Universal Basic Income

This short paper reflects on the key lessons we can learn from the political debate around and policy experimentation with (emergency) basic income schemes in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. While the pandemic crisis initially seems to have opened up a policy window for introducing a basic income as a crisis instrument, theoretical arguments and empirical observations strongly suggest the reliance of some basic income advocates on crisis events, such as the pandemic, to push forward their policy ideas involves wishful thinking rather than political reality. A feasible roadmap towards introducing basic income requires the hard work of raising public awareness, constructing broad constituencies, and building robust political coalitions rather than waiting for the next crisis to come around the corner.

The growing popularity of basic income has led to extensive trials of the policy in numerous settings across the world. However, analysis of the politics of basic income, and in particular the political dynamics preceding and resulting from trial programs, lags. In response, we propose a research agenda that uses political scale to investigate where basic income trials emerge, how individual trials' design and implementation parameters vary, and how those trials influence subsequent policy development. By focusing on the previously omitted variable of political scale, our approach addresses a number of key challenges in evaluating basic income trials. First, we provide a means of identifying negative and partial cases to remedy the small-N problem at the national and regional scales. Second, focusing on a given scale helps to identify specific incumbent programs and policy possibilities influenced by basic income trials. Third, our framework draws attention to the importance of distinct, scale-based political dynamics in both securing basic income trials and converting trial programs into future policy changes. K E Y W O R D S basic income, cash transfers, political scale, social experiments, trial programs This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Using a mixed-methods approach combining econometric analysis, scenario modeling, and industry case studies, and drawing from comprehensive datasets including government statistics, industry reports, and academic research, this study examines the critical role of artificial intelligence (AI) and automation in securing America's technological leadership and economic prosperity. The research provides a roadmap for harnessing these transformative technologies to drive US global competitiveness by analysing current trends, projecting future impacts, and proposing strategic policy interventions. The study forecasts significant economic growth potential, with AI potentially contributing an additional 1.2%-2% to the annual GDP growth by 2043 (equivalent to a cumulative GDP increase of approximately 25%-45%). However, it also addresses challenges such as workforce displacement and income inequality, proposing innovative solutions to ensure inclusive prosperity. By synthesizing cutting-edge research, economic modelling, and international comparative analyses, this work offers policymakers, industry leaders, and educators actionable insights for navigating the AI revolution. The findings underscore the urgent need for coordinated national strategies in AI development, workforce reskilling, and regulatory frameworks to maintain US technological primacy and foster longterm economic resilience in an increasingly AI-driven global economy.

Bir ülkenin uyguladığı sosyal güvenlik sisteminin sürdürülebilirliği o ülke insanlarının huzuru ile doğru orantılıdır. Sistem ne kadar iyi işlerse insanlar da o kadar geleceğe umutla bakar. Ayrıca bir devletin sosyal devlet olma derecesi sosyal güvenlik sisteminin düzgün işlemesi ile alakalıdır. Sosyal bir devlet olan Türkiye de sosyal güvenlik sistemini en iyi şekilde işletmeye çalışmaktadır. Sistemdeki aksaklıkları gidermeye yönelik değişik reformları da uygulamaya koymuştur. Ancak günümüzde yeni reformlar uygulanmaya başlansa da sistemin gelir-gider dengesi problemi yani "açık" problemi vardır. Gelir-gider dengesi arasındaki makas aralandıkça sistem daha problemli hale gelmektedir. Sistemin düzgün işlemesi, yapılan reformlardan istenen sonuçların alınması yine sistemin bir parçası olan ülke insanlarının sosyal güvenlik sistemini benimsemesine ve içselleştirmesine bağlıdır.

Este documento presenta un resumen detallado de ¿Qué es una sociedad justa? de Philippe Van Parijs, una obra fundamental en la filosofía política contemporánea. Se abordan las principales corrientes del pensamiento sobre la justicia, incluyendo el utilitarismo, el liberalismo igualitario, el libertarianismo y el marxismo analítico. A través del análisis de autores como John Rawls, Robert Nozick, Amartya Sen, Ronald Dworkin y John Roemer, se exploran los debates sobre la equidad distributiva, la libertad individual y la justicia económica. El documento también examina las tensiones entre neoliberalismo y justicia social, considerando enfoques como la teoría de la elección social, la asignación universal y el principio de diferencia. Finalmente, se sintetizan los argumentos principales de la obra, destacando la importancia de la democracia y la deliberación pública en la construcción de una sociedad justa.

The proposal for a graduated basic income is an innovative approach to unemployment and poverty. It tackles structural unemployment, encourages self-help, and provides a fairer, more transparent alternative to current welfare systems. By reducing state payments as individuals earn income, the model balances a safety net and work incentives, ensuring financial sustainability.

Readers should engage with this pragmatic, flexible solution to socio-economic challenges, drawing on historical insights and contemporary needs. The paper challenges myths about the unaffordability of welfare, arguing that a graduated basic income could be more cost-effective than existing systems. Authors also highlight potential cost savings from reforms. The paper shows how this system could work in practice, including its impact on labour market dynamics and its role in promoting self-sufficiency.

