funding any shortfall in returns. Finally, we suggest that fiscal strategy can be designed specifically with health impact in mind by modelling the impact of reform on health and feeding that data cyclically back into tax transfer module of the microsimulation. The COVID-19 pandemic has seen increased interest in Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a means of mitigating poverty and insecurity associated with its socioeconomic fallout (see for example Moran 2020). We have asserted that such mitigation means that, in theory, UBI can serve as an upstream public health measure by addressing socioeconomic determinants of health ([Redacted]). The precise impact can only be addressed via a trial designed and evaluated specifically with health impact in mind. However, opposition to a trial of UBI of sufficient size and scale has often been grounded in an intuition summarised by Martinelli (2017, 43) that 'an affordable basic income would be inadequate, and an adequate basic income would be unaffordable'. This assessment neglects the potential economic returns of a successful upstream intervention aimed at promoting health. Indeed, no proposal for UBI has, as yet, designed the size of cash transfer, quantified its prospective benefit or evaluated cost with that impact in mind. In this article, we present a methodological framework (see figure 1 for assessing prospective costs and returns on investment in advance of a trial in order to make the case for the trial itself. We begin by outlining the pathways to health in our model of change in order to present criteria for establishing the size of transfer capable of producing measurable positive health impacts. We then consider approaches to calculating cost in a UK context to estimate budgetary burdens that need to be met by the state. Next, we suggest means of modelling the prospective impact of UBI on health before 1

We analyze the environmental implications of basic income programs through literature review, government documents, pilot studies, and interviews eliciting expert knowledge. We consider existing knowledge and then use a grounded approach to produce theory on the relationship between a basic income guarantee and environmental protection/damage. We find that very little empirical or theoretical work has been done on this relationship and that theoretical arguments can be made for both positive and negative environmental impacts. Ultimately, this implies, the environmental impact of a basic income program will be dependent on program design. These insights allow us to generate a toolkit of policy proposals to assist in the development of green basic income programs via either conditions, additions, or complements.

A large body of evidence indicates the importance of upstream determinants to health. Universal Basic Income (UBI) has been suggested as an upstream intervention capable of promoting health by affecting material, biopsychosocial and behavioural determinants. Calls are emerging across the political spectrum to introduce an emergency UBI to address socioeconomic insecurity. However, although existing studies indicate effects on health through cash transfers, UBI schemes have not previously been designed specifically to promote health. In this article, we scope the existing literature to set out a set of interdisciplinary research challenges to address in designing a trial of the effectiveness of UBI as a population health measure. We present a theoretical model of impact that identifies three pathways to health impact, before identifying open questions related to regularity, size of payment, needs-based supplements, personality and behaviour, conditionality, and duration. These set, for the first time, a set of research activities required in order to maximise health impact in UBI programmes.

This is just the first page/abstract; the full article can be accessed on the TWQ website:

This article carries out a psychoanalytic critique of Post-Development, arguing that the latter’s inattention to the unconscious underpinnings of power not only leaves it unable to explain why development discourse persists, but also deprives it of a radical politics, resulting in a surrender to global capitalism. Drawing on the work of Escobar, Ferguson and Esteva, the article valorises Post-Development’s important insights on the production of development discourse and its attendant power mechanisms. But using a Lacanian lens, it also probes Post-Development’s failure to address how power is mediated at the level of the subject: in maintaining that (capitalist) development is produced discursively in a cold, impersonal way (like an ‘anti-politics machine’), Post-Development ignores the fact that such power is only able to take hold, expand and, crucially, persist through unconscious libidinal attachments (e.g. desires, enjoyment). This failure leaves Post-Development with few resources – beyond localised resistance (Escobar, Esteva) or the call for a universal basic income (Ferguson) – to address the structural challenges of global capitalism. Psychoanalytically speaking, such a (Left) position appears to manifest a secret desire that nothing too much must change: Post-Development may well criticise the disciplinary mechanisms of neoliberal development, but ultimately it engages in an unconscious acceptance of capitalism.

This paper explores universal basic income (UBI) in relation to crisis, from COVID-19 to techno-economic disruptions to work and prospective postcapitalist transition. Critical debates around automation, wage labour and post-work are brought into conversation with emerging trends in urban political economy around foundational infrastructure, smart cities and platform capitalism. To deliver the socioeconomic transformations promised by UBI's advocates, it is argued that more radical structural interventions in capitalist asset ownership and property relations, alongside democratized state investment in technological development, universal basic services and infrastructure, are necessary counterparts to any sufficient UBIthat is, if we hope to construct new systems of collective coordination capable of contending with complex epidemiological, economic and ecological crises.

The recent implementation of various guaranteed basic income (GBI) trials presents an opportunity to consider how such policies should be evaluated. If past experience is any guide, they will be judged primarily on the basis of quantitative factors such as cost and labour market impact. While these considerations remain relevant, some of the most transformative aspects of a GBI will happen at the " aesthetic " level of affect, sensibilities, and attitudes. Using an ethico-­‐aesthetic approach drawing on the work of Foucault, Guattari, Deleuze, and Lazzarato, I examine the dynamic, interactive impact a GBI could have on conceptions of work, welfare and gender. I argue that a GBI can be a key component of a new aesthetic of existence based on a critical ethics of self care. From Antiquity to Christianity, we pass from a morality that was essentially the search for a personal ethics to a morality as obedience to a system of rules…[T]he idea of obedience to a code of rules is now disappearing, has already disappeared. And to this absence of morality corresponds, must correspond, the search for an aesthetics

This article draws upon clinical experience of GPs working in a deprived area of the North East of England to examine the potential contribution of Universal Basic Income to health by mitigating ‘patient-side barriers’ among three cohorts experiencing distinct forms of ‘precariousness’: 1) long-term unemployed welfare recipients with low levels of education (lumpenprecariat); 2) workers on short-term/zero-hours contracts with low levels of education (‘lower’ precariat); 3) workers on short-term/zero-hours contracts with relatively high levels of education (‘upper’ precariat). We argue that any benefits must be accompanied by robust institutions capable of promoting health.

