UN peacekeeping operations

SNMPE: "Es gibt keine Strategie, um illegalen Bergbau zu formalisieren oder auszurotten"
- Der IWF schlägt eine Erhöhung der Bergbausteuer vor.
- Der Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde
weiss um eine andere Lösung.

04.12.2021 06:11 Uhr Die National Society of Mining, Oil and Energy (SNMPE) warnte diese Woche vor "einer unkontrollierten Ausweitung des informellen Bergbaus" in Puno und 13 weiteren Regionen. Demnach hätte der jüngste Zusammenbruch einer Abraummine in den Händen kleiner Bergbaukooperativen Verbindungen zu illegalen Mineralabbauorganisationen. Angesichts der Tatsachen forderte die Gewerkschaft am 26. November in Ananea, Puno, eine Untersuchung durch die Regulierungsbehörde Osinergmin und die Environmental Assessment and Enforcement Agency (OEFA) des Umweltministeriums. "Die Ursachen und Verantwortlichkeiten für den Einsturz der Infrastruktur, der durch das Überlaufen der Abraumhalden entstanden ist, müssen identifiziert werden ", sagte die Gewerkschaft und betonte, dass es sich nicht um einen Einzelfall handele, da im November 2019 ein weiterer Abraumdamm in demselben Gebiet eingestürzt sei an zwei Genossenschaften Bergbau.

Die Lösung und Sichtweise vom Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde bitte Im Text und Link lesen.

The historical novel From the Nile to the Jordan is an enthralling story about the "Second Exodus" of Jews from Egypt to Israel. This so far little-noticed aspect of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, could spread new light on the events of 1948, make the suffering of both sides public and bring the middle east one step closer to peace. Before 1948 there was a prospering community with 100,000 Jews in Egypt, today there are only few Jewish widows left. This book combines the well-researched historical facts based on Aharoni's research on the topic, as a professor of Sociology, with her personal perspective as a witness who had to leave Egypt as a young woman. This approach makes the book an eye-opener for an important chapter of Jewish history, that is widely unknown. Aharoni goes beyond the past, aiming at using the story of the "Second Exodus" as a tool for reconciliation, convinced that if Israel and Egypt can make peace, peace between Israel and Palestine is possible too.

The UN Secretariat’s role in the expansion of peacekeeping after the cold war is debated. Different theoretical accounts offer competing interpretations: principal–agent models and sociological institutionalism tend to emphasize the Secretariat’s risk-averse behaviour; organizational learning scholarship and international political sociology find evidence of the Secretariat’s activism; constructivism analyses instances of both. I argue that the UN Secretariat can be both enthusiastic and cautious about new tasks depending on the circumstances and the issue area. For example, UN officials have been the driving force behind the development of public information campaigns by peacekeeping missions aimed at the local population. During the cold war, it was not regarded as necessary for UN missions to communicate with the public in the area of operation: their interlocutors were parties to the conflict and the diplomatic community. With the deployment of the first multidimensional missions in the late 1980s and the early 1990s, UN staff realized the need to explain the organization’s role to the local population and provide information about UN-supported elections. In promoting this innovation, they played the role of policy entrepreneurs. The institutionalization of this innovation, however, was not an automatic process and required continuous advocacy by UN information staff.

Some peace operations are seen as ‘successful’ and others as ‘unsuccessful’, often with little discussion of the yardsticks used for measuring such success or failure. While some operations are relatively easy to put into boxes labelled ‘success’ and ‘failure’, most are not. Understanding what constitutes success and failure in peace operations is
necessary for building rigorous scholarly knowledge about international
interventions and their effects, and for making sound policy decisions.
Despite the growth in the study of peace operations, on UN peacekeeping in particular, one important aspect has been underresearched: how to judge whether a peace operation has been successful or not. Evaluation studies tend to focus on the sources of success, at the expense of the criteria employed in assessing success. Researchers generally draw on their personal predispositions and ideas as to what success means, and then focus on the various factors that contribute to it. However, analytically speaking, determining what is meant by success must be the first step.

