US History of the 19th & 20th Century

The name Mildred Fish-Harnack is commemorated in American academic circles. On the other hand, the German resistance group known as "Rote Kapelle" is hardly known, due to the convictions of its protagonists Harro Schulze-Boysen and Arvid von Harnack, and their Soviet connections. This article attempts to illuminate the biographical background of the members of this group and their motives in which patriotic and socialist ideals merged. In its complexities, the history of the  Rote Kapelle reveals facets of German antifascism that have been excluded from memory. P.S. Dert agent Alexander Korotkov ("Erdberg") (mentioned p. 8) was most likely an emissary from the Soviet military intelligence GRU (not from the NKVD). Trepper´s group in Brussels also belonged to a net set up by the GRU.

This paper's goal it's to do a review, for the first time in Spanish, of A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America by the Historian Ronald Takaki (1939-2009). Takaki’s works were key for the incorporation, into the American historical narrative of the multiculturalism and of the recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity in the American society.
Also I aim to do a presentation or at least to remind him, and his Historical approach to the Spanish speaking academic community.

From 1900 to 1930 the Craftsman bungalow was one of the most popular house types across the United States. Scholarly research on bungalows is generally confined to larger metropolitan areas and the influence of elite architects. I demonstrate bungalows’ appeal to working- and middle-class residents of small towns and suburbs in the Pacific and Intermountain West by visualizing the spatial distribution of the houses and the economic distribution of their residents in Pocatello, Idaho; Missoula, Montana; and Pasadena, California. Analysis of 1920 federal census data shows that these bungalow residents represented a wide spectrum of economic groups from city leaders to business owners to unskilled laborers. The cities displayed little economic segregation: neighborhoods may skew toward the professional or the laborer, but their economic demographics show few appreciable patterns when mapped. These findings demonstrate the egalitarian appeal of the bungalow in the early twentieth-century Western United States.

Assalto all'informazione è il mio secondo studio sul filone del maccartismo e il mio quarto libro. L'intreccio fra politica e controllo dei mezzi di comunicazione di massa, fra informazione e propaganda è uno dei grandi temi della storia contemporanea. In questo lavoro affronto i meccanismi con cui il senatore Joe McCarthy, uno dei più abili demagoghi della storia, seppe manipolare la stampa americana per il suo tornaconto mediatico. Oltre allo spazio lasciato alla pubblicazione di materiale inedito relativo alle audizioni della Sottocommissione permanente sulle investigazioni, di cui McCarthy si era irritualmente nominato presidente, il saggio si distingue per il doppio piano di analisi del fenomeno: storico e di tecniche del giornalismo, spiegando il fondamentale passaggio tra straight news e interpretative reporting , oggi alla base del giornalismo moderno. Quel che rende particolarmente gustoso il lavoro è che i rapporti tra McCarthy e i giornalisti sono illustrati dal di dentro, dando voce ai testimoni dell'epoca, di cui ho recuperato e tradotto centinaia di interviste. Con una gustosa - e attuale - prefazione di Marco Travaglio.

Dalla prefazione di Marco Travaglio:
[...] Niente paura, questo libro non parla dell'Italia di Silvio Berlusconi. Ma parla all'Italia di Silvio Berlusconi. Perché, pur senza minimamente proporselo, racconta una storia per certi versi molto simile: quella dell'America del senatore Joseph Raymond "Joe" McCarthy, che per almeno sette anni (dal 1947 al 1954) riuscì a sequestrare le prime pagine dei giornali e i titoli dei giornali radio, e dunque i cervelli di milioni di americani, con la sua furibonda e forsennata "guerra ai rossi". I rossi che egli vedeva annidati nella politica e nell'informazione, nella cultura e nella pubblica amministrazione, nelle chiese e a Hollywood, nelle forze armate e alla Casa Bianca. [...]

As 20 th and 21 st century artifacts, metal drum containers straddle historical and contemporary archaeological studies that will be conducted during the next 50 years. They are found across the globe as repurposed objects within site features, as components of expedient structures, and as vernacular landscape artifacts. Although often simply described in CRM reports as " ubiquitous 55 gallon drums, " archival research and field data demonstrate that not all drums are created equal in terms of function, design or size. Current research has revealed datable drum attributes, including container manufacturer end marks that display the exact year of manufacture, making them a valuable asset for site interpretations. This poster presents drum nomenclature and highlights documented uses of drums in historical and contemporary contexts.