It is well-established that policy aiming to change individual consumption patterns for environmental or other ethical reasons faces a trade-off between effectiveness and public acceptance. The more ambitious a policy intervention is, the higher the likelihood of reactionary backlash; the higher the intervention’s public acceptance, the less bite it is likely to have. This paper proposes a package of interventions aiming for a substantial reduction of animal product consumption while circumventing the diagnosed trade-off. It couples stringent industry regulation, which lowers output and raises prices, with a targeted universal income at a level which would allow typical households to maintain their animal product consumption even at the post-regulation price level. The change of opportunity costs of animal products, however, would induce a shift of consumption away from animal products while enhancing – rather than diminishing – consumer freedom and welfare. The policy package, which is further designed to cohere with traditional value orderings rather than relying exclusively on progressive concerns, is politically ambitious, but psychologically pragmatic. It constitutes an attempt to socialize the endeavour of bringing consumption patterns in line with ethical demands by empowering, rather than sanctioning, individuals, and relevant groups.

Why would the long-term unemployed poor continue to insist that wage labour must remain the key path to income – even in a place like South Africa, with endemic structural unemployment and spiralling inequality? This paper explores this puzzle using in-depth qualitative data from inner-city Johannesburg to unravel the ways in which people’s economic expectations are embedded in moral beliefs that equate effort and labour with deservingness and income. To make sense of such moral logics and discourses, this paper theorizes them as part of a cohesive moral economy. This shared moral economy illuminates the means though which norms of fairness, deservingness and aspiration underpin attitudes about redistribution, cash and labour, and thus influence both support and resistance to particular political agendas around radical redistributory economic reform.

Finland is widely considered a frontrunner in the European basic income debate, primarily because of the decision by Juha Sipila ̈’s centre-right coalition government to design and conduct the first national basic income experiment (2017–2018). The Finnish basic income experiment builds on several decades of public and policy debate around the merits and problems of basic income, with the framing of basic income over time changing to fit the shift of the Nordic welfare state to embrace the activation paradigm. Underlying this discursive layer, however, we find several discrete, relatively small and unintended institutional developments that have arguably aligned the design of Finnish unemployment security closer to a partial basic income scheme. While the latter may suggest Finland has important stepping stones in place, important stumbling blocks remain and the jury is very much out on whether Finland would be the first European country to fully institute a basic income.

Universal basic income (UBI) is increasingly proposed as a simple answer to the problem of domination at work-one policy whose knock-on effects will transform the balance of power between workers and employers. I argue against such 'UBI-first' approaches. Compared to UBI proposals for other purposes, a UBI sufficient or near-sufficient for minimising domination at work would be especially demanding in two ways. First, the level of the grant would be more demanding compared to UBIs suitable for other purposes, in order for workers to be able to credibly threaten to leave their jobs. Secondly, the maintenance of the grant must also meet strict criteria. The demanding level of the grant must be effectively secured against reduction , allowing workers to plan on its long-term acceptability; and in order to avoid increased state domination it must assume the status of an entitlement rather than a gift that may be withdrawn, through stabilisation against political change or some other means. These difficulties render UBI-first approaches doubtful at best, and an unhelpful distraction from other, more fruitful strategies at worst.

This article critiques postoperaist conceptualisations of immaterial labour from the perspective of Marxian value-form theory. Critiquing the idea of the 'crisis of measurability' created by immaterial labour and the contention that this makes redundant the law of value, it contests the novelty, immediate abstractness and immeasurable productivity postoperaists attribute to contemporary labour using the New Reading of Marx. The first part explores this theoretical conflict, asserting that post-operaismo refutes Marx's value theory only insofar as it holds a productivist understanding of value to begin with. The second reflects upon the political implications through a consideration of the postoperaist advocacy of a universal basic income (UBI). Appeals to reward, recompense and redistribution rest upon the veracity of the claims made in the post-operaist treatment of labour, value and their immateriality and immeasurability. A value-form analysis exposes flaws in the assumptions about value and labour that support their case for a UBI.

En este trabajo se analizan diversas razones que, procedentes de la filosofía política y el Derecho positivo, pueden justificar el establecimiento de una renta básica universal. En primer lugar se ofrece una visión panorámica de la justificación normativa de la renta básica universal, distinguiendo tres modelos que responden a otras tantas concepciones de la justicia social. El artículo se centra a continuación en argumentos que proceden del orden jurídico positivo (internacional, europeo e interno) y que pueden adquirir relevancia en la discusión acerca del establecimiento de una renta básica universal y, en particular, acerca de sus fortalezas o debilidades frente a otras medidas cercanas como, por ejemplo, las rentas mínimas de inserción. Palabras clave: Renta básica universal, rentas mínimas, Derecho internacional, pilar europeo, Estado social, democracia, renta mínima de inserción. abstract: This paper analyzes various reasons coming from political philosophy and positive law, which can justify the establishment of a universal basic income. First, a panoramic view of the normative justification of universal basic income is offered: three models that respond to many other conceptions of social justice are presented. The article then focuses on arguments that come from positive legislation (international, european and domestic law) and which can become relevant in the discussion about the establishment of a universal basic income and, precisely, about its strengths or weaknesses against other quite similar measures such as minimum insertion income.