This analysis is essential reading for anyone interested in progressive social policy, economic reform or the future of welfare systems. It presents a bold vision for a fairer and more sustainable society and offers a fresh perspective on the feasibility of a basic income in the context of modern economic realities.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic affected the homeless serving sector in significant ways, including impacts on service users and service providers. In this qualitative case study from Ottawa, Canada, we conducted 28 semi-structured interviews with service providers and key informants from the homeless serving sector to learn more about responses to the pandemic. We argue that, as it is currently designed, the homeless serving sector had limited opportunity to respond to the combined crises in housing, overdose, and COVID-19 with a transformative agenda. The article draws on Dej’s (2020) concept of the homelessness industrial complex, which argues that current systems manage and sustain rather than end homelessness. And we use Lipsky’s (1969; 1980) notion of street-level bureaucracy to explore the role of service providers as they translated shifting public health guidelines into action on the ground within contexts of ambiguity and constraint.  Service providers wer...

Evrensel Temel Gelir (ETG), herhangi bir test veya koşula bağlı kalmadan tüm vatandaşlara devlet tarafından düzenli nakit
ödemeyi taahhüt eden radikal bir sosyal politika önerisidir. Yoksulluk ve gelir eşitsizliği ile mücadelede öne çıkan bu uygulama,
tarih boyunca farklı bölgelerde gündeme gelmiştir. Günümüzde Covid-19 pandemisinin yol açtığı ekonomik ve sosyal
sorunların çözümü için ekonomistler ve karar alıcılar tarafından yeniden yoğun bir şekilde tartışılmaya başlanmıştır.
Bu çalışmada ETG'nin yoksulluk ve gelir eşitsizliğinin azaltılmasındaki potansiyeli ve son yıllarda hızla gelişen otomasyon ve
yapay zekâ destekli üretim modellerinin neden olduğu iş kayıplarıyla mücadeledeki rolü incelenmektedir. Ayrıca bu
uygulamanın finansman zorlukları, işgücüne katılım üzerindeki etkileri ve mevcut sosyal yardım sistemleriyle ilişkisi detaylı
bir şekilde analiz edilmektedir. Çalışmanın bulguları, ETG'nin yoksulluk ve gelir eşitsizliği ile mücadelede önemli bir
potansiyele sahip olduğunu, ancak doğal kaynaklardan yoksun ülkelerde bütçe üzerindeki yükünün dikkate alınması gerektiğini
ortaya koymaktadır. Teknolojik dönüşümün birçok sektörü derinden etkileyeceği göz önüne alındığında, ETG'nin bu tür yapısal
dönüşümlerle mücadele etmek için etkili bir araç olabileceği ortaya konulmuştur.

W artykule postaram się wykazać, że wprowadzenie powszechnego dochodu podstawowego w ogromnej większości państw przyczyni się do tego, że żyjące w tych państwach społeczeństwa staną się bardziej egalitarne. Przez większą egalitarność społeczeństw rozumiem mniejszy poziom nierówności rozumianych trojako: jako nierówności ekonomiczne (materialne, dochodowe), nierówności między mężczyznami i kobietami w powiązanych ze sobą sferach władzy, dominacji ekonomicznej i prestiżu, a także nierówności o charakterze politycznym, podważające sens istnienia systemu demokratycznego. Przez powszechny dochód podstawowy rozumiem bezwarunkowe, comiesięczne wypłacanie przez państwo pewnej sumy pieniężnej każdej osobie posiadającej obywatelstwo. Jest on "b e z w a r u n k o w y w tym sensie, że nie wymaga żadnego przeszłego, obecnego ani zobowiązania co do przyszłego zachowania jednostki, która ten dochód otrzymuje" 1 , nie jest on więc zależny od zatrudnienia, ani dochodów uzyskiwanych przez jednostkę z innych źródeł. Pierwsze propozycje zbliżające się do idei dochodu podstawowego pojawiły się kilkaset lat temu. Wśród historycznych ojców tego pomysłu Guy Standing 2 wymienia m.in.: Tomasza Morusa, Thomasa Paine'a, Williama Morrisa czy Bertranda Russella. Ten ostatni uznawał ów pomysł za "sposób na połączenie Powszechny dochód Podstawowyw stronę równości

Si configura il reato di cui all’art. 7, comma 2, L. 28 marzo 2019 n. 26 nel caso
di omessa comunicazione di una variazione patrimoniale rilevante, sussistente anche nel caso di conseguimento di somme di denaro per donazione (nella specie, la Cassazione ha confermato la sentenza di condanna per il reato di cui all’art. 7, co. 2, l. 28 marzo 2019 n. 26 emessa a carico di un soggetto che, dopo aver percepito il reddito di cittadinanza, non aveva informato l’Inps dello svolgimento di attività lavorativa, seppure irregolare e compensata solo con delle regalie saltuarie).

Blatenje dobrega imena in časti je nekaj, kar vsak posameznik doživlja popolnoma subjektivno.
Pri samem doživljanju žaljenja in blatenja igrajo pomembno vlogo individualni in družbeni odzivi ter sam proces žalitve in njene posledice. Dobro je, da se ljudje, ki so utrpeli žalitve ali blatenje dobrega imena, zavedajo, da lahko zaradi tega prejmejo denarno odškodnino za duševne bolečine zaradi žalitve časti in ugleda. Pri tem je treba podariti, da gre za odškodnino z naslova nepremoženjske škode, ki jo je utrpel oškodovanec.