This 2018 poster (version 6) contains updated information and corrections to the original 2017 version.

Standard genealogies of knowledge posit the circulation of modernity in one direction, from the West to “the rest.” This history reveals the waves of influence flowing the opposite way, from nonstate people to the state. The essay introduces a new method for the history of knowledge that traces the travel of narratives, packets of media containing messages. Masks long viewed as objects of collection are seen here anew as subjects of recollection, mnemonic devices that archive the global propagation of knowledge. One set of masks is reunited with the narratives they encode: stories employed as a survival strategy by the Kwakwa̱ka̱’wakw, a network of peoples who utilized the anthropologist Franz Boas as a host body to enter and alter the world that came to colonize them. The efforts of the Indigenous intellectual George Hunt to disseminate the masks—and, with the masks, his family message of transformation—directly shaped the concept of culture. Using the masks as teaching tools, Kwakwa̱ka̱’wakw thinkers civilized Boas into a new modernity, shifting him from categorization to communication, from signs to messages, and from a Self/Other perception to a global consciousness of Host–Guest relations. The masks recollect a profound yet long suppressed Indigenous influence on modern thought.

L’article a pour sujet la personnalité extraordinaire du kabbaliste le Rabbin Levi Isaac Krakovsky (1891–1966), un des étudiants oubliés du Rabbin Yehuda Leib Ashlag (1885–1955). Krakovsky diffusait l’enseignement de son maître en Amérique en anglais, écrivait des douzaines de livres et essayait d’établir des yeshivot de Kabbalistes. Contrairement à son maître, il présentait un enseignement exotérique et une vision de diffusion de la Kabbale dans le monde entier. Son influence était minime, mais un de ses élèves était Shraga Philip Berg qui continuait son chemin et le complétait de plusieurs points de vue. L’article se base sur de riches matières archivales, parmi lesquelles de longues essays de l’auteur en manuscrit qui sont décrits ici pour la premiere fois. D’une telle façon, nous décrivons le dévelopment de la Kabbale en Amérique du début du vingtième siècle jusqu’ aujourd’hui.

The early 1980s were a momentous era in recent Irish political history. The post-Hunger Strikes rise of Sinn Féin threatened British policy in Northern Ireland and—alongside severe economic problems—also endangered what establishment figures called political and social ‘stability’ in the Irish Republic. In the same period, moreover, the appeal of Irish Republicanism resurged among the traditionally and (from the Dublin élite’s perspective) dangerously ‘green’ Irish in the United States.

In one or both parts of divided Ireland, a combination of censorship, repression, mass migration, and the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 maintained ‘acceptable levels’ of violence and dissent. At the same time, however, the British and Irish political establishments also relied on academics and journalists. Their task was to ‘revise’ and destabilize ‘traditional’ Irish and Irish-American understandings of the history and contemporary implications of British imperialism and Irish resistance—on the grounds that popular perceptions of past events, such as the Great Famine and Partition, generated ideological, emotional, or even practical support for militant Irish Republicanism.

In an essay published in 1983, Dr. Raymond James Raymond (latterly, Ray Raymond), a young Irish historian teaching in the United States, succinctly described what, he contended, should be modern Irish history’s principal functions. It should refute, he avowed, one or more of three Irish nationalist beliefs, all of which he characterized as ‘romanticized and un-historic’. These beliefs were: first, ‘[that] the history of Ireland is a history of British oppression’; second, ‘[that] the British presence in Ireland has been disastrous for the Irish people’; and third, ‘[that] Irish freedom had to be achieved through violence’.

Such scholarly opinions naturally seemed authoritative, and, indeed, in the early 1980s no young historian of Ireland appeared to have a brighter future and greater potential influence, especially in the United States.....

To discover what happened next.... read  on.