We examine the effect of unconditional cash transfers by a unitary discrete labour supply model. We argue that there is no negative income effect of social transfers in the case of poor adults because leisure could not be assumed to be a normal good under such conditions. Using data from the national employment survey of Ecuador (ENEMDUR) we estimate the effect of the Bono de Desarrollo Humano (BDH). Results show that cash transfers, unconditional in labour, do not produce labour disincentives in the case of household heads, but may be paying for housework and childcare provided by partners and single adults. However, labour market and care work gender inequality must be addressed by complementary policies.

This research note examines a relationship between public attitudes toward Universal Basic Income (UBI) and country-level social and economic conditions in 21 European Countries. Despite abundant theoretical and empirical research on, a comparative analysis on the public appetite for UBI has been available due to data limitation. This research note takes advantage of the 2016 European Social Survey to explore the connection between public support for UBI and the level of social protection and economic (in)security. 1

Public performances carried out in support of the movement for a universal basic income—such as a massive ‘currency-dump’ of Swiss francs in a public square by a group of Swiss artists and activists, a series of ‘speculative advertisements’ by US artist Josh Kline, and a ‘robot march’ through the streets of Zurich—have tended to establish spectacular equivalencies between bodies and units of currency, and between bodies and machines, to demonstrate that the future of labour is marked by both economic abundance and unprecedented labor-substitutability. Historically, the concept has emerged from points across a wide political spectrum and the movement holds together a set of divergent political ideologies, which share the belief that the future might be simplified and secured by an economic floor. The universal basic income idea is, overall, profoundly performative, in that it attempts to model the ultimate pragmatism of wider social nets of generosity, and does so by representing the embodied conditions that might be brought into being by such generosity. In this way, the utopian heuristic of an unconditional, guaranteed income is said to be, in the words of Belgian political ethicist Philippe Van Parijs, an ‘instrument of freedom’ and a ‘device for economic sanity’. The question is though, as is often the case: freedom and sanity for whom? The movement, in reality, often falls short of its ‘universal’ aim. Nonetheless, its basic aspiration points to a potential transformation in the way social and political claims are made on the global monetary system.

in Canadian Journal of Disability Studies, vol. 4 issue 2: http://cjds.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/cjds/article/view/212

Waged work has been a central issue for the Disabled People’s Movement since its inception. For example, the influential analysis of the pioneering Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation in the United Kingdom placed the exclusion of people with impairments from work as the origin of disablement, which is therefore inherent in modern capitalism. Thus it has been traditional in the Disabled People’s Movement in the United Kingdom to regard the removal of barriers to participation in the wage labour economy as a key strategy for overcoming disabled people’s social exclusion and oppression.

However, some authors in the Disabled People’s Movement (e.g., Abberley, 1996; 2002; Taylor, 2004; Withers, 2012) have argued that waged work cannot be the route to liberation for all disabled people, pointing out the paradox of disabled people desiring to be included in the same economic system which is responsible for their exclusion in the first place, and whose values fundamentally privilege the ‘more able’. This issue is especially urgent in the present historical moment, when the ‘work ethic’ has been mobilised by neoliberals and neoconservatives in government and the mass media to justify the cutting of vital support systems for disabled people, who are being demonized as ‘workshy’, ‘scroungers’, etc.

This paper will examine critiques of work and workerism from anarchist, autonomist, and feminist writers and identify theoretical currents that conceptualize disabled people’s liberation as requiring a much more fundamental rejection of the values of capitalism.

Keywords

Anti-work; Autonomy; Basic Income; Capitalism; Disablement; Disabled People’s Movement; Gift economy; Post-Work; Wage labour

Amy Castro and Stacia West (2022), with whom I have had the opportunity to exchange ideas on these pages, defend the need to continue experimenting with cash transfer policies through new experiments or pilot projects such as the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration (SEED) that they personally helped to design and evaluate. I agree with them. As I argued in my first contribution to this debate, I sincerely believe that experiments on unconditional income schemes can provide very useful and valuable information in moving towards the full establishment of an unconditional basic income (UBI). In this regard, we should welcome the recent creation of the Center for Guaranteed Income Research at the University of Pennsylvania, which will surely contribute to the systematization of study and the accumulation of a scientific corpus on income policies in general, and on UBI in particular.

The COVID-19 Pandemic is projected to cause an economic shock larger than the Global Financial Crisis of 2007/2008 and a recession as great as anything seen since the Great Depression in 1930s. The social and economic consequences of lockdowns and social distancing measures, such as unemployment, broken relationships and homelessness create potential for inter-generational trauma extending decades into the future. In this article, we argue that, in the absence of a vaccine, governments need to introduce Universal Basic Income as a means of mitigating this trauma.

"Mit Durchführung der Schröderschen Arbeitsmarktreformen ist der schon einmal in den 1980er Jahren diskutierte Vorschlag eines bedingungslosen Grundeinkommens und die mit ihm verbundene Diagnose einer »Krise der Arbeitsgesellschaft« in die reformpolitische Debatte zurückkehrt. Sie bilden eine sich zunehmend artikulierende »Antithese« zu dem in Deutschland von der rot-grünen Bundesregierung eingeführten Modell der »aktivierenden Arbeitsmarktpolitik«, das unter anderem eine Kultur des Misstrauens gegenüber Arbeitslosen institutionalisiert hat. Vor diesem Hintergrund versammelt das vorliegende Buch sozialwissenschaftliche Diskussionsbeiträge. Im Anschluss an eine Rekapitulation und Neuformulierung dieser Diagnose, die in Deutschland erstmals von Hannah Arendt prononciert formuliert wurde und nun wie eine »Wiederkehr des Verdrängten« eine Renaissance erfährt, folgen darauf bezogene zeitdiagnostische Fallrekonstruktionen sowie Beiträge zu Fragen der Realisierung des Grundeinkommensvorschlags.
Enthält Beiträge von Olaf Behrend, Eva Daniels, Thomas Franke, Manuel Franzmann, Achim Greser, Heribert Lenz, Matthias Jung, Ingmar Kumpmann, Jörn Lamla, Wolfgang Ludwig-Mayerhofer, Matthias Müller, Ulrich Oevermann, Michael Opielka, Andé Presse, Gerhard Schildt, Ariadne Sondermann, Johannes Suciu, Yannick Vanderborght, Philippe Van Parijs, Georg Vobruba, Götz W. Werner.
"