This background paper examines how the academic literature has approached the question of success in peace operations. Here it should
be noted that many theoretical and methodological issues have not
been settled, nor does this contribution seek to resolve them. The aim
here is to shed light on the issue, and indicate where choices need to be
made for research into success to be rigorous. The first section examines
differences between the way that scholarly and practitioner analyses
approach this question. The section that follows looks at how the
academic literature has approached the definition of success and where
some of the fault-lines lie. In the conclusion I outline a number of methodological decisions that need to be made when conducting research
on success.

Artiklen beskriver og analyserer en dansk FN-styrkes erfaringer med fredsbevarende operationer i forbindelse med Kroatiens løsrivelse fra det tidligere Jugoslavien. Den følger de næste års konflikt med de etniske serbere, som i perioden 1992-1995
forsøgte at opbygge og fastholde deres egen stat i Kroatien. Artiklen viser hvordan bataljonen dagligt kom i klemme mellem på den ene side FN’s Sikkerhedsråds mange resolutioner og på den anden side en lokal virkelighed, der gjorde den fredsbevarende indsats særdeles vanskelig. Artiklen konkluderer, at serbernes forsøg på at opretholde deres ikke anerkendte stat Republika Sprska Krajina var af afgørende betydning for bataljonens opfattelse og udførelse af sin opgave.

Počet zaměstnanců OSN přidělených na plný pracovní úvazek k podpoře mírových operací zřízených v roce 1999 Pramen: United Nations, Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations 2000/Brahami Report. UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, 2000. Na internetu k dispozici na http://www.un.org/peace/ reports/peace_operations/ (přístup: říjen 2002).

Las operaciones de paz son una de las principales herramientas de las Naciones Unidas para asegurar la paz y seguridad internacional. Entre las unidades militares con que cuenta para ello se encuentra la Fuerza de Paz Conjunta Combinada chileno-argentina “Cruz del Sur”. Ella es resultado de una iniciativa mucho más amplia, que concreta un proceso histórico en las relaciones bilaterales chileno-argentinas iniciado por el Tratado de Paz y Amistad de 1984, y que se convertirá en un instrumento común de política multilateral. Una mejor comprensión de la génesis y desarrollo de Cruz del Sur permitirá abordar las dificultades de desplegar esta unidad binacional, dentro de una visión general de las operaciones de paz y las relaciones chileno-argentinas.

Operations recounts the Australian peacekeeping missions that began between 1947 and 1982 and follows them through to 2006, which is the end point of this history. International relations in the period following the Second World War was dominated not only by the Cold War but also by the great movement of decolonisation. In 1945, almost a third of the world's population lived in non-self-governing regions. In many places the transition to independence led to conflict. Peacekeeping as we know it developed out of the need to help those involved reach peaceful settlements or at least to minimise the level of violence. The operations described in The Long Search for Peace-some long, some short; some successful, some not-represent a long period of learning and experimentation, and were a necessary apprenticeship for all that was to follow. Australia contributed peacekeepers to many major decolonisation efforts: for 35 years in Kashmir, 53 years in Cyprus, and more than 60 years in the Middle East, as well as shorter deployments in Indonesia, Korea and Rhodesia. This volume also describes some smaller-scale Australian missions in the Congo, West New Guinea, Yemen, Uganda and Lebanon. It brings to life Australia's long-term contribution not only to these operations but also to the very idea of peacekeeping. In The Long Search for Peace, Peter Londey, Rhys Crawley and David Horner weave a rich and compelling tapestry from official government files and personal narratives of peacekeeping veterans to present this authoritative account of the origins of Australian peacekeeping. Peter Londey has taught in Classics at the Australian National University and worked as a senior historian at the Australian War Memorial. At the Memorial he wrote the first history of Australian peacekeeping, Other People's Wars (2004).