Field Day Review, 7, 2011, Editors: Seamus Deane & Ciarán Deane, Paperback: 270 pages, ISBN 978-0-946755-51-6

MEMOIRS OF THE HUNGARIAN DIPLOMAT SÁNDOR KISS-NEMESKÉRI OF BULGARIA AND THE BULGARIANS

P. Peykovska

(Summary)

The Hungarian diplomat S. Kiss-Nemeskéri is one the forgotten personalities of the interwar period who had left a significant mark although he had not been able to play a decisive role in the international politics. He had worked in Bulgária for more than 10 years: with a short interruption from 1912 when he was appointed an economy expert in Sofia, to 1929 when he had already the Statute of a Hungárián royal diplomatic agent. From that time on till 1937 he had been a diplomatic agent first in Stockholm, then in Helsinki being accredited at the same time to the three Baltic countries of Estonia, Lithuania and Lat Via. Being unusually colourful and all-round man, S. Kiss published at the end of the 1930-es and at the beginning of the 1940-es his memoirs of his diplomatic service in several volumes where his impressions of Bulgária occupied a considerable place. His book of memoirs titled “In a hurry. From the Memoirs of a Hungárian Diplomat” and published in Budapest in 1940, is the most interesting one from a historical point of view. A part of those memoirs is published here, although in a concise form, with a view to its importance for the Bulgárián history. The memoirs reveal the history of Austro-Hungarian-Bulgarian diplomatic relations as well as the Hungarian-Bulgarian ones of the pe¬riod from 1912 to 1929. They reflect his impressions of the meetings with Alexander Stamboliiski and King Boris, of the public life in Bulgária in the 1920-es and particularly of the Reparations’ committees, of the assault at the „Sveta Nedelya” Cathedral, of the presence of the Russian emigrants in Bulgária, of some episodes of the Macedonian movement. The  memoirs are being published in Bulgárián for the first time.

ВОСПОМИНАНИЯ ВЕНГЕРСКОГО ДИПЛОМАТА ШАНДОРА КИША-НЕМЕШКЕЙРИ О БОЛГАРИИ И О БОЛГАРАХ

П. Пейковска

(Резюме)

Венгерский дипломат Шандор Киш-Немешкейри является одной из забытых личностей межвоенного периода, которые хотя и не имевшие решающую роль в международной политике, оставили свой значительный след. Он работал в Болга¬рии более десятилетия: с 1912 г., когда был назначен экономическим экспертом в Софии, с небольшими перерывами до 1929 г., когда уже пользовался статутом вен¬герского королевского дипломатического агента. После этого, до 1937 г. работал дипломатическим агентом сначала в Стокгольме, потом в Хельзинки, где являлся одновременно аккредитованным при трех балтийских странах Естонин, Литвы и Латвии. Чрезвычайно колоритный и всесторонне развитый человек, в конце 30-х и начале 40-х годов века Шандор Киш издает в нескольких книгах свои мемуары о времени дипломатической работы, где значительное место находят его впечатле¬ния о Болгарии. С исторической точки зрения наибольший интерес представляет его мемуарная книга „Наспех. Из воспоминаний одного венгерского дипло-мата”, вышедшая в Будапеште в 1940 г.
В настоящей публикации предлагаем в сокращенном виде часть этих воспо¬минаний ввиду их исторической значимости дли болгарской истории. Они являются своеобразной историей австро-венгерско-болгарских и венгерско-болгарских диплома¬тических взаимоотношений за период 1912-1929 гг. В частности мемуары отражают впечатления Ш. Киша со встречи с Александром Стамболийским и царем Борисом, об общественной жизни у нас в 20-х годах века - комиссии по репарациям, поку¬шение в церкви Св. Недели, присутствие русских иммигрантов, моменты македон¬ского  движения. Мемуары выходят в свет впервые на болгарском языке.
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This article examines the missionary activities of Elias Riggs among the Greeks and Armenians in Izmir. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) sent Elias Riggs to the Ottoman Empire in 1832 and he became one of the most influential missionaries in the region throughout the nineteenth century. Although the Armenian, Greek and Catholic community leaders opposed American Protestant missionary activities since they feared losing their own followers, the operations of the ABCFM gradually developed in Izmir. Like the other ABCFM missionaries in the mission station of