Blatenje dobrega imena in časti je nekaj, kar vsak posameznik doživlja popolnoma subjektivno.
Pri samem doživljanju žaljenja in blatenja igrajo pomembno vlogo individualni in družbeni odzivi ter sam proces žalitve in njene posledice. Dobro je, da se ljudje, ki so utrpeli žalitve ali blatenje dobrega imena, zavedajo, da lahko zaradi tega prejmejo denarno odškodnino za duševne bolečine zaradi žalitve časti in ugleda. Pri tem je treba podariti, da gre za odškodnino z naslova nepremoženjske škode, ki jo je utrpel oškodovanec.

La propuesta de Renta Básica Universal cada vez es más conocida tanto en el terreno académico como fuera de él y eso le ha llevado a recibir cada vez más atención y también más críticas. Es difícilmente cuestionable que la Renta Básica Universal presenta ventajas muy importantes frente a otro tipo de prestaciones públicas de protección social: su cobertura alcanza a toda la población y la seguridad económica y libertad que brinda a sus beneficiarios permite que nadie se vea obligado a aceptar míseros y precarios trabajos para poder cubrir sus necesidades básicas. Además, todo ello se puede lograr con un coste económico asumible y a través de una aplicación relativamente sencilla y rápida (especialmente en comparación con muchas prestaciones sociales condicionadas). No obstante, la puesta en marcha de una Renta Básica Universal no está exenta de cuestionamientos ni de riesgos importantes a sopesar. Con este trabajo se pretende identificar y analizar algunos de ellos, con el objetivo ...

This article examines the concept of Guaranteed Minimum Income (GMI) in Polish context, analyzing its development and prospects after 30 years of relative stagnation. The author presents two main scenarios: a gradual reform of the existing social assistance system and a radical change in the form of Universal Basic Income (UBI). Using comparative analysis, the study juxtaposes the current Polish system with European Union recommendations and reforms in other countries, particularly in the Czech Republic and France. The conclusions indicate a higher probability of evolutionary changes of social assistance towards a GMI, incorporating benefit integration and strengthened mechanisms for labour market activation. The article emphasizes the need for further research on the costs, social and political impacts of various forms of GMI in the Polish context.

Aquí refuto el núcleo a partir del cual se erige el edificio teórico del “libertarismo” : la teoría de la apropiación original, es decir, la explicación de cómo algunas personas llegan a ser propietarias de algo (y otras no).

Ese núcleo es el llamado principio “first-use-first-own” (primero en usar, primero en ser dueño), que evidentemente refiere a apropiaciones de tierra ocurridas en el pasado, pero prácticamente imposibles en la actualidad y menos aún en el futuro. Este principio es la seña de identidad del “libertarismo” y el que hace añicos su brújula lógica y moral.

El corolario es que el “libertarismo” menoscaba el avance del liberalismo, y rescata de su derrota histórica al contrincante de este último: el feudalismo (ayer, representado por reyes y barones; hoy, remozado en un tecno-feudalismo y personificado en un puñado de individuos cuyas fortunas cada día equivalen a más veces el patrimonio del ciudadano común). La paradoja es que el “libertarismo” y el comunismo terminan pareciéndose en que ambos conspiran contra la universalización de la propiedad privada.

This study examines the potential of Universal Basic Income (UBI) in Mexico, using the Pension for the Well-being of Older Adults (PBPAM) as a case study. The objective is to analyze how the PBPAM could serve as a precedent and model for implementing a broader UBI in the country. The methodology combines qualitative and quantitative analysis, including document review, analysis of official data and international comparison. The results show that the PBPAM has had a positive impact on poverty reduction among older adults, with a decrease of 11.4 percentage points between 2016 and 2022. The programme doubled its beneficiaries and increased its budget nearly tenfold since 2018. Projections suggest that a full UBI could significantly reduce multidimensional poverty and almost eradicate extreme poverty in Mexico. It is concluded that, whilst implementing a full UBI faces significant challenges, the experience of the PBPAM provides valuable lessons for its gradual implementation. The study recommends exploring an age-based UBI, developing a comprehensive welfare measurement system and conducting rigorous evaluations before and after implementation.

We analyze the Bolsa Verde Program, arguing that it likely was the world’s first largescale institution of a Green Basic Income Program. As such, the initiative presents a unique opportunity to evaluate the potential environmental uses and implications of Basic Income initiatives. Our study relies on a socially-embedded analysis of the program as it functioned in the context of the Brazilian Amazon. This involves analysis of qualitative data from former program beneficiaries, community leaders, program evaluators, and managers. This research suggests that the program operated socially as a de-facto Green Basic Income program, despite being designed as a hybrid Payment for Environmental Services initiative. Our analysis suggests that Bolsa Verde was successful in reducing both deforestation and poverty, and these successes were achieved without undermining collective community institutions that could have positive anti-poverty and environmental protection benefits of their own.

Workers and business owners of the world, unite! Or let’s try this one:

Poor people, middle class, and rich of the world, unite!

What for?

For demanding from the ultra-rich — net worth over 50M — a universal basic capital, meaning, a universal right to private property.

This is a right that should have always been as obvious as the right to vote. It is a right to some actual property to be effectively granted to every person. It is grounded in everyone’s right to an equal share of the value of the natural resources of the political society to which they belong and its historical progress.