This Handbook Chapter focuses on the United Nations Mission of Observers in Tajikistan (UNMOT), a peacekeeping mission deployed by the UN Security Council from December 1994 to May 2000 in order to facilitate the implementation of peace agreements in Tajikistan following a devastating civil war. After providing an overview of the conflict in Tajikistan, the article outlines UNMOT’s mandate as well as its operational achievements and limitations, along with the lessons that can be learned from its experience. In particular, it highlights the challenges that come with trying to achieve stability, security, and democratization in a war-torn country such as Tajikistan.

Stille Diplomatie


Grundsätze, Arbeitsfelder und Handlungsweisen von Stillen Diplomaten. Ein Bericht aus der Alltagspraxis. Andreu Ginestet, Dezember 2021


Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Einführung:

die „W“ Fragen.
Was?
Warum?
Wo (Kontext)?
Wie?
Wann?

Anmerkung vom Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde
Wer? Kann stiller Diplomat werden?
                              – Jeder –

* Publication sponsored by the Federal Foreign Office of Germany (www.auswaertiges-amt.de)

The long-standing disagreements between NATO and Russia have been left unresolved for decades. In 2014 they finally escalated into an outright confrontation on the European continent, in which most European countries are now involved. Armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, information warfare, along with a military buildup – these developments signalize clearly that European security is in danger today.

If the OSCE is to resolve this crisis, there needs to be more than a high-level dialogue among the OSCE participating States on the future of European security. It could be years before such a dialogue would bring results and a way out of the dangerous confrontation would be found. Until then, this dialogue should be complemented by the OSCE’s work on the ground, through its field operations, targeted at preventing new conflicts similar to that in Ukraine.

This work is particularly needed in the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus where the lines of geopolitical confrontation are drawn today. Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – over the fate of these six states a particularly intense struggle has unfolded. While they have been developing closer relations with NATO and the EU, the example of Georgia in 2008 has shown that Russia will oppose the Western influence in its neighbourhood. The more recent example of Ukraine has further demonstrated that the increasing instability in Europe puts even the states without ‘frozen conflicts’ on their territories at risk of an armed conflict that could lead to civil war and partition.

The OSCE and its field operations have been slow to respond strategically to these new challenges. In contrast to the field operations in the Western Balkans, the OSCE operations in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus are much smaller and have lower budgets. Unlike the OSCE field operations in Central Asia, they do not have explicit conflict prevention mandates focusing instead on the resolution of already existing ‘frozen conflicts’. Moreover, in three of the six countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus – Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia – there is no OSCE field operations at all.

This chapter will present the evidence of why the risk of new armed conflicts in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus is real. It will then argue that the OSCE should respond to the challenge by, firstly, enlarging its field operations in Moldova and Armenia, secondly,  re-establishing  the  field operations in  Georgia, Azerbaijan and Belarus, and, thirdly, tasking all field operations in Eastern Europe  and the South Caucasus with conflict prevention.

Os estudos sobre o nível micro-dinâmico nas missões de paz
são relativamente recentes, especialmente no que diz respeito ao preparo do militar, foco deste artigo. Partindo de uma revisão sistemática acerca das demandas no nível micro-dinâmico em missões de paz, seguiu-se o método descrito pela Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviewsand Meta-Analyses. A partir dessas evidências da literatura e do planejamento atual do estágio de preparação para missão de paz (EPMP) oferecido pelo CCOPAB, sob as diretivas de treinamento das Nações Unidas, identifica-se como lacuna no treinamento pré-desdobramento a apropriação mais sistemática do histórico da missão à qual o militar é designado, incluindo aspectos relacionados à cultura local. As demandas identificadas na literatura apontam a lacuna desse conhecimento e das habilidades detrabalhar com os atores locais como um elemento de dificuldade basilar no terreno. Conclui-se apontando as limitações do estudo e perspectivas parafuturas pesquisas.