A central pillar of contemporary conspiracy theories is the notion that all modern wars were secretely plotted and instigated by the Federal Reserve Bank. In these circles, the founding of the so called "Creature from Jekyll Island" in 1913 is considered a coup d'état of the international haute finance which enabled the U.S.'s entry into World War One a year later and the building of the American Empire. Also right-wing libertarians critical of U.S. foreign interventions like the U.S. Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul have led a long struggle to "End the Fed" (as his 2009 book is called), and signs to "End the Fed" could also be seen at demonstrations of the international Occupy movement leading to heated debates and confrontations. Against these conspiracy theories and drawing on key American historians' debates, this paper scrutinizes the actual historical origins of the 1913 Federal Reserve Act and shows that the founding of the Federal Reserve took place not in a period of defeat but rather the advance of subaltern social forces and that the Federal Reserve Act is an embodiment of a historic compromise between various social classes and class fractions in the political economy of the United States prior to World War One. Drawing on the theoretical tradition of neo-Gramscianism, the paper argues that the emergence of a U.S. variant of a central bank is best understood in terms of Antonio Gramsci's concept of "trasformismo" which, in an historically open-ended process, created the Federal Reserve and a U.S. variant of "social imperialism" as a result of the "law of unintended consequences" of historical social movements. In other words, the American Empire was not the result of a devious plan by an all-powerful American or transnational ruling class, but rather its Making was the consequence of a political process in which subaltern social forces, unable to fundamentally challenge the existing power structure as such, are co-opted, absorbed and inscribe themselves into that very structure.

In 1833 a group of Mexican-born Franciscans from the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Zacatecas was sent to Alta California to replace their Spanish confreres in several of the northern missions. The Franciscan priests were not prepared, however, for the situation they would encounter as a result of mission secularization. With missions in decay and stripped of both their resources and their native inhabitants, these priests eventually found themselves marginalized in a society in which their Spanish predecessors had been protagonists. The political changes of the 1840s, from local insurrections against Mexican authorities and inter-Californio rivalries to the difficulties of U.S. military occupation, forced a shift in identity among some of these friars. No longer missionaries, they had to adapt to a hand-to-mouth existence and the lifestyle of an itinerant pastor, while seeking wherever possible to advocate for Native rights. Beginning with H. H. Bancroft, California historians often portrayed the priests' unorthodox lifestyles as the result of corruption and ignorance. A closer look at the life of one of these friars, José María Suárez del Real, helps contextualize their choices within the trying circumstances of years of upheaval and uncertainty.

The Serbian American residents of Amador County have the longevity that is not present in other Bay Area communities. Just imagine: the great-grandfathers and great-grandmothers came [to Jackson] 110 years ago. The people who live here belong to the families of the original settlers in this area. They've been here almost as long as the French, and the Italian, and the Spanish, and the Irish…and together they've built this place now called Amador County. The people here have the longevity that you did not have in Moraga or Saratoga. In Moraga, a large portion of population came right after World War II and they have a different mindset. There were certainly Serbs in San Francisco, in the 1850s, but proportionally they were not that significant. Here, in proportion to the total population we have much more influence. The Serbian presence here is real. Others who live here, but don't have Yugoslav roots also know Serbian traditions. You know, there is this tradition here in Jackson that all merchants don't take down their Christmas decorations until Serbian Christmas comes; this is an indication how influential our community is. Most definitely we've preserved our good reputation here. And the reason goes back to the fact that we were so influential. There was a solid basis here and people were not swayed by the propaganda. Because their neighbors were Serbian, their grandparents grew up with Serbians, they knew that this doesn't compute… it cannot be the right thing. But when they live in big metropolitan areas with a lot of people who came from all over the world, there is not the same foundation to build upon, or to challenge the information that is being fed to them. They have been told an untruth first about Serbian Americans, and now they have to undo it.

The work of Jessie Taft, along with other pioneers of social work's functional movement, has represented one of the most important developments in the history of the profession internationally. Her insight, clarity, humanity and theory have had a significant impact on of social work. Social workers are encouraged to read the writings of Taft and other social work pioneers for both their richness as well their ability to help social workers understand the profession's development

This BA Paper sums up some two years of research. The paper is not an exhaustive presentation of the persecution of the LDS Movement, but rather simply taps into it, and does so in the light of some state and federal constitutional rights.