Canada has had recurring debates about guaranteed or basic income over several decades. This article outlines reasons for implementing basic income in the Canadian context.  These reasons include reducing poverty and inequality, addressing precarious employment, and building an ecologically sustainable economy. Recently there has been a strong renewal of interest in basic income in Canada. Expressions of interest have come from the Liberal federal government elected in 2015, from provincial governments, from political parties not in power, and from municipal governments. Support for basic income is also found among a growing range of prominent individuals and organizations. While basic income advocates are encouraged by recent developments, several large and complex questions remain on how this approach can be implemented in Canada. These questions encompass the specifics of design, delivery, funding, and political support. How can basic income build on existing income security programs and leave Canadians better off in the end? How can we ensure that basic income is not used as an excuse to cut vital services such health care, social housing, early childhood care and development, and social services for those with disabilities and other challenges? How can basic income be set in place in Canada, given its complicated federal-provincial nexus of responsibility for delivery of, and funding for social programs? The article concludes with principles that might help guide the implementation of authentically universal, adequate, and feasible basic income architecture in Canada.

This paper presents the idea of the Job Guarantee (JG), which is a logical extension of the paradigm of a tax-driven fiat currency. The JG involves the government offering a public purpose-oriented job with a fixed hourly wage and job benefits to anyone willing to work. The JG as a bottom-up approach is locally administered but federally funded. As the analytical lens of MMT reveals, a monetarily sovereign government is always able to provide the spending required. Macroeconomically, the JG works as an automatic countercyclical stabilizer and an excellent tool for aggregated demand management, ensuring the economy is continuously operating at full capacity. On top, the JG uses an employed buffer stock approach as a superior means to maintain price stability. Next to its favourable macroeconomic impacts, the JG offers many social benefits, particularly related to continuous employment, working conditions in the private sector, power relations in the labour market and democracy. While the JG and Universal Basic Income (UBI) are often discussed as comparable, competing policy proposals, the JG addresses more macroeconomic and social issues than the UBI does. This paper concludes that the JG qualifies for being the single most effective policy in order to drive the economy towards continuous full employment and price stability while realizing additional social benefits.

In the context of the UK Government's 'prevention agenda', Laura Webber and colleagues have called for a 'health in all policies' approach. Universal Basic Income (UBI) is a system of cash transfers to citizens and recent research suggests it may have a significant impact on health, including via an underexplored role in reduced stress. However, debate has been influenced by a recent Finnish trial of a policy with similarities to UBI. This was reported as a failure due to a policy objective of reducing unemployment, despite demonstrating significant benefits to wellbeing. In this article, we advance this debate by exploring the current evidence and proposing a practical way forward. We propose a need to refocus evidence collection in UBI trials on improved health-via reduced stress-to provide policymakers with the means of producing an accurate cost-benefit analysis. We argue that previous trials have either not reflected likely UBI policy or have not measured a sufficient range of impacts to enable accurate analysis of its cost-benefit. We contend that interdisciplinary work is needed in order to establish trials that observe key factors driving the social health gradient. Finally, we argue that statistical modelling is needed to extrapolate short-term findings to long-term population-level outcomes. One implication is that substantial allocation of resource is required from Government and/or major research funders. On the other hand, this presents an opportunity to pioneer an interdisciplinary approach resulting in joined-up evidence and policy for UBI and 'upstream' interventions.

Abstract: Relying on archival and firsthand accounts, we argue that existing scholarship on the welfare rights movement has silenced many of the more radical feminist tendencies and accorded undue emphasis to the way recipient activists conformed to hegemonic, patriarchal standards. By exploring recipient activists’ rejection of waged work, anti-war politics, and their fight for reproductive justice, we demonstrate how a social movement of primarily poor Black women forged sophisticated arguments for the importance of guaranteed income as a means of facilitating autonomy and civic engagement, rather than reifying gendered social roles. Keywords: welfare, guaranteed income, feminism, social reproduction, African American