Mapas conceituais são ótimas fontes de aprendizado e memorização de conteúdos complexos. Diferentemente dos mapas mentais, eles não possuem muitas cores ou imagens, focando nas relações entre conceitos, com cada ligação sendo feita por meio de verbos. Seu modelo, idealizado por Joseph Novak nos anos 1970, permite profunda compreensão sobre temas complexos e apresentação simplificada, voltada para a aprendizagem.
Os mapas conceituais utópicos têm a finalidade de trazer sugestões ou inspirações para novos sistemas políticos, sociais, econômicos, culturais, etc. Não existe qualquer fundamentação acadêmica ou mesmo empírica sustentando tais ideias, porém elas tenderão a sincronizar com, em maior ou menor grau, substituindo ou complementando, aquelas apresentadas no livro “Socialismo Cooperativista e Democracia Direta no Brasil: Um Modelo de Constituição Socialista Revolucionária e Democrática”. Ou seja: são sugestões a serem aplicadas idealmente em um sistema socialista real (pós extinção da mais-valia).
O objetivo deste trabalho especulativo é adaptar as noções já existentes de UBI (Universal Basic Income – Salário Mínimo Universal) e UHI (Universal High Income – Salário Alto Universal) para a realidade brasileira. O Brasil já é citado no exterior como possuindo políticas de Salário Básico Universal na forma de programas como Bolsa Família e similares, mas o diferencial da proposta aqui formulada é a abrangência: absolutamente todos estão contemplados no sistema aqui imaginado, independentemente de qualquer condição social, idade e etc. Naturalmente, cada indivíduo possui suas necessidades e capacidades específicas, o que também é coberto pelo sistema aqui delineado, especialmente na forma de diferentes modalidades de bônus ao valor principal ao qual todos têm direito.
O sistema apresentado também vai além do UBI tradicional e avança em direção a um UHI ao permitir que os bônus sejam calculados com base em comportamentos sociais desejados ou vulnerabilidades especiais (como é o caso de idosos), elevando os valores a patamares que podem ser considerados “altos” (talvez chegando a duas ou mais vezes o salário mínimo atual, que, em outubro de 2024, está abaixo de R$ 1.500,00).
As questões a serem respondidas como perguntas focais são:
1. PERGUNTA FOCAL: Qual a visão geral do Salário Básico Universal?
2. PERGUNTA FOCAL: Quem pode receber o Salário Básico Universal?
3. PERGUNTA FOCAL: Quais as condições para receber bônus do Salário Básico Universal?
4. PERGUNTA FOCAL: Qual a fonte de recursos do Salário Básico Universal?
5. PERGUNTA FOCAL: Como se dividem as empresas de acordo com o porte?

The dawn of Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) marks a pivotal moment in human history, promising unprecedented advancements across various sectors while simultaneously raising profound socio-economic concerns. As we stand on the brink of this technological revolution, projects like Worldcoin emerge, aiming to harness the power of AGI and blockchain technology to address global financial inclusion. This exploration delves into the intricate relationship between AGI and economic systems, using Worldcoin as a case study to illustrate the potential impacts,challenges, and ethical considerations that accompany such groundbreaking initiatives.

Making the case for the cuts required to deliver the budget to surplus by the start of the next decade, treasurer Joe Hockey said prosperity was not a gift or a matter of luck, but rather "needs to be earned". The budget suggests all Australians should contribute to the task of delivering surpluses and lowering government debt, including business, state and local governments, high income earners, families, individuals, seniors and workers. As widely speculated, the government will increase the age pension age to 70 by 2035. It will also move to index all pensions to the CPI, rather than wages, from September 2017. A $7 co-contribution payment for GP consultations and out-of-hospital pathology will come into force in July 2015, and will also apply to concession card holders and children for the first 10 services. Young people will be expected to be "earning, learning, or participating in Work for the Dole", and those who are receiving welfare payments, including Newstart and family tax benefits will see a freeze of eligibility thresholds. Health and education funding will be pushed back to the states, with the government withdrawing from earlier agreements to increase public hospital and schools funding-saving some $80 billion over ten years. Hockey said if the government wanted to remove unnecessary duplication it had to accept responsibility for what it runs. "The states run schools, the states run hospitals," he said. Big business is expected to welcome the abolition of the mining and carbon taxes, together with a 1.5% cut to the company tax rate, however some $845 million of industry assistance will be cut, including more than $300 million of automotive assistance. The ethanol production grants program will cease.

The present article debates the fundamental points of an Ecological UBI proposal. First, a literature review on Ecological/Environmental Ethics is brought up. Green Republicanism also sets up a theoretical foundation for an Ecological UBI. Besides, post-productivism and degrowth goals are imperative for humankind to deal with the present ecological urgencies, as seen in the UBI theory that is also brought up. Based on this literature review, the article proposes fundamental points to an Ecological UBI: (i) the funding should come from the taxation of resource extraction (not only fuel
extraction) and income/wealth concentration; (ii) the coordination of different public policies to decommodify fundamental needs; (iii) the sufficiency of the Basic Income payment for the individual to have their basic needs satisfied without the necessity to work; (iv) the stimulation of regional/circular economies. Ecologism does not make it unfeasible for short-term environmental measures, also relevant concerning green and fair transition.

Basic income and degrowth are both ideas with a great critical potential. They force us to reflect on our views of people and society, on our visions and values. Many of the “truths” related to the industrial society are suddenly watered down and even reversed as soon as we start to take the two concepts seriously. Even if there are moderate versions of both degrowth and basic income that may be integrated into the prevailing ideology, they threaten to undermine the fundamental vision of “the age of high mass consumption”. If the two concepts were connected into a consistent political agenda they could herald a new epoch transforming our work, lives and morals.