Bangladesh Armed Forces sending their troops for peacekeeping missions for many years. Bangladesh Army, Bangladesh Air-force and Bangladesh Navy are especially dynamic on peacekeeping missions and consistently they dispense a distinct number of military individuals for the missions. Bangladesh Armed Forces as yet sending troops to the United Nations Peacekeeping Missions by thinking about world harmony wonders. Bangladesh isn't just the dynamic individual from United Nations since its confirmation, yet additionally it has turned out to be one of the most noteworthy supporters of staff in the UN Peacekeeping missions. After the independence of Bangladesh, it has been numerous years passed and as yet displaying the agreeable methodologies by the Bangladesh Government. For building up the relations with worldwide gathering, the administration of Bangladesh sending military troops to the peacekeeping missions consistently. Alongside the cooperative mentality, the legislature of Bangladesh additionally venturing towards the monetary development through this peacekeeping mission by Bangladesh Armed Forces.

The United Nations Command (UNC) was an unprecedented and effective coalition that was an important factor in the outcome of the fighting. It is irrefutable that the U.S. bore the bulk of the material burden of the war in terms of funding and of administrative and logistical support and of the non-Korean military force. But in terms of ground combat power, the proportion of non-U.S. elements was greater than is generally perceived. In the summer of 1951, when most of the composition of the coalition had been set, Eighth Army had seven U.S. divisions with about 63 infantry and seven tank battalions, ten ROK Army divisions and a ROK Marine regiment with a total of about 94 infantry battalions, and 20 infantry battalions from other UN nations who thus constituted close to 25% (20 of 83) of the non-ROK infantry battalions. These numbers still leave out the over 10,000 Korean augmentees in the U.S. and other UN units (KATUSA) and over 30,000 Korean Service Corps men. The purpose of this chapter is to provide some historical details and historiographical guidance on the study of this important aspect of the Korean War.
The perception lingers that the UN coalition was more a political symbol of international solidarity than of a substantive military organization that significantly affected the fighting. This is a matter for historical interpretation and debate, but what seems self evident is that the UN coalition played an important role in the outcome of crucial battles and the course of the war.

Author briefing (English version) provided to participants in OPERATION REGIONAL COOPERATION 01. Briefing described the Rules of Engagement/Rules for the Use of Force applicable under the Laws of Armed Conflict (LOAC) in UN Peacekeeping/Peacemaking missions. Operation Regional Cooperation 2001 (also referred to as CENTRASBAT 2001), was a command post exercise held at U.S. training facilities at Ramstein Airbase, Germany with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, and the United States participating.

The aspect of security has acompanied the mankind since the very beginning, becoming inherent element of its existance, the primary value, an aim in itself. By creat-ing the common security politics the countries of EU actively participate in maintaining the peace in the world. The aim of this article is to characterize the activities and to dis-cuss the security strategies in the context of globalization and fast development. The main hypothesis assumes that cooperation and solidarity are the keyfactors shaping the feeling of the security. The information community is important in building strong, equal, evaluative and independent European countries. The institutional capacity makes the peace operations more effective.

UN peacekeeping is a core pillar of the multilateral peace and security architecture and a multi-billion undertaking reshaping lives around the world. In spite of this, the engagement between the literatures on UN peacekeeping and International Relations theory has been a slow development. This has changed in recent years, and there is now a growing interest to examine UN peacekeeping from various theoretical perspectives to yield insights about how international relations are changing and developing. The volume is the first comprehensive overview of multiple theoretical perspectives on UN peacekeeping. There are two main uses of this volume. First, this volume provides the reader with insights into different theoretical lenses and how they practically can be applied to better understand UN peacekeeping. Second, through case studies in each chapter, the volume provides practical examples of how International Relations theories – such as realism, liberal institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, feminist institutionalism, constructivism, critical security studies, practice theory, and complexity theory – can be applied to a specific policy issue. Applying these theories enhances our understanding of why UN peacekeeping, as an international institution, has evolved in a particular direction and functions the way that it does. The insights generated in the volume can also help shed light on other international institutions as well as the broader issue of international cooperation.

Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programmes form part of standard post-conflict peacebuilding tools regularly applied in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. Yet, the limitations of such templates become evident when peacebuilders are confronted with unconventional settings, such as the urban environment. So far, there is a scarcity of research on UN-led DDR efforts in cities, even though the proliferation of urban armed groups is projected to pose an intractable challenge for decades to come. Based on six months of fieldwork in Port-au-Prince, this article presents new empirical evidence on innovative DDR programming in Haiti, the only country where a United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) tried to implement a traditional DDR programme for gang members. As this attempt proved to be a failure, the mission subsequently changed its approach to a more community-focused armed violence reduction and prevention programme which aims to disincentivize at-risk sections of the population from joining gangs. Even though the current community violence reduction approach is better adapted to the unconventional conflict environment in Haiti and is seen by many practitioners today as a role model, it shares a number of limitations with traditional DDR programmes and is not a panacea for urban peacebuilding.

Este documento presenta el contexto histórico en el cual se implementó la Misión para el Mantenimiento de la Paz en la República Democrática de Congo (Monuc). La primera parte del documento hace un recorrido desde 1960 año en el cual, Zaire ex colonia belga se independiza, pero afronta una serie de problemáticas surgidas a raíz del colonialismo las cuales se han constituido en las causas profundas del actual conflicto armado.

This course is devoted to understanding the organization of world politics. It is not strictly about the United Nations (UN) system, though the first half of the course will focus on the so-called UN Galaxy, affiliated agencies and and their roles in shaping world politics. Later in the semester this course will also address peacekeeping operations, international financial and trade institutions (International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and GATT/WTO system), security organizations (NATO and regional equivalents), international adjudicative bodies (including international criminal tribunals), and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The general objective of this course is to develop the student's capacity to critically examine problems in international organization and global governance, consider the range of possible solutions to those problems, and communicate the results of this analysis to others. The assigned readings explore organizational forms, stability and change, efficacy and dysfunction, among other themes in the study of world politics. 2. Methodology and textbooks The course is taught through lectures and in-class discussions. The relevant materials are indicated for each topic in the course syllabus and will be made available online by the instructor. Students are required to read them carefully before coming to class. Please follow the order in which readings are listed below. Additional readings are also suggested for students who wish to go further on topics of particular interest (see the course Blackboard page).

How does normative change occur in international organisations (IOs)? The literature has theorised IO behaviour as being a consequence of the interest of powerful states, or has applied concepts borrowed from organisational sociology related to bureaucratic dysfunction, such as ‘dysfunctional behaviour’, ‘pathologies’, or ‘organised hypocrisy’. This article argues that using the sociology of professions can augment constructivist theorising of IO behaviour and offer a better understanding of normative change in IOs. The evolving norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) has a significant impact on how the UN supports and intervenes in member states, and on the core principle of sovereignty in the international system. By examining the R2P concept and process, this article shows how key donor states, think tanks, and academic institutions have, together with the UN, pushed for R2P, effectively driving normative change in the international system. Such change is seen not solely as a top–down function of state interests, but as also a bottom–up process driven by advocacy and support from key donor states, think tanks, and academic circles. Further, for grasping how norms develop, a constructivist framework influenced by the sociology of professions appears better suited than existing constructivist frameworks.

The sociological study of peace and conflict uses sociological theory and methods to analyze peace, peace processes, peace building and models, peace policies, conflict and its causes, war as a social problem, media and violence, scope of conflict, group conflicts, collective violence and alternative constructive nonviolent forms of conflict transformation. Sociology of peace and conflict is aimed to foster the development and application of sociological theories and methods for the understanding and study of dynamics of collective conflict and its prevention, conduct, and resolution. More importantly, it deals with military institutions and conflict between collectivities such as countries, ethnic groups, political movements, and religious groups, roles of military organizations, other governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, and social movements. In view of that, sociology of peace and conflict aims at addressing a variety of topics that intersect the notions of peace and conflict. It provides an overview of the socio-political, cultural and economic underpinnings of conflict as it happens to be a key phenomenon in the contemporary world and Ethiopia. Peace and conflict occurs in interpersonal,