In seiner späteren Schrift von 1797 unterschied Paine zwei verschiedene Formen von Eigentum: Das ursprüngliche Eigentum ist das Eigentum aller Menschen an der Natur, an dem, »das uns vom Schöpfer des Weltalls zugeteilt wurde, z. B. Erde, Luft, Wasser«. (Paine 1798: 7) 30 Paine meinte: »Es ist unleugbar, dass die Erde in ihrem ursprünglichen und unangebauten Zustande das gemeinschaftliche Eigentum der ganzen Menschengattung, ohne Ausnahme, war, und geblieben sein würde. Unter solchen Umständen hätte also jeder Mensch von Geburt an ein Eigentum gehabt; jeder zeitlebens ein gleiches Recht zu dem Nießbrauch des Bodens und seiner gesamten Produkte, sowohl aus dem Pflanzenreiche, als aus dem Tierreiche gehabt. Aber die Erde kann, wie ich schon bemerkt habe, in ihrem natürlichen Zustande nur eine sehr geringe Anzahl von Menschen, im Vergleich mit denen, welche sie erhält, wenn sie angebaut wird, ernähren. Und da es unmöglich ist, die Verbesserungen durch Anbau von dem Boden, auf welchem sie geschehen, zu trennen; hat dieses unauflösliche Band die Idee eines eigentümlichen Bodens hervorgebracht. Es bleibt indessen nicht weniger wahr, dass nichts weiter, als die Verbesserungen, und nicht etwa der Boden, das Eigentum der Individuen ausmacht. Jeder Landbesitzer ist also dem gemeinen Wesen oder der Gesellschaft eine Grundsteuer schuldig; -ich kenne keinem andern Ausdruck, der den Begriff dieser Grundabgabe besser bezeichnete, und diese Grundsteuer ist es, von welcher der Fond herkommen muss, der zu dem Plane von dem meine Schrift handelt, gehört.« (Ebenda: 16 f.) Damit war die Grundrichtung der Schrift klar: »Die Gleichheit des natürlichen Eigentums ist also der Gegenstand des gegenwärtigen Werkchens. Jeder Einzelne, der in der Welt lebt, ist mit gegründeten Rechten auf eine gewisse Art von Eigentum, oder auf einen ausgleichenden Ersatz geboren.« (Ebenda: 5, Hervorhebung R. B.) 31 Paine proklamierte also ein angeborenes Grundrecht aller Menschen auf ein Grundeigentum bzw. Eigentum an der Natur, »wel-30 Die Vorstellung allen Menschen gehörender (Natur-)Güter war nicht neu. Bereits im Alten Testament steht geschrieben: »Der Himmel ist der Himmel des Herrn; aber die Erde hat er den Menschenkindern gegeben.« (Psalm 115, 16). Der Humanist Johannes Ludovices Vives (1492 -1540) erklärte in seiner Schrift »De subventione pauperum, sive de humanis necessitatibus« (1526), dass all jene Dinge, die Gott erschaffen habe, allen Kindern Gottes gemeinsam ist, und begründete damit eine öffentliche Armenhilfe, eine bedürftigkeitsgeprüfte und an eine Arbeitsverpflichtung gebundene soziale Leistung. Der Humanist Hugo Grotius (1583 -1645) legte in seiner Schrift »De jure belli ac pacis« (1625) seine Auffassung dar, dass die Erde der gesamten Menschheit gehöre. Gerrard Winstanlay (1609 -1676), Libertärer und Anarchist, begründete in seiner Schrift »Gleichheit im Reiche der Freiheit« (um 1650), dass die Schöpfung der Vernunft die Erde als Schatzkammer zum Unterhalt aller gemacht habe und der Anspruch aller auf die Erde und deren Früchte geltendes Recht sei. (Winstanley war der Wortführer der Diggers = »Graber«, die die gewaltlose Inbesitznahme brachliegenden Gemeindelandes durch Besitzlose zwecks gemeinsamer Bewirtschaftung in England propagierten und praktizierten -die also nicht nur die Rechtsgleichheit, sondern auch die grundsätzliche Eigentumsgleichheit und kollektive Bearbeitung des allen Eignen forderten.) Auch John Locke (1632 -1704) erklärte um 1689: »Gott gab die Welt den Menschen gemeinsam.« (Locke 2007: 34) Er folgerte aber anderes als die Diggers, nämlich dass die Arbeit Eigentum als privates Eigentum begründe. (Vgl Kapitel 3.6.) 31 Vgl. zur These des Eigentumsrechts aufgrund der Verbesserung des Bodens/der gemeinschaftlichen Güter die Argumentation von John Locke und die Erwiderungen darauf im Kapitel 3.6. 29 ches das gemeinschaftliche Eigentum der ganzen Menschengattung« (Ebenda: 24) sei oder eben auf »einen ausgleichenden Ersatz« für dieses Eigentum aller Menschen. Damit sollte ein gewisses Maß an sozialer Gleichheit garantiert werden. Paine lehnte allerdings die Rückumverteilung des ungerechterweise in privaten Händen liegende Grundeigentums ab: »Diese Ungerechtigkeit kann den gegenwärtigen Besitzern nicht immer aufgebürdet werden. Man kann und man darf ihnen weiter keinen Vorwurf machen, als den, dass sie Mitschuldige werden, wenn sie sich dem Recht widersetzen. Der Fehler hängt an dem System, und er kam in die Welt vermittelst der Besitznehmung mit dem Degen, das heißt, durch das Recht des Stärkeren. Allein dieser Fehler kann von den nachfolgenden Geschlechtern wieder gut gemacht werden, ohne Beunruhigung oder Beeinträchtigung der dermaligen Besitzer […].