Hvorfor kunne CASA ikke komme med en ny frigørende borgerlønsfortælling?

I betragtning af, at CASA i sit udspring og sin formålsformulering er forpligtet på at udvikle alternative samfundsanalyser og alternative samfundsmæssige forståelser (Wad, 1990), kunne man have forventet, at de var blevet et af centrene for 1990’ernes borgerlønsdebat og havde valgt at bruge noget af deres analysekapacitet på at kvalificere forskellige borgerlønsforslag. Hvorfor skete det ikke?

Den svaere balance« mellem arbejds-og familieliv I 1993 udsendte Ligestillingsrådet en debat-antologi: »Den svaere balance.« (Carlsen m.fl. 1993). Det var isaer børnefamilierne med to fuldtidsarbejdende foraeldre og børn i daginstitutioner, der var udgangspunkt for debat-ten. Normen på arbejdsmarkedet kraever i mange situationer en større ori

Uddrag af bogen Erik Christensen: "Borgerløn. Fortaellinger om en politisk idé." Hovedland 2000. s. 306-310.
Politologen lektor Jørn Loftager fra Institut for Statskundskab ved Aarhus Universitet fremlagde i perioden 1992-94 flere teoretiske skitser til en forståelse af borgerløn som en ny strategi til styrkelse af det civile samfund byggende på en kritisk analyse af industrialismen (Loftager 1992B, 1994) og deltog i den offentlige debat som fortaler for borgerlønsideen.

Danske samfundsforskeres forhold til basisindkomst/borgerløn i 1990érne Kirsten Ketscher om basisindkomst/borgerløn Erik Christensen Uddrag af bogen Erik Christensen: "Borgerløn. Fortaellinger om en politisk idé." Hovedland 2000. s. 420-425.

Jørn Henrik Petersen, der var regeringsudpeget medlem i Socialkommissionen, optrådte imidlertid også som en ivrig og flittig politisk debattør af velfærdsstatens krise i kronikker, tidsskriftsartikler og bøger både på det over- ordnede værdimæssige og videnskabelige plan samt på det mere politisk strategiske og dagsaktuelle område. (Jørn Henrik Petersen 1996 A og 1996 B).

Hvilken teoretisk økonomisk-politisk forståelsesramme lå bag hans optræden som regeringsrådgiver og afvisningen af borgerlønstanken? I det følgende vil jeg foretage en tekstanalyse af hans økonomisk videnskabelige velfærdsstatsanalyse for at finde dens grundmetaforer og fortællestruktur.

This article critically examines Foucault's engagement with neoliberalism. While Foucault declares that his analysis of this tradition is primarily descriptive, I argue that he continually questions whether neoliberalism is less disciplinary and biopolitically normalizing than traditional forms of liberalism. Although Foucault does not endorse neoliberalism as a prescriptive solution to these problems of normalization, his interest in such problems is consistent with his tendency to privilege freedom over other values like justice and equality. This helps to clarify the normative stakes of Foucault's analysis while rejecting any suggestion that he was invested in neoliberalism as a comprehensive political program. Indeed, I repudiate the claim that he was “seduced” by neoliberalism. Furthermore, I reject the idea that he was trying to “invent” a distinctively socialist governmentality through the prism of neoliberalism. Finally, I consider the broader significance of this discussion for normative political philosophy.

The paper reviews Circles UBI as an illustrative case study of implementing the idea of universal basic income (UBI) on blockchain. Circles was born out of the Gnosis Chain as a more democratic alternative to Bitcoin coupled with the ambitious political project of algorithmically distributing UBI. Backed by the Gnosis Chain, Circles Coop was founded in 2020 to implement this idea in Berlin. Examining the failure of the Berlin pilot helps us draw substantial conclusions with regard to the implementation of UBI on blockchain. UBI alone, on blockchain or not, is not enough to solve the problems its proponents argue against. UBI would be helpful as a tool if plugged into a model of production embedded into a political strategy aiming to fix key problems of current societies such as gaping inequalities and climate change. We give a snapshot here of the model of open cooperativism as a counterhegemonic political project vis-à-vis neoliberalism. Circles UBI could plug into the model of open cooperativism as a distribution and liquidity injection mechanism to foster the transition towards a commons-based ethical and sustainable post-capitalist economy.

L'elaborato analizza il tema del reddito di cittadinanza, nella sue diverse accezioni, indagandone le interferenze con la disciplina giulavoristica e previdenziale alla luce delle metamorfosi del lavoro. Dopo aver ricostruito la genealogia del concetto di lavoro e, con esso, dei sistemi di sicurezza sociale, esaminiamo de jure condito le misure di sostegno al reddito in Italia, con particolare accento sulla tutela contro la disoccupazione e sul reddito di cittadinanza, senza trascurare, nondimeno, le misure straordinarie messe in campo durante l'emergenza pandemica. Infine, chiedendoci quale significato assuma oggi il lavoro in un contesto caratterizzato da flessibilità e precarietà, analizzeremo dapprima le possibilità di riforma delle misure vigenti nel nostro ordinamento (dagli ammortizzatori sociali al reddito di cittadinanza), spingendoci poi de jure condendo verso la possibile declinazione di un reddito di base incondizionato, provando a ripensare alcune tradizionali categorie giuslavoristiche, a partire dalle nozioni di mansione, tempo di lavoro e retribuzione, chiedendoci se il lavoro possa avere un orizzonte di senso che vada oltre il fare in cambio di un salario.