Peace operations became the core focus of many Western armed forces after the Cold War. The wish amongst political and military leaders during the 1990s to hold on to the classical identity of the armed forces as an instrument of force made them pursue a strict separation between military operations and the civilian aspects of peacekeeping, such as policing, administrative functions, and political and societal reconstruction.
In his book Soldiers and Civil Power, Thijs Brocades Zaalberg argues that this policy failed to match up to reality. Supporting civil authorities, and at times even substituting them (de facto military governance), became the key to reaching any level of success in Cambodia, Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo. As a result of the false segregation between the civilian and the military domain, this was accomplished mostly by improvisation and creativity of commanders who probed for the limiting boundaries of their original mandate by reaching ever further into the civilian sphere.

This is a report of the Centre Francopaix's "Stabilizing Mali" research project. Its goal is to identify the obstacles, challenges and dilemmas facing the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali. Some have noted the deficiencies of its action and particularly its inability to ensure security, stability and even its own protection. Others have criticized its so-called “robust” posture which is argued to undermine its impartiality. The tension is thus between those demanding the means to fully assume this robust posture, and those who criticize this posture as falling outside the mandate of UN peacekeeping missions. Ultimately, however, it is the war against terrorism perspective that weakens MINUSMA’s impartiality and thus its authority as an impartial actor and guarantor of the peace process.

Desde el descubrimiento del óxido de grafeno en las vacunas C0r0n @ v | rus, todos los hallazgos han Los descubrimientos solo confirmaron su presencia (Campra, P. 2021).

Información actual sobre los hallazgos en vacunas para la supuesta lucha contra la corona.

Los ser humanos sanos que están en buena resonancia y en el equilibrio de todas las fuerzas pueden sentarse y relajarse y seguir disfrutando de la vida como un guardián de la vida y como un co-creador.
Hay posibilidades de curación natural también para las personas vacunadas para la desintoxicación.

Debido al aumento del 500% de los atletas que caen repentinamente inconscientes en las artes marciales, se desaconseja cualquier otra ingestión de toxinas en el cuerpo directo y en el torrente sanguíneo.

Los comentarios del Embajador de la Tierra Físicamente Viva sobre la infección y los altos niveles de contagio con la risa y la alegría.
Es el mismo efecto con la resonancia, lo que regenera la curación y la salud, la disonancia provoca lo contrario.

Por favor, instrúyanse y transmitan esta importante información.

В работе проводится комплексное исследование проблем применимости норм современного международного гуманитарного права во время проведения миротворческих операций Организации Объединенных Наций.
Для студентов и преподавателей вузов, практических работников и специалистов, интересующихся проблемами современных международных отношений.
***
The paper conducts a comprehensive study of the problems of the applicability of the norms of modern international humanitarian law during the United Nations peace-keeping operations.
For students and academics, practitioners and professionals interested in issues of contemporary international relations.

This article examines the effects of UN peacekeeping and international counterterrorism operations upon the possibilities of peace in Mali. Following the January 2013 French operation Serval, the international intervention was divided between two military missions: UN peacekeeping in Mali and French-led counterterrorism. The article explores what it means to distinguish between peacekeeping and counterterrorism for international conflict management and Malian conflict resolution dynamics. It is argued that the binaries of war and peace, and of intervention and sovereignty, are no longer opposites, but blurred into an emerging ‘new normal’ of permanent military intervention. The construction of a regional counterterrorism governance or militarisation is shown to circumvent the fundamental questions about Malian peace, state sovereignty, and nationhood. The article points to how the international ‘division of labour’ between peacekeeping and counterterrorism defines the possibilities of peace in Mali in relation to the perceived necessities ofthe ‘global war onterror’.

