U.S. history

The creation of a hegemonic, master narrative for Hawaiʻi—sourced almost solely from English-language materials—has long offered a highly exclusive characterization of past events and figures in Hawaiian history. Elements within this dominant narrative not only shape understandings of specific individuals and actions but also work together to construct a general understanding of a people and their nation. This article advances analysis of a political biography, set in a crucial period of Hawaiian history, to highlight a historical process that continues to inform paradigmatic yet problematic histories. It calls for a decided and comprehensive move to a more inclusive historical process that offers a more complex, rich picture of Hawaiʻi's past.

For Puerto Ricans, World War I provided the opportunity to test and challenge the linkages between military service, manhood, citizenship and decolonization.  During the war Puerto Rican political leaders, elected officials, and opinion makers sought to advance the socio-economic and political standing of their communities by demanding access to, and encouraging participation in the U.S. military.  In particular, Puerto Rican elites were interested in mobilizing the Puerto Rican peasantry thinking that training would transform them into modern men worthy of self-determination in the eyes of the metropolis.

In the years following World War II, the national Democratic Party aligned its agenda more and more with the goals of the civil rights movement. By contrast, a majority of southern Democrats remained as committed as ever to a traditional, segregationist ideology. Through the career of Senator James Eastland, one of the mid-century’s most prominent politicians, author Maarten Zwiers explores the uneasy, yet mutually beneficial relationship between conservative southerners and the increasingly liberal party to which they belonged.

Mississippi Democrat James “Big Jim” Eastland began an influential four-decade career in the United States Senate in 1941, ultimately rising to become president pro tempore of the Senate, a position that placed him third in the line of presidential succession. His reputation for toughness developed from his unfailing and ruthless opposition to greater civil rights and his concern over the global spread of communism, as he believed participants in the two movements were working together to undermine the American way of life. Zwiers contends that despite Eastland’s extreme positions, he still managed to maintain influence through productive relationships with his Senate colleagues—liberal as well as conservative. Though the progressive wing of the Democratic Party continued to push for stronger civil rights legislation, they valued compromise with southern senators like Eastland in order to ensure support from a region the Democrats could ill afford to lose. While Eastland’s campaigning rhetoric was inflammatory, his ability to operate within the national political structure by leveraging moderate concessions contributed to his lengthy and effective career.

Drawing on recently opened archival records, Maarten Zwiers offers a nuanced portrait of a man frequently portrayed as a southern zealot. Senator James Eastland provides a case study of the complicated relationship between party and party members that allowed Democrats to maintain power in the South for much of the twentieth century.

See more at: http://lsupress.org/books/detail/senator-james-eastland/

Вперше у вітчизняній історіографії здійснено комплексне дослідження етапу становлення екологічної політики США, який тривав з кінця XIX ст. до Другої світової війни. Розглянуто чинники зростання інтересу американського суспільства до охорони
природних ресурсів, підґрунтя та засади урядової діяльності в цій царині. Виявлено особливості природоохоронної політики США за часів президентства Теодора Рузвельта, Говарда Тафта, Вудро Вільсона, Воррена Гардінга, Калвіна Куліджа, Герберта Гувера, Франкліна Рузвельта. Розкрито роль лідерів у захисті довкілля
Сполучених Штатів Америки. Охарактеризовано головні етапи діяльності Служби національних парків США. Проаналізовано особливості природоохоронної діяльності під час «прогресивної епохи», доби «проспериті», економічної кризи і рецесії 1930-х рр.
Розкрито екологічні аспекти «Нового курсу» та ефективність використання довкілля в якості антикризового інструменту.
Оцінено теоретичні і практичні здобутки екологічної політики США напередодні Другої світової війни.
Монографія адресована науковцям, викладачам навчальних закладів, політикам, студентам, та всім тим, хто цікавиться екологічною історією та історією Сполучених Штатів Америки і прагне зробити свій внесок у покращення екологічної політики
України.