To my knowledge, this is, at least so far, the only paper of its kind ever produced in English or Romanian by a Romanian student from any given institution of higher education in Romania.

The paper was written under the kind and thoughtful supervision of my teacher. Whatever errors or gaps in content flow and sources cited (if any) may be found therein should not be considered by the reader as deliberate.

This paper proposes a new approach to the examination if the US-Japan relationship though the employment of “layers” of analysis. Within this, the different elements of the relationship are examined individually as separate, but often interlinked, strata, providing a more inclusive and holistic picture of a complex, multifaceted, and often politicised subject. Taking the key elements of the ‘macro’ state-level security relationship as its initial starting point and then examining other layers such as trade, military base impact on local communities, and others, the paper illustrates that while certain strata of the relationship clearly favour or disadvantage different groups or actors, these inequalities do not consistently favour one side or the other, indicating that prioritising one layer over others within overall analyses risks oversimplification. This layered approach does not seek to privilege or prioritise any particular strata over another, and through its discrete analysis of each layer permits the maintenance and reflection of opposing viewpoints within itself, hence arguably better reflecting the complexities of this close, but sometimes fractious relationship.

From 1900 to 1930 the Craftsman bungalow was one of the most popular house types across the United States. Scholarly research on bungalows is generally confined to larger metropolitan areas and the influence of elite architects. I demonstrate bungalows’ appeal to working- and middle-class residents of small towns and suburbs in the Pacific and Intermountain West by visualizing the spatial distribution of the houses and the economic distribution of their residents in Pocatello, Idaho; Missoula, Montana; and Pasadena, California. Analysis of 1920 federal census data shows that these bungalow residents represented a wide spectrum of economic groups from city leaders to business owners to unskilled laborers. The cities displayed little economic segregation: neighborhoods may skew toward the professional or the laborer, but their economic demographics show few appreciable patterns when mapped. These findings demonstrate the egalitarian appeal of the bungalow in the early twentieth-century Western United States.

Much of previous research explaining the rise of income and wealth inequality in the developed countries and the US in particular has focused on the role of the decline of union membership. Another neglected factor for the growing income gap is the role that labor representation in corporate board rooms (codetermination) plays in containing income inequality. This paper uses the case of Germany, that has a long tradition of codetermination, to argue that labor sharing in important decisions alongside management in corporate boards contributes significantly to reducing income inequality by preventing a focus on the short-term maximization of profits and dividends for top managers and shareholders, which risks the longterm survival of the firm and raises income inequality. Codetermination also allows workers to make more realistic demands for wage increases by sharing in the financial information of the firm. By preventing layoffs, codetermination also helps firms to retain important human capital and talent. In contrast, the United States does not have any codetermination laws, and relegates unionized workers exclusively to collective bargaining to defend their interests, which prevents US workers from gaining the advantages from codetermination.

Collecting drives scholarship. Historians rely upon texts, preserved in libraries, archives, and private hands. Scholars of material culture seek out artifacts, whether held by museums, galleries, historical societies, or individual owners. Historians contemplating material culture evidence are justifiably wary of its frustrating ambiguity; especially recalcitrant are objects unmoored from their points of origin with no textual support. How can one tether these obdurate things to meaningful interpretive frameworks? By the late nineteenth century, Americana collectors were tackling-and meeting-this challenge, laying the foundation for US material culture studies. Their endeavors were significant forays in to object-driven histories, exemplifying the constitutive interplay between collecting material culture and interpreting the past. One such collector-historian was George Dudley Seymour, a self-described "born antiquarian." He sought out and studied early New England architecture and decorative arts, especially when associated with Nathan Hale, an American spy captured and hanged by British forces during the Revolutionary War. In the context of the Colonial Revival, a long-standing manifestation of US romantic nationalism, Seymour resurrected Hale's faded memory countrywide. Initially lacking documentary sources, he succeeded by employing three material strategies-inscribed artifacts, space and place, and figural representation-illustrating the efficacy of integrating multiple approaches to interpreting history and material culture within a biographical framework.