the Americas, Asia, Europe and the Middle East -that have experienced armed conflict over the past twenty years. The second part of the report, entitled Implications for the Security Sector, explores strategies for security and justice actors to prevent and respond to sexual violence in armed conflict and post-conflict situations. ISBN 978-92-9222-059-4

This draft chapter on the use of force in the context of peacekeeping operations is divided in three main parts. In the first part, the paper provides a survey of the historical origins of the concept of peacekeeping in the 1950s and some of its immediate precursors in the League of Nations era, shedding light on the broader political and institutional context of the emergence of this innovative technique. The evolution of the institution of UN peacekeeping in the 1960s and 1970s is retraced, including the hiatus of the late 1970s to late 1980s resulting from the tensions of the Cold War, resulting in the emergence of non-UN peacekeeping operations. Close attention is then devoted to the new developments following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the East-West opposition in the 1990s up to present days, including the increasingly frequent creation of operations tasked with multiple functions and entrusted with an enforcement mandate under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The second part focuses on the institutional framework of peacekeeping. The respective competencies of the UN Security Council and of the UN General Assembly in the field of peacekeeping are discussed, particularly in the context of the creation of UNEF I and ONUC and the ensuing dispute regarding the funding and constitutional basis of peacekeeping operations. This section includes a thorough discussion of the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice in the Certain Expenses case. The role and the limits of the competence of the UN Secretary-General is also examined, special attention being paid to the meaning of the principle of neutrality and impartiality of peacekeeping operations. The various roles of UN member States, whether as host State, troop contributing State or participant to so-called ‘peace support’ operations authorized by the UN Security Council is assessed. The legal significance of the requirement of host State consent is assessed in the light of the law on military assistance on request. The third part deals more specifically with the principle of non-use of force except in self-defence. After establishing a clear distinction between individual self-defence and defence of the force, the progressive expansion of the notion under the heading of defence or fulfilment of the mandate is critically analyzed in the light of its practical application, first in the context of ‘classical peacekeeping’—especially in the cases of UNEF I, ONUC, UNFICYP and UNIFIL—and then in the context of the more recent evolution towards so-called ‘robust peacekeeping’, first in the mid 1990s with UNOSOM II, UNPROFOR and UNAMIR and then with the practice of robust mandates that followed the adoption of the Brahimi Report in 2000. Finally, a critical assessment of the most recent experiments in peace enforcement, as with the establishment of the MINUSCA, the creation of the ‘Intervention Brigade’ inside MONUSCO and MINUSMA. In conclusion, the paper submits that the institution of peacekeeping, despite its potential efficacy for the stabilization of post-conflict situations, is undergoing a denaturation turning it into a tool for State building and peace enforcement. The lack of doctrinal clarity accompanying these major changes threatens to deprive the whole peacekeeping endeavour of its primary purpose.

Private contractors provide a wide variety of services, supporting international contingency operations that range from disaster relief to peacekeeping missions, and frequently occur in conflict and post-conflict areas. The size of the contingency contractor industry fluctuates significantly over time and is highly reflective of geopolitical events.  In fact, the industry’s size is directly based on the demands of clients, primarily national governments, but also nongovernmental organizations, relief organizations, international organizations and other private companies.  Industry ethics also largely stem from client requirements, and the drive by some clients to save costs can undermine international efforts to improve ethics and professionalism.  The character of the industry is influenced by several factors including market demand, contractual terms for the companies and the laws and regulations – created by relevant state bodies – that govern the type and manner of work private contractors may perform.  Ultimately the industry is a direct reflection of the urgent needs of the international community for specialized services in risky and difficult locations.