At the beginning of the twentieth century the importance of solving
environmental problems is no longer in doubt. It is hardly possible to find a country that doesn’t suffer from global climate changes today, the
consequences of which lead to increasing number of victims of floods,
hurricanes, high temperatures and droughts; lack of fresh water; serious
changes in the food production; increasing vulnerability of ecosystems; the threat of flooding of small island countries and some cities. For decades, countries around the world have been working together to overcome environmental problems, and especially the effects of global warming. At the same time, an important part of this problem is the national level of environmental protection. As Ukraine has many environmental problems and its environmental policy is still in a stage of formation it is extremely important to analyze the best foreign experience and the possibilities that it gives with local specifics.
The United States is a major player in the international arena and leader
in world economic development; its approaches to solving environmental problems determine the effectiveness of the entire world community.
However, the vision of ways to overcome the global environmental crisis in the United States is contradictory (for example, the country withdrew from the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Climate Agreement). Meanwhile, in the late nineteenth- early twenties centuries it became one of the first countries in the world that started a policy of environmental protection and conservation of national resources. Many positive achievements in this area haven’t lost its relevance even nowadays.
It is considered, that the beginning of the environmental movement in the United States is publication "Silent Spring" in 1962 by the biologist of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service R. Carson, in which she substantiated the detrimental harmful effects of pesticides on nature and death of many species of flora and fauna. Spring without birds chirping and singing, made not only citizens, but also policymakers and businessmen all over the world to think about the future of our planet. This book has influenced on formation of powerful environmental movement and stimulated actions around the world.
In the United States of America, a new era of environmental policy
started. It marked by establishment EPA (United States Environmental
Protection Agency) and adoption in the 1970s a number of laws that
regulated different aspects of environmental protection – the Wilderness Act (1964), the National Environmental Policy Act (1970), the Pesticide Control Act (1972), the Clean Water Act (1972), the Endangered Species Act (1973), the Federal Land Policy and Management Act (1976) etc. These fundamental changes in attitude towards the environment had led some researchers to believe that the US environmental policy at least given the scale and new quality of the measures started only in 1960 – 1970s.
However, nothing occurs in a vacuum. R. Carson wrote her book in
response to the introduction of the anthropocentric model of nature
management that had developed in the United States in previous decades. The consequences of uncontrolled pollution by pesticides, especially DDT, which considered as an extremely effective after World War II but in fact had led to death of many birds, made her ask the question: what would be next?
The diverse experience of US environmental policy needs to be studied
in more details. In this book we intended to turn to its origins, to consider the formation of philosophical approaches, problems and achievements in environmental protection as well as their peculiarities from the first
environmental steps in the late nineteenth century until the World War II.
During this period a platform was laid, on which a new stage of this policy developed in late 1960s.
This brief insight into US environmental history, particularly in engendering of its nature protection policy, will allow us to understand the role of nature in life of the American nation, the reasons for the emergence of environmental consciousness, the features of the nature model, which largely determine the country's current environmental policy, as well as analyze useful ideas and achievements to avoid possible mistakes in Ukraine.

#AnneMoody

This is an overview of the Anne Moody History Project (AMHP) and its plans to promote and help preserve the legacy of Anne Moody (1940 - 2015). Ms. Moody was a civil rights pioneer and the famous author of Coming of Age in Mississippi. She grew up in Centreville, Miss., where she overcame poverty, racism, persecution, and the threats of death. She became a respected leader in the Civil Rights Movement.

Drawing on the author's background in marketing and journalism, this document presents a list of practical ideas adapted by AMHP for promoting Ms. Moody's history. The ideas include promotional work through schools, churches, the local community, government agencies, social media, and the news media. In addition to honoring her with a street and highway bearing her name, AMHP plans call for having a proclamation issued for “Anne Moody Day.” The author, who serves as AMHP chairman, has said the promotional campaign is about “history, education and tourism.” Current and future generations need to know her story, according to the author.

Note: Readers are encouraged to follow updates on Ms. Moody’s history by following @AnneMoodyHP on Twitter. #AnneMoody

A timely analysis of the power and limits of political parties—and the lessons of the Civil War and the New Deal in the Age of Trump.