The paper reviews Circles UBI as an illustrative case study of implementing the idea of universal basic income (UBI) on blockchain. Circles was born out of the Gnosis Chain as a more democratic alternative to Bitcoin coupled with the ambitious political project of algorithmically distributing UBI. Backed by the Gnosis Chain, Circles Coop was founded in 2020 to implement this idea in Berlin. Examining the failure of the Berlin pilot helps us draw substantial conclusions with regard to the implementation of UBI on blockchain. UBI alone, on blockchain or not, is not enough to solve the problems its proponents argue against. UBI would be helpful as a tool if plugged into a model of production embedded into a political strategy aiming to fix key problems of current societies such as gaping inequalities and climate change. We give a snapshot here of the model of open cooperativism as a counterhegemonic political project vis-à-vis neoliberalism. Circles UBI could plug into the model of open cooperativism as a distribution and liquidity injection mechanism to foster the transition towards a commons-based ethical and sustainable post-capitalist economy.

I 1983 udgav den tidligere generalsekretær for forbrugerorganisationernes internationale samarbejdsorganisation »Inter-Coop«, cand. polit. Niels Hoff (1911-87) en lille bemærkelsesværdig bog på Forlaget i Haarby: »Borgerstipendiet – den liberale velfærdsmodel«. (Hoff 1983). Den var en teoretisk og praktisk-politisk begrundelse for borgerløn som liberal samfundside. Hoff havde tidligere været leder af Nordisk Andelsforbunds økonomiske sekretariat og var organiseret i partiet Venstre.

Hoff ser borgerløn i forlængelse af den centrale liberale tanke om det frie valg. Han vil dog ikke selv bruge begrebet »borgerløn«, fordi ordet løn for- udsætter en ydet præstation, en konkret indsats, for hvilken man belønnes. Han foretrækker i stedet begrebet stipendium, som defineres som en »pengeydelse, der ydes over længere tid, og som forudsættes brugt til at dække det nødvendige livsophold, bl.a. for en person, som uddanner sig« (ibid:13). Hoff siger, at stipendie er godt fordi det »leder tanken hen på den ideelle tilstand, hvor modtageren netop bruger tiden til uddannelse.« (Ibid:13).

Den franske socialistiske forfatter André Gorz (f. 1924), der i mange år var journalist på Le Nouvel Observateur og Les Temp Modernes, blev især kendt i Danmark fra en række bøger, der i slutningen af 1970’erne og i begyndelsen af 1980’erne hurtigt blev oversat til dansk, »Økologi og frihed« (1979), »Farvel til proletariatet – hinsides socialismen« (1981) og »Paradisets veje – kapitalens dødskamp« (1983).

Gorz gjorde her op med væsentlige dele af sin tidligere opfattelse af marxismen, arbejderbevægelsens rolle og socialismen. Samtidig skitserede han omridsene af en økologisk post-industriel socialismemodel, hvor tanker om »samfundsindkomst« indgik. I dag regnes André Gorz som en af den nye franske øko-socialismes grundlæggere (Whiteside 1997).

I februar 1978 udgav naturvidenskabsmanden, professor i fysik, Niels I. Meyer (f. 1930-2023), den radikale politiker og tidligere minister Kristen Helveg Petersen (1909-97) og filosoffen Villy Sørensen (f. 1929) bogen: »Oprør fra midten« (Meyer m.fl. 1978), der indeholdt en dybtgående kritisk samfundsanalyse samt en utopi om, hvorledes man kunne indrette det danske samfund i begyndelsen af det 21. århundrede. Borgerløn var et element i et »humant ligevægtssamfund«. Dette var et blandt flere nye begreber, som de tre forfattere skabte, og som siden er blevet stående i det politiske ordforråd.

Konkret er målet for det humane ligevægtssamfund at skabe rammerne for et samfund med ligeløn, meningsfuldt arbejde og nærdemokrati.

Man forestiller sig, at det danske samfund engang i det 21. århundrede består af fællesvirksomheder, hvor alle ansatte har medindflydelse. De ejes af samfundet, men forvaltes af de ansatte, og alle ansatte i en fællesvirksomhed har samme timeløn. Hvert år fastsættes af folketinget den såkaldte maksimalløn, der svarer til lønnen for en 40 timers arbejdsuge i en fællesvirksomhed. Alle er »garanteret arbejde, men har ingen krav på det samme arbejde igennem hele livet« (ibid:118).

Den svenske økonom Gunnar Adler-Karlsson (f. 1933), elev af Gunnar Myrdal, blev i 1973 professor i samfundsvidenskab på RUC. I 1975 udgav han en bog på svensk, der året efter blev oversat til dansk: »Lærebog for 80’erne. Et antikonsumistisk manifest«, som havde karakter af et opgør med nogle centrale elementer i den hidtidige socialdemokratiske økonomiske vækstmodel.