In response to overseas natural or man-made disasters and complex
emergencies, the Australian Defence Force, the Australian Federal
Police, Australian Government agencies and the aid community often
find themselves operating in the same physical space as one another. Unfortunately, a lack of understanding and confusion over stakeholder
roles, responsibilities, cultures and terminologies can impede
communication and coherency in program implementation, leading to
reduced effectiveness in meeting the needs of the host population.
Issues—such as shrinkage of humanitarian space due to restrictions on
humanitarian access; perceptions regarding subordination of
humanitarian principles; the tensions that arise between political,
humanitarian and military objectives within integrated multi-agency
stabilisation efforts; and the increase in the number of organisations
and individuals operating in these environments—all serve to add a
degree of confusion and potential for discord. However, experience has
shown that improved mutual understanding of the roles, mandates,
principles, cultures and objectives of the various civil-military
stakeholders enhances constructive engagement, dialogue and
communication both prior to and during deployments. With this
dialogue and communication comes greater opportunity to achieve
maximum benefits for people and nations affected by natural disasters
and conflict.

To this end, the Australian Civil-Military Centre and the Australian
Council for International Development—in collaboration with the
Australian Defence Force, the Australian Federal Police, the Australian
Agency for International Development, Australian non-government
organisations, and the Australian Red Cross—have developed this
document, Same Space—Different Mandates. Building and expanding
upon a UK Ministry of Defence document, Same Space—Different
Mandates aims to improve the collective understanding of civil-military
stakeholders responding to international natural disasters and complex emergencies and, in doing so, to create greater opportunity for
constructive engagement amongst them.

It is our hope that this document will influence policy and become a
useful educational tool to support all stakeholders engaged in disaster
and conflict response, as well as help inform better field practices
through improved collective dialogue, communication and interaction.

This briefing describes the Rules of Engagement that may permissibly be utilized in UN Peacekeeping and Peace Enforcement missions.  Major topics covered include:

- References and Sources of Applicable Law

- The Legal Framework of UN Missions

- Definitions and Distinctions

- US Policy - The Standing ROE

- Coalition Problems
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- Peace Operations ROE; Examples and UN Guidelines

The literature on peacekeeping has paid scant attention to the interaction between peacekeeping troops and host country military. Addressing this gap in scholarly knowledge, this paper conceptualizes such interaction as ‘diagonal interoperability’. The latter is situated in-between ‘horizontal interoperability’ on the one hand, relating to interaction between different components of a peacekeeping mission, and ‘vertical interoperability’ on the other, referring to the relations between international peacekeepers and ‘peace-kept’ populations. The paper focuses on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where UN forces and the Congolese army are engaged in joint military operations and army reform is part of the peacekeeping mission’s mandate. Studying both mutual representations and joint practices, the paper explores the organizational, political, discursive, and security-related factors that shape diagonal interoperability. It concludes that diagonal interoperability between the two forces is weak, as reflected in mutual distrust and ‘not-so joint’ joint operations. Perhaps surprisingly, it finds that shared military identities do not seem to facilitate collaboration. Rather, mutual perceptions of the ‘military Other’ are infused with discourses of cultural and political difference, therefore accentuating the power asymmetries that undermine diagonal interoperability.

With the emergence of cyberspace as the fifth domain of warfare, the prospects of cyber conflicts have increased significantly. Around 300 state-sponsored cyber operations have been conducted since 2005. The future uncertainty of cyber-warfare has prompted calls for measures to regulate the actions of states in cyberspace. In this regard, cyber-peacekeeping has also emerged as a significant research area to distinctively deal with cyber component of future conflicts. Although, a number of challenges exist regarding materialization of full fledge cyber-peacekeeping force, it can be easily integrated into the current United Nations (UN) peacekeeping organizational structure. In legal terms, operationalization of cyber-peacekeeping 'force' will depend on the mandate of peace operations approved by the UN Security Council (UNSC). This paper discusses the challenges in the way of creating cyber-peacekeeping force and also offers recommendations by presenting a general framework regarding how such a force can be operationalized. Despite realizing the fact that a dedicated cyber-peacekeeping force seems a far sighted idea in present times but a distinct cyber unit can be certainly formed and integrated into UN peace operations in near future.