This paper examines the Indian Depredation Claims system as an early government experiment in social insurance for settlers on the frontier. An Indian depredation claim was a legal claim for compensation from the U.S. government created under the Trade and Intercourse Act of 1796, for losses that settlers incurred while encroaching on indigenous lands. While the government pronounced that the two purposes of this claim were to provide indemnity to settlers and to preserve the peace, the claim achieved neither. By examining the archive of litigation over these claims, this paper shows how the claim functioned as part of a larger system of incentives that the government used to entice settlers to areas still dominated by tribes. In the absence of resources to pay military forces for the formal work of conquest, the government rather shifted costs to settlers with promises of compensation for damages and facilitating land ownership, and then deferred the costs of the compensation it promised by stretching out the claims process’ capacity for delay. In this way, the paper focuses on the Indian Depredation Claim as a rare instance in which the government avowed some formal responsibility to settlers and for conquest, as a means of exploring the legal mechanisms and creative forms of financing the government used to further Western expansion.

Friends, collaborators, and childhood rivals, Briton Hadden and Henry R. Luce were not yet twenty-five when they started Time, the first newsmagazine, at the outset of the Roaring Twenties. By age thirty they were both millionaires, having laid the foundation for a media empire. But their partnership was explosive and their competition ferocious, fueled by envy as well as love. When Hadden died at the age of thirty-one, Luce began to meticulously bury the legacy of the giant he was never able to best.

This essay investigates the anti-democratic rhetoric of The Federalist. In The Federalist, politics is imagined via the medical logics of the eighteenth century. For Publius, democracy is an incitement to factions and incubator of disease because it requires citizens to gather in deliberative “public bodies.” In describing democratic “disease,” The Federalist claims that the body politic is always already a threat to itself, and frames the role of governance as the management of the emergence of those threats. In so doing, The Federalist forwards an early American rhetoric of misodemia—the hatred of democracy.

The American political arena is currently flooded with slogans offering a return to some better period in the nation’s past. Those who are often enticed by this nostalgic-romanticized type of rhetoric are people incensed with the current political model, and their antipathy is often largely aimed at what they believe to be a federal government that is overly intrusive. This paper argues that twenty-first century right-wing populists often pin their grievances on the basis of a false historical narrative over how much influence the federal government had in the past and how much it should have in the future. This imprudent narrative continues to fuel the political agenda that has dominated mainstream politics over the past four decades; deregulatory ascendancy-the goal of reducing the power of the federal government-has lead to an astounding increase in economic inequality, a steep decrease in the number of active labor unions, the stagnation of competitive wages, and a loss in essential benefits. By exploring various shifts in how the federal government has interacted with both the people and corporate entities over time, one can gain a more informed perspective on how and when the federal government has demonstrated governing styles that have been most tolerant to the interests of the people.

A normaszegő magatartást, különösen, ha annak elkövetője a gyengébb(nek nevezett) nemhez tartozik, mindig is különösen erős érdeklődés övezte a közvélemény részéről. A kétségkívül izgalmas téma iránt történészi figyelem is jelentkezett,1 sőt máig jelentkezik.2 Az alábbiakban egy olyan nő életútját, továbbá annak néhány szorosabb vagy lazább mellékszálát kísérelem meg feltárni, akinek neve ma már nem sokat mond, ám a maga korában világméretű botrány(okat) okozott tudatosan kirívó, a társadalmi normákat és konvenciókat teljes mértékig elutasító és megszegő, mondhatni polgárpukkasztó magatartásával.

Negli ultimi anni nel dibattito pubblico si è parlato ripetutamente di delegittimazione dell’avversario politico e l’attualità del concetto è provata dall’emergere di movimenti politici populisti – di destra come di sinistra – e da movimenti neo-nazionalisti e a volte neo o parafascisti che si rivolgono al sistema politico e alle élite che lo compongono come fossero «nemici».
Il presente volume analizza le modalità della delegittimazione dell’avversario nelle campagne elettorali, nel XIX e XX secolo, in Francia, Germania, Gran Bretagna, Irlanda, Italia e Stati Uniti configurandola come una strategia volta a porre l’avversario al di fuori dei valori fondativi della comunità politica e come un fenomeno ricorrente nelle democrazie contemporanee, ma con esiti diversi sulla stabilità dei sistemi politici.