Undertitlen: »Et antikonsumistisk manifest« spillede elegant på en dobbelt modsætning. Det var for det første vendt imod Karl Marx’s kommunistiske manifest (1848), for det andet vendt imod den berømte amerikanske økonom W.W. Rostows bog: »Den økonomiske udviklings faser« (1963), der havde undertitlen: »Et antikommunistisk manifest.« Rostows bog blev paradigmatisk for forståelsen af hele den økonomiske udviklingshjælpsideologi i efterkrigstiden.

Adler-Karlsson skrev altså et manifest, der både vendte sig imod marxismen og liberalismen – og introducerede det nye begreb, anti-konsumistisk (opgøret med forbrugs- og vækstsamfundet).

En sammenlignende analyse af de forskellige samfundsvidenskabelige paradigmer om borgerløn Efter at have foretaget denne første del af paradigmeanalysen, der bl.a. har bestået i at se og forstå paradigmeudviklingen »indefra« hos de seks udvalgte paradigmeskabere, vil jeg foretage en mere tværgående analytisk sammenligning af borgerlønstanken i de seks paradigmer, for at kunne frem- drage en række interessante forskelle og ligheder mellem de forskellige fortællinger, brug af metaforer og deres værdimæssige begrundelser af deres forskellige borgerlønsparadigmer i forhold til problemer i samfundets forskellige sfærer (stat, marked, civilt samfund).

Paradigmeanalyserne har vist, at borgerlønstanken indebærer en ændring eller forskydning af principperne for afgrænsning mellem de forskellige samfundsmæssige sfærer i velfærdssamfundet ved at indføre nye principper for fordeling af penge og ejendom, der især interesserer økonomer, af rettigheder, der især interesserer politologer, og af arbejde og tid, der især interesserer sociologer.
Målet i det følgende er at sammenstille de perspektiver, de hver især har bidraget med, for at undersøge, i hvilket omfang de kan sammenknyttes under et helhedsperspektiv, således at det lader sig gøre at tegne billedet af et mere holistisk borgerlønsbegreb.

En af Englands mest kendte og respekterede økonomiske kommentatorer, Samuel Brittan (f. 1933), der siden 1978 har været redaktør og columnist på Financial Times, har i de sidste 20 år været en fremtrædende liberal fortaler for borgerlønsidéen.

Brittan, der er uddannet økonom (Cambridge 1955), har ikke alene fun- geret som dagbladskommentator, men har derudover skrevet en lang række principielle økonomisk-politiske debatbøger om liberalisme og markedsøkonomi (Brittan 1975, 1988, 1990, 1995), hvor han blandt andet har udtrykt sin sympati for borgerlønstanken.

Et markedsmæssigt forsvar for borgerlønsidéen

Brittans interesse for borgerlønstanken startede i 1970’erne som et forsvar for, at en alternativ livsform var forenelig med et liberalt markedssamfund. I løbet af 1980’erne med de engelske erfaringer med den store arbejdsløshed uddybede han sin liberale argumentation for borgerløn med, at en borgerløn kunne »supplement the income of the low paid, thus making it possible for them to price themselves into jobs« (Brittan 1995:244).

En »basic income« pioner Bill Jordan (f. 1941) er en af »basic income«-ideens pionerer i den samfundsvidenskabelige verden i England. Han var en af stifterne af det forskningsnetvaerk, der blev dannet først i England (»Basic Income Research Group« (BIRG) (1984)) og siden internationalt (»Basic Income European Network« (BIEN) 1986)). Bill Jordan er oprindeligt uddannet socialrådgiver (»social worker«) og fungerede i nogle år som sådan, før han blev sociolog og siden kom til at undervise socialrådgivere i Social Studies på universitetet i Exeter i England. Her har han i mange år fungeret som Reader i Social Studies ved siden af et virke som gaesteprofessor ved flere europaeiske universiteter i de senere år (bl.a. Aalborg Universitet). Allerede i begyndelsen af 1970'erne var han fortaler for borgerlønstanken både politisk og videnskabeligt. I løbet af de sidste 25 år har han skrevet en lang raekke centrale bøger, hvor han fra forskellige synsvinkler udvikler sit syn på borgerlønsidéen.

En feministisk pioner

Nancy Fraser var i en årrække professor i filosofi på Northwestern University, Chicago, USA. Siden 1995 har hun været professor i politisk filosofi på New School for Social Research i New York. Hun har igennem 1980’erne været en fremtrædende feministisk teoretiker, der har fremlagt en række analyser af den amerikanske velfærdsstats modsætninger, og en feministisk- socialistisk strategi for overvindelse af disse modsætninger.

De fleste af hendes artikler fra de sidste 15 år findes i to samleværker: »Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory.« (1989) og i »Justice Interruptus. Critical Reflections on the »Post- socialist« Condition.« (1997).

Habermas’ og Offes videnskabelige produktion de sidste 20 år viser, at der siden midt i 1960’erne har eksisteret en tæt kommunikation mellem dem, først i form af et egentligt arbejdsfællesskab, siden i form af en gensidig teoretisk befrugtning på centrale områder mellem dem. Man kan sige, at der har eksisteret en vis form for uformel teoretisk arbejdsdeling mellem dem. Habermas har især stået for videreudviklingen af det kritiske paradigme på det samfundsfilosofiske område, hvor Offes mere konkrete samfundsanalyser på væsentlige punkter har været inspirationskilder. Offe kan siges at have forsøgt at formidle og udmønte paradigmeskiftet på det sociologiske område. Sammen kan de siges at have udviklet den kritiske teoris forståelsesramme for borgerlønsproblematikken.