« (Ebenda: 24) 1.1.3 Arbeit und Privateigentum bei Thomas Paine Weiterhin diskutierte Paine das durch Arbeit »künstliche oder erworbene« Eigentum (Ebenda: 5). Er weiß sehr wohl, dass das durch »verbessernde Arbeit« erworbene Privateigentum nicht reines »Privat»-eigentum ist: »Ich habe bei Verfertigung dieses Planes das Grundeigentum sowohl, als das persönliche Eigentum in Anschlag gebracht. Was das erste betrifft; so sind die Gründe dazu einleuchtend, und ich habe sie bereits auseinander gesetzt. Der Bewegungsgrund aber, der mich zu der Rücksicht auf das persönliche Eigentum vermochte, kann eben sowohl gerechtfertigt werden, obgleich aus anderen Prinzipien. Die Erde ist, wie gesagt, ein Geschenk, welches der gesamten Menschheit von dem Schöpfer gemacht worden ist. Das persönliche Eigentum aber ist Produkt der Gesellschaft. Ohne diese würde kein Mensch ein solches Eigentum haben, so wenig als er die Erde erschaffen kann. Nehmt einen einzelnen Menschen aus der Gesellschaft weg, gebt ihm eine Insel oder ein Stück festes Land, er wird in diesem Zustande nie ein persönliches Eigentum erwerben; er wird nie reich werden. Und so hängen unter allen Umständen Absichten und Mittel zusammen, die letzteren sind nichts, wenn man die ersteren nicht erreichen kann. Es geschieht so zum Vorteil des gesellschaftlichen Lebens, dass der Mensch zur Erwerbung des persönlichen Eigentums verpflichtet wird, welches er bloß und allein mit seinen eigenen Händen nicht hätte zusammenbringen können. Er ist daher nach allen Gründen des Rechts, der Erkenntlichkeit und des Bürgervertrags verbunden, der Gesellschaft einen Teil von dem wieder zurückzugeben, was er bloß durch sie hat. Ich gründe meinen Satz hier bloß auf ein allgemeines Prinzip, und es ist vielleicht gut, sich bloß an dieses Prinzip zu halten, denn wenn man die Sache mehr im einzelnen betrachtete; so würde man finden, dass das persönliche Eigentum gemeiniglich auf Unkosten der Unglücklichen zusammengebracht wird, welche an dessen Erwerbung arbeiteten, aber nur einen sehr kleinen Lohn für ihre Arbeit bekamen. Der Handwerker hun-30 gert im Alter und kommt im Elend um, während derjenige, der ihn anstellte, im Überfluss schwimmt. Es ist freilich unmöglich, den Preis einer Handwerksware mit den Vorteilen, die sie verschafft, genau in Übereinstimmung zu bringen, und man wird, zu Gunsten des verübten Unrechts, nicht unterlassen anzumerken, dass der größte Teil der Handwerker, wenn er auch noch einmal so viel für seine Arbeit erhielte, dennoch nichts für die alten Tage zurücklegen würde, dass also diese Leute im Alter doch eben nicht wohlhabender sein würden. Allein dies ist nur ein Grund mehr, ihnen die Gesellschaft zur Vormünderin zu setzen, und ihnen für ihr Alter eine Einnahme aufzusparen.« (Ebenda: 47, Hervorhebung R. B.) Mit dieser Klarstellung machte Paine deutlich, dass das »künstliche oder erworbene« Eigentum Ausdruck gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse ist. Sie wurden von ihm als gesellschaftliche Vertragsverhältnisse (inkl. rechtlicher Verhältnisse) bezeichnet. Dieser Auffassung war die Erkenntnis immanent, dass dieses persönliche Eigentum im »gemeiniglichen« Fall der politisch-rechtlichen Möglichkeit der Ausnutzung bzw. Ausbeutung von Menschen durch Einzelne oder Gruppen zu verdanken ist -einer Ausbeutung, die zum Reichtum der einen und zur Armut der anderen führt. Von Paine wurde aber nicht die Abschaffung dieser Form der privaten Aneignung erwogen, die einen nicht näher erläuterten Vorteil des gesellschaftlichen Lebens darstelle. Er schlug dagegen eine Entschädigung der Allgemeinheit für das privat angeeignete »Produkt der Gesellschaft« vor -nämlich eine staatliche Erfassung des nichtentlohnten Anteils und eine Rücktransferierung durch eine Art Grundrente, die eine soziale Gleichheit bewirken soll. 32 Der bürgerliche Vertrag besteht also darin, dass persönliches Eigentum unter (Aus-) Nutzung fremder Arbeitskraft angeeignet werden kann, allerdings dafür ein Ausgleich an die Gesellschaft zurückzuzahlen ist, um eine soziale Gleichheit zu bewirken. Eng damit verbunden ist, dass Paine Reichtum nicht grundsätzlich ablehnt: Es sei kein Problem, »dass es Leute von ungeheurem Reichtum gibt, wenn dieser nur nicht auf das Elend der anderen gegründet wäre«. (Ebenda: 39) Paine war auch nicht der Auffassung, dass soziale Gleichheit sich auf die kollektivistische und gleiche Verteilung des allgemein erworbenen bzw. erarbeiteten Eigentums gründen solle: So wäre »Gleichheit etwas unmögliches, denn es müssten, wenn diese Dinge gleich verteilt werden sollten, alle Menschen in gleichem Maße zu denselben beigetragen haben, welches niemals der Fall ist, jeder würde, nach dieser Voraussetzung das Seinige beschützen, und das würde die Teilung unnötig machen«. (Ebenda: 5 f.) Diese Form der Gleichheit würde letztlich also in der Ungleichheit -und im Streit darüber, was jedem Menschen zustünde, enden, so Paine. 32 Diese staatliche vermittelte Rücktransferierung wurde allerdings auch paternalistisch bzw. vormundschaftlich begründet, wie mit dem vorangegangenen Zitat deutlich wird.