American voters have long been familiar with the phenomenon of the presidential frontrunner. In 2008, it was Hillary Clinton. In 1844, it was Martin Van Buren. And in neither election did the prominent Democrat win the party's nomination. Insurgent candidates went on to win the nomination and the presidency, plunging the two-party system into disarray over the years that followed.

In this book, Cedric de Leon analyzes two pivotal crises in the American two-party system: the first resulting in the demise of the Whig party and secession of eleven southern states in 1861, and the present crisis splintering the Democratic and Republican parties and leading to the election of Donald Trump. Recasting these stories through the actions of political parties, de Leon draws unsettling parallels in the political maneuvering that ultimately causes once-dominant political parties to lose the people's consent to rule.

Crisis! takes us beyond the common explanations of social determinants to illuminate how political parties actively shape national stability and breakdown. The secession crisis and the election of Donald Trump suggest that politicians and voters abandon the political establishment not only because people are suffering, but also because the party system itself is unable to absorb an existential challenge to its power. Just as the U.S. Civil War meant the difference between the survival of a slaveholding republic and the birth of liberal democracy, what political elites and civil society organizations do today can mean the difference between fascism and democracy.

The call read, in part: "If Mr. Lincoln could revisit this country in the flesh, he would be disheartened and discouraged." It concluded: "Silence under these conditions means tacit approval…. Hence we call upon all the believers in democracy to join in a National Conference for the discussion of present evils, the voicing of protests, and the renewal of the struggle for civil and political liberty."

an old student paper) Defenders and detractors of John Brown may disagree about many things, but few will deny that he was, at the very least, a fascinating character. In his lifetime he was even more famous-more loved and more loathed-than he is now. From the Transcendentalists to the governor who hanged him, from the Union soldiers to Ku Klux Klan members, people have been fascinated by him. Why is this? It isn't only because of his daring raid on Harpers Ferry, for other men have done daring things without becoming objects of fascination. Rather, the cult of John Brown seems to derive from his singlemindedness, his unshakeable conviction of righteousness, his willingness to commit violence in pursuit of a noble end (a holy end, for him), combined with his intelligence, his eloquence, his courage. In short, what intrigues people, at least implicitly, is the contrast between him and his age. He had integrity, he was an old Puritan, an anachronistic Puritan from the days of Oliver Cromwell, he was "authentic"; his age was hypocritical, confused, self-estranged (as evidenced by its Civil War). This is the impression one gets from the outraged literature of the time, 1 and from the testaments of Brown's character given by Thoreau, Emerson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry A. Wise (governor of Virginia), and others. 2 In this paper I will investigate such claims. That is, I will explore the relation between Brown and his age, between Brown and the Transcendentalists in particular, in the hope that doing so will yield insights not only into the phenomena I'm 'directly' discussing (namely the Transcendentalists, Brown, and their society) but also into the meaning and nature of "authenticity" itself, this concept which is central to Brown's mystique.

Images of the American South in literature and media are often cultural stereotypes, projected as representations of objective reality. Stereotypical perception of the South has often been organized around two classes of image. One is antebellum-magnolia-GWTW mythology. The other is cotton row-tobacco road-Baby Doll grotesquerie. They embody the two greatest bourgeois perceptions of threat, of a decaying aristocracy and of a rebellious, primitive peasantry. The two classes of representation share three characteristics: they are both white, static, and unproductive.

This text politicizes unlearning processes in #shitholes presented in the format of an unconventional syllabus. My proposed questions to readers in light of the Trumpism era are: How are they made? Who has created them? Do you know where they are located? If you looked at a map, can you point them out? What are they? When do they appear?