Både Habermas’ og Offes forfatterskaber er præget af en stor teoretisk kontinuitet og konsistens. Alligevel kan man se afgørende ændringer i deres teoretiske fortællinger, hvilket netop viser sig i deres åbning over for borgerløns-perspektivet. Det karakteristiske ved Habermas’ og Offes forhold til borgerlønsidéen er, at deres tilslutning til den i en mere konkret form kommer sent og udspringer som en konsekvens af deres kritiske analyse af velfærdssamfundets modsætninger og problemer. Det skal ses i sammenhæng med, at de begge først og fremmest er interesseret i de filosofiske, vær- dimæssige og teoretiske sider af problemerne og i mindre grad de mulige politiske strategiske konklusioner, man kan trække af deres analyser. De er interesseret i at udvikle forståelsesrammer, der kortlægger nogle grundproblemer på et værdimæssigt plan.

Este artigo argumenta que a desvalorização das culturas tradicionais no Brasil deve-se, em grande parte, ao processo de modernização exportado do centro para a periferia. Esse processo valoriza demasiadamente a 'ética do desempenho', relacionada ao trabalho produtor de valor, competitivo e disciplinado. Essa ética garante o reconhecimento social e civilizador, não somente na esfera econômica, mas, sobretudo, em outras dimensões da vida social. O descumprimento de tal ética determinará o não-reconhecimento e a ausência de autoestima das populações tradicionais, tanto na dimensão política quanto na social. Visando contribuir para esse debate, o presente artigo, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, sugere que a implementação de uma Renda Básica poderia contribuir para a preservação da cultura desses povos, de maneira especial, das comunidades quilombolas, pois tais populações não comungam com o estilo de vida defendido pela modernidade, baseado na produção de excedente econômico, na concorrência e na organização de unidades produtivas. A implementação da Renda Básica pode contribuir para que essas populações mantenham suas formas de vida tradicionais. Palavras-chave: ética do desempenho, transparência de renda, renda básica de cidadania, populações tradicionais. ABSTRACT. Work ethic and income transfer programs: implications on traditional populations. This article argues that the devaluation of traditional cultures in Brazil is due to the process of modernization exported from the central economies to the periphery. This process gives excessive emphasis to the 'work ethic' related to valuable, competitive and disciplined work. This ethic guarantees social and civilizing recognition, not only in the economic sphere, but above all in other dimensions of social life. The power of such ethic determines the non-recognition and the lack of self-esteem of the traditional populations. To contribute to this debate, this article suggests the implementation of a Basic Income, which can contribute to the preservation of the culture of these peoples, in particular the remaining former slave communities (quilombolas), as these populations and people do not have a lifestyle based on modern production of economic surplus, competition and the organization of production units. The implementation of the Basic Income may help these people maintain their traditional ways of life.

'Sacred economics' is the final instalment of my series of essays Harnessing Human Nature to Save the World.
Eisenstein's The Ascent of Humanity: Civilization and the Human Sense of Self (2007) and Sacred economics: Money, gift and society in the age of transition (2021) are proto-texbooks for the new-old worldview and the understanding and backbone necessary to save humanity and Earth.

Art for Radical Ecologies is a platform impulsed by Institute of Radical Imagination that brings together art workers and eco-activists to discuss the role art can play in the creation of new radical ecologies. The Art for Radical Ecologies Manifesto is the initial result of this collective writing, to reflect on the positioning and role of art within the interconnected struggles for climate and ecological justice. The essays in the book expand on the main points presented in the 16 articles of the Manifesto: the need to intertwine new materialisms and historical materialism; the specification of who the subjects of the struggles are in a more-than-human perspective; the setting of possible strategies against censorship and artwashing, and a radical critique of extractivism and colonialism.

Art for UBI (manifesto) was born as an international platform of artists and activists who came together in winter 2019-2020 around the topics of income, social justice and economic sustainability. Those were the months of the first lockdowns in China, Italy, Europe and soon all over the world. At that time, the Institute of Radical Imagination, as an international coalition active in the field of commoning of artistic practices, launched an online self-training space called the School of Mutation. In this open school, various discussions and research lines-iterations-began to arise, involving intellectuals, activists, artists, researchers and scholars of various origins and backgrounds. Art for UBI is one of those iterations, which soon took the form of a political platform, participated by collectives and individuals from several European and non-European countries. The collectives and the individual participants who joined in the Art for UBI (manifesto) had different approaches: some brought precise demands addressed to government policies in their countries, some focused on art sector unions, some focused on self-organization of alternative and autonomous economic spaces based on the refusal of work and mutualism. Among them there were precarious artists, cultural managers and operators with very heterogeneous income. The collective discussion led to a common proposal: the time has come for a transnational positioning of the art workers world to strongly demand a universal and unconditional income for society as a whole. Many of the collectives to which we belong, come from years of mobilization and activism on this ground, and we are well aware of the richness of art workers struggles, artistic coalitions, guilds, trade unions and militant art, and has its roots in history for generations. In the discussions of Art for UBI (manifesto) we believe two important dimensions emerged: on the one hand, the point Art for UBI (manifesto)

Healthcare expenditure by the government is accounted by the different sources of funding. They include central government, state government, local government, households, external funding, firms and other sources including NGOs. The following paper aims at examining the trends, composition and rate of growth of public expenditure on health sector in India