In this article, we explore the prospects of Basic Income (BI) as a development policy tool. Our approach is to analyse the BI as a tool for promoting micro-investments and as a general development policy instrument, thus deliberately departing from the perception of cash transfers as targeted poverty reduction tools. As experiences in testing BI systems in developing country contexts are limited to local and regional experiments in Namibia and India (Haarmann et al., 2009; Haarmann & Haarmann, 2012; Davala et al., 2015), conclusive assessments about the impacts of the BI cannot be drawn. Therefore, we aim to estimate potential impacts of the BI by synthesising existing knowledge. This estimation will not be quantitative, but rather show likely outcomes of a BI scheme. We will complement existing knowledge by exploring cognate cash transfer policies and other experiences that bear similarity to the BI.

The article proposes a short term scenario analysis concerning the possible relations between automation, education, and unemployment. According to the author, the scenario analysis elaborated by the McKinsey Global Institute in 2013 underestimate the problem of technological unemployment and proposes an education model which is inadequate to face the challenges of 21st century disruptive technologies. New technological advances—as the automation of knowledge work—will also affect the jobs of highly educated workers. Therefore, policy makers will not avert the scenario of massive unemployment only by extending the study of math, science, and engineering. A better solution could be the establishment of a universal basic income, and the elaboration of an education model capable of stimulating creativity and the sense of belonging to a community.

In this article, we present an anti-capitalist argument for basic income based on its predicted effects on the wage share dynamics and its relation with the working class' bargaining power. Our considerations are located in the Marxist tradition and based mainly on contributions to the Marxist analytical framework made by Rosa Luxemburg and Michał Kalecki. We argue that basic income should lead to a rise of the share of wages in the GDP, by significantly improving workers' bargaining position in various ways: through increasing the effective demand and investments by redistributing income to the advantage of the poorer groups of the society; through guaranteeing the realisation of basic needs outside the labour market; through positive influence on the collective bargaining power, especially during a strike; and through enhancing engagement in alternative relations of production as well as in political struggle for a better situation of working people. We also distinguish some necessary conditions in a realistic historical scenario where the positive, anti-capitalist dynamic launched by basic income could be set into motion.

This paper decomposes global inequality in redistribution, using data from the World Development Indicators data set of the World Bank. It finds that per capita income has a modest, yet persistent effect on redistribution. More provocatively, the paper also demonstrates that, over and beyond the impact of per capita GDP, global inequalities in redistribution over the last generation or so strongly reflect the double legacies of colonialism (improving the likelihood of redistribution in former-colonizer societies and sharply reducing it in erstwhile-colonized, recently independent societies). In addition, it also finds that the history of recent exposure to state socialism increases the presence of redistributive institutions, partly counterbalancing the effects of lower national incomes. The data have been obtained from the World Bank's online open-access data site World Development Indicators, http://data.worldbank.org.

Mit diesem Vortrag verfolge ich in erster Linie das Ziel, einen Beitrag zur Selbstverständigung im noch jungen und sich formierenden Netzwerk Grundeinkommen zu leisten in einer Frage, die mir für das Netzwerk zentral zu sein scheint: Was spricht für die Einführung insbesondere eines bedingungslos gezahlten, ausreichenden Grundeinkommens? Unter bedingungslos verstehe ich dabei ganz einfach, daß eine politische Gemeinschaft (heute in der Regel ein Nationalstaat) einen identischen Grundeinkommensbetrag an alle ihre Mitglieder unabhängig von irgendwelchen Bedingungen wie Einkommensbedürftigkeit, Arbeitslosigkeit, Arbeitsbereitschaft, Alter, etc. zahlt. Die einzige "Bedingung" ist die Zugehörigkeit zur betreffenden politischen Gemeinschaft, die aus ihrem Steueraufkommen ein solches Grundeinkommen bestreitet. Aber das ist eine triviale Bedingung, die schlicht aus dem Umstand resultiert, daß eine partikulare politische Gemeinschaft -eine politische Gemeinschaft auf Weltebene existiert ja noch nicht und ist auch nicht in greifbarer Näheunmöglich ein Grundeinkommen an alle Menschen zahlen kann. Es wäre daher falsch, aus der "Bedingung" der Zugehörigkeit zur betreffenden politischen Gemeinschaft den Schluß zu ziehen, ein solches Grundeinkommen sei also doch nicht ganz bedingungslos. Das hier thematisierte Grundeinkommen als solches ist vollkommen bedingungslos. Wenn es nicht an alle Menschen gezahlt werden kann, dann liegt das nicht an der Konstruktion des Grundeinkommens als solcher, sondern am Fehlen einer politischen Vergemeinschaftung auf Weltebene, die allein die Zahlung eines Grundeinkommens an alle Menschen ermöglichen würde. 1

Republicanism - in particular the 'Roman' or 'neo-Roman' republicanism of Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner - has brought notions of domination and power to the forefront of political philosophy. Its proponents argue that non-domination is a radical ideal, one that is demanding and practical, and which can ground an effective and open-ended "normative and institutional research program". I hope to show that non-domination in the sense envisioned by most mainstream republicans is indeed a radical ideal, but one that requires much more substantial change than many of those republicans envision.

Specifically, this thesis intervenes in ongoing debates within and around contemporary republicanism about the demands of non-domination when it comes to the organisation of work. It has both a critical and a constructive element. Where they pay attention to the organisation of work at all, the typical republican strategy involves little more than strong workplace regulation and some very limited mechanisms of worker voice. This set of proposals is coupled with tentative support for a universal basic income, or other ways of lowering the exit costs of any given job. After defending the application of personal accounts of domination to the world of work, I critically assess this mainstream republican approach to the workplace before arguing in favour of two broad strategies that better satisfy a commitment to non-domination: the pursuit of workplace democracy and the reduction of work. I argue that both strategies ought to be cornerstones of an anti-domination approach to the workplace, whether from a republican perspective or not.