Después de su separación de la antigua República de Colombia, la vida política de Venezuela estuvo colmada de levantamientos militares y conflictos de poder que impidieron la edificación de instituciones de carácter público lo suficientemente fuertes para controlar y garantizar la autoridad efectiva del gobierno central sobre la estructura administrativa del Estado. La constante amenaza de insurrecciones armadas internas y el temor a posibles agresiones del exterior condicionaron la actitud de los gobernantes venezolanos durante ese período. Muchos de ellos trataron de mantener, algunas veces con mayor efectividad que otras, un rígido control sobre aquellos elementos de poder que hicieran posible la estabilidad de sus respectivos regímenes: la integridad del territorio terrestre y marítimo del país, la adecuada capacidad de sus fuerzas militares para enfrentar a los enemigos del gobierno, y una relativa fortaleza de la estructura económico – comercial del Estado que asegurara los recursos materiales e ingresos financieros necesarios para garantizar la paz, el equilibrio y la seguridad del país.

A discussion of the US Civil War and the Historiography of the “Lost Cause” and Its Effect on How We View US Civil War History, specifically exploring the basic tenets of the Lost Cause, their development, and the effect on how U.S. Civil War history is viewed with particular emphasis on General James Longstreet who was scapegoated and blamed for the loss of the war.

"The Color of Success tells of the astonishing transformation of Asians in the United States from the “yellow peril” to “model minorities”—peoples distinct from the white majority but lauded as well-assimilated, upwardly mobile, and exemplars of traditional family values--in the middle decades of the twentieth century. As Ellen Wu shows, liberals argued for the acceptance of these immigrant communities into the national fold, charging that the failure of America to live in accordance with its democratic ideals endangered the country¹s aspirations to world leadership.

Weaving together myriad perspectives, Wu provides an unprecedented view of racial reform and the contradictions of national belonging in the Civil Rights era. She highlights the contests for power and authority within Japanese and Chinese America alongside the designs of those external to these populations, including government officials, social scientists, journalists, and others. And she demonstrates that the invention of the model minority took place in multiple arenas, such as battles over zoot suiters leaving wartime internment camps, the juvenile delinquency panic of the 1950s, Hawai‘i statehood, and the African American freedom movement. Together, these illuminate the impact of foreign relations on the domestic racial order and how the nation accepted Asians as legitimate citizens while continuing to perceive them as indelible outsiders.

By charting the emergence of the model minority stereotype, The Color of Success reveals that this far-reaching, politically charged process continues to have profound implications for how Americans understand race, opportunity, and nationhood.
"

Prior to the Civil War, racial exploitation was at the heart of the Anglo-American strategy of political and economic development. Put simply, the Anglo-American state successfully redistributed wealth from Native Americans and African Americans to white males and their families. Native American land was expropriated and sold at low prices or given to Anglo-American settlers fueling the agrarian economies of both the North and South. Chattel slavery deprived African Americans of both the fruits of their labor and their basic human rights. But it also underpinned the rise of cotton production in the South, a major driver of American economic growth in the antebellum period. These developments were not an accidental product of white racism, but the result of a political economy strategy, which created a dual American state: a contract state, premised on the rule of law, that promoted the growth of a prosperous, liberal democratic society of Anglo-Americans, and a predatory
state that financed white liberal society through its ruthless exploitation of Indian lands and African American labor.

If all goes well, I'll be publishing a book in the not-too-distant future, perhaps titled something like Popular Radicalism and the Unemployed in Chicago during the Great Depression. Below is the draft of its Introduction, based on the longer and more diffuse Introduction to my PhD thesis. I'd be happy to receive any critiques from readers. *** Capitalism and mass unemployment are inseparable. Ever since the destruction of the English handloom weavers following the introduction of the power loom in the early nineteenth century, the presence of a "reserve army of the unemployed" has been a permanent feature of capitalist society. Through perpetual structural change and business cycles, capitalism has manufactured unemployment no less reliably than industrial innovation, environmental degradation, and class conflict. The subject of this book is the collective suffering and struggles of the long-term unemployed during one of the great upheavals in American history, the Great Depression. Unemployment during the Depression is hardly a novel subject of historical inquiry, so the question immediately arises, why return to a topic that has already been studied by historians? Can anything new be said? In part, my interest in this old topic has been motivated by ominous parallels between the political economy of the present-day United States and the political economy that eventuated in the Depression. The most obvious parallel, for example, is the extreme income and wealth inequality of the two eras. "U.S. wealth concentration," the economist Gabriel Zucman

Mahjong: A