Narratives of innocence are stories born of the dispossession of bodies from lands that continue to serve as vectors of violence, reenacting the scene that created them. The term was introduced by Boyd Cothran to describe the cunning afterlife of conflicts between settler states and indigenous peoples: state violence yields stories that reiterate erasure, weaponizing memory to forget the lessons of colonization. In a situation of violence that produces silence, names resonate as instruments of clarity, cutting through erasure. Genocide is a name historians are now using to describe a process of erasure that created modern California, a process indigenous people have long discussed that narratives of innocence have silenced. Through a reading of Cothran's book Remembering the Modoc War and Benjamin Madley's book An American Genocide against an older literary genre on violence ranging from Dee Brown's Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee to Cormac McCarthy's Blood Meridian, I take California as an emblem of a profound alteration in the way the United States processes the trace memory of indigenous erasure. A historical reckoning is now underway as indigenous people reembody their occupied geographies, returning their stories to the land and, in the process, reconfiguring the national narrative.

Jancsi Rigó, the world famous Hungarian Gypsy violinist met Clara Ward at the end of the 19th century in Paris. Clara was born in 1873 in Detroit, she was the daughter of captain Eber Brock Ward, who had iron and steel manufacturing in the United States and he was one of the richest men of the State of Michigan. Clara married a Belgian prince Marie Joseph Anatole Erie de Chimay-Caraman, although she fell in love with Jancsi Rigó. Finally, she divorced in 1897 and married Jancsi. This was one of the biggest scandals in high society in the 19th century in Europe, moreover, all around the world. Later Clara became a dancer in the Folies Bergère and in the Moulin Rouge. The famous French painter, count Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec made a lithograph of her and Rigó, called „Idylle Princière”. This painting now can be seen in Cleveland. Clara was photographed on numerous postcards. The publication of her photos was forbidden in the German Empire by Kaiser Wilhelm II. After their famous marriage Clara and Jancsi divorced fairly soon. Clara moved to Italy and met her third husband. After a few years she married her fourth husband, also an Italian.In the last years of her life she lived in Padova. She died there in 1916. Rigó remained in the United States working as a violinist in a Hungarian restaurant in New York, called Little Hungary. He was not as successful as earlier in Europe. He died probably in 1927. His tomb can be found in the Kenisco Cemetery. The story of Clara Ward and Rigó Jancsi’s scandalous marriage reflects the cultural and social history of that time, and especially women’s and minorities’ status in a changing civil society, carrying the remains of the feudal society. At the same time it is a special item in the American–Hungarian relations.

W latach 80. XIX w. rozpoczęła się wielka emigracja Żydów z Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Z samego Imperium Rosyjskiego, wówczas państwa z największą liczbą ludności żydowskiej na świecie, do 1914 r. wyemigrowało 2 mln Żydów, spośród których 1,56 mln osiedliło się w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Kraj ten, przeżywający w tym okresie szybki rozwój gospodarczy, stał się swoistą „ziemią obiecaną” dla mieszkańców europejskich sztetli. Liberalna amerykańska polityka migracyjna trwała do 1924 r., kiedy napływ nowych emigrantów został drastycznie ograniczony. Efektem tego exodusu było powstanie prężnych wspólnot żydowskich, z których największe znaczenie miał Nowy Jork.
Wraz z napływem milionów żydowskich emigrantów zaczęły powstawać ziomkostwa, zwane z jidysz landsmanszaftami. Organizacje te skupiały ludzi pochodzących z jednej miejscowości, co wynikało z tego, że u Żydów tożsamości lokalne dominowały nad poczuciem przynależności do szerszej wspólnoty etnicznej. Celem działania landsmanszaftów była przede wszystkim wzajemna pomoc i dążenie do zachowania tożsamości w Nowym Świecie. W ciągu krótkiego czasu powstały tysiące ziomkostw, w których działały setki tysięcy członków, a rola, jaką odegrały w historii jest nie do przecenienia.

This article examines historical trends in the attribution of blame in reports of governmental investigation commissions. The article encompasses reports from the United States and Norway in the 19th and 20th century. The article is in Norwegian.