La sustitución laboral de seres humanos por robots es gradual pero imparable. El proceso se acelera con un tipo de neofeudalismo en el que las distancias entre los que «tienen» y los que «no tienen» no hace sino aumentar a escala global. En 2017, de cada 10 dólares estadounidenses de nueva riqueza, 8 fueron para el 1% de los superricos. En el futuro robótico, la cobertura de los riesgos sociales va a necesitar de la solidaridad del conjunto de la ciudadanía mediante la implementación de programas de ingresos básicos universales.

Is Artificial Intelligence qualitatively different from other means of economizing the use of labor? Are we on the edge of a jobless society? If yes, are we ready for it? These are a few of the questions discussed in this collection of academic works. This book traces a brief history of the concept of technological unemployment; proposes a short-term scenario analysis concerning the relations between automation, education, and unemployment; analyzes the most recent literature on social robotics; examines the possible futures generated by the development of intelligent machines; shows the relation between automation and unemployment in an Italian case study; considers the impact if machines become effective pursuers of knowledge or even conscious; and addresses the role of serendipity in the development of science and technology.

Contemporary research endeavors and discussions addressing the issue of Universal Basic Income are usually concerned with the ethics, economic feasibility, and social necessity of its introduction. I believe that these approaches suffer most often due to their focus on an insufficiently extensive period of time, which does not aid in the elimination of the reluctance observed concerning their futuristic and utopian character. Accordingly, I propose the use of an analytical framework developed by evolutionary anthropologists, with the help of which we can better observe the inadequacy, unjustified and potentially dangerous limitations that cultural bias still imposes on economic activities. The central thesis of this article is that all signs indicate that we are moving into a fourth evolutionary stage of civilization, and the radical nature of the changes taking place in infrastructure, structure and superstructure will inevitably force a shift in the surviving elements of the old system, especially pertaining to the relations of production and relations of distribution. According to this approach, one can better observe that proposals such as the Universal Basic Income are more realistic (and necessary) than what the dystopias that still structure the mainstream political and economic imaginary would allow us to believe.

Abstrakt: Tekst jest recenzją książki Guya Standinga, stanowiącej przystępne i kompleksowe wprowadzenie do problematyki bezwarunkowego dochodu podstawowego (BDP). Autor przygląda się, w kontekście niedawnych publikacji Standinga, dwóm najważniejszym liniom argumentacyjnym za wprowadzeniem BDP: z jednej strony analizy " korupcji " współczesnego kapitalizmu, a z drugiej-przedstawienia BDP jako obywatelskiego prawa do bycia wolnym od dominacji.

In this article the issue of basic income is analyzed along five main research vectors: A putative " Italian delay " concerning both the reception of the international debate on basic income and the original elaboration of its constitutive elements; Labor transformations in late capitalism; The role played by nation-states in the European space; The new functions performed the realm of social reproduction in contemporary value-producing activities; The supposed existence of an ecologically harmful productivist nexus at the very core of the (different versions of the) Fordist welfare state.
Numero monografico di Etica e Politica, a cura di Emanuele Leonardi e Giacomo Pisani, contributi di  i contributi di Francesca Coin, Stefano Lucarelli, Christian Marazzi, Cristina Morini, Emanuele Murra, Laura Pennacchi, Onofrio Romano, Roberto Romano, Chiara Tripodina, Giovanna Verteva. Vol. XIX, No. 1, 2017

Unconditional basic income (UBI) is a concept intended to tackle the problem of redistributing wealth within a welfare state setting, providing citizens (or residents) of a nation a regular basic monetary transfer without preconditions on an equal basis. It is essential to discuss feasibility, theoretical background, and contexts for the possible adoption of a UBI scheme; yet, these issues lie beyond the scope of this chapter. Rather, I will focus on one singular aspect of the UBI proposal, namely, the underlying vision for a profound social transformation. More precisely, I will draw upon the theories formulated by French philosopher and UBI proponent André Gorz, who imagined the introduction of a UBI as a chance to create societies with “( . . . ) less employment and less selling of labor and services, but with growth in collective facilities and services, in nonmonetary exchange and self-providing” (Gorz 2013 [1997]: 299). While I do not intend to discuss the validity of this perspective in detail, it provides me with a framework for analyzing the activities and lifestyle of a contemporary activist network in Tokyo, whose members, in fact, share Gorz’s vision and have found their own particular way to answer the question of how to create a “better” society, and how this idea of “living beyond the wage-based society” can be put into practice.

This new edited collection brings together historians and social scientists to engage with the global history of Universal Basic Income (UBI) and offer historically-rich perspectives on contemporary debates about the future of work. In particular, the book goes beyond a genealogy of a seemingly utopian idea to explore how the meaning and reception of basic income proposals has changed over time. The study of UBI provides a prism through which we can understand how different intellectual traditions, political agents, and policy problems have opened up space for new thinking about work and welfare at critical moments.

A cura di Floriana Galluccio, Marco Maggioli e Riccardo Morri

Numero speciale del Semestrale di Studi e Ricerche di Geografia, supplemento al fascicolo 2/2021, realizzato grazie al finanziamento per la ricerca del Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici dell’Università "IULM" di Milano.

The pandemic has made particularly visible the different conditions of
vulnerability that are distributed within society, placing the theme of care
and social reproduction at the center of public debate as key areas to be
preserved and collectively promoted. All this has been possible thanks to the
contribution of feminist thought and practices in recent decades, both at the
de-constructive and analytical level and in terms of proposals for a welfare
system capable of functioning in a restorative sense in relation to the
systemic inequalities that have been sedimented as a result of discriminatory gender and race-based policies. The article offers an overview on feminist theories – of vulnerability, care and social reproduction - and deploys an intersectional and decolonial approach which allows to interpret the global functioning and the social effects of the pandemic and to formulate transformative and restorative public policy solutions to face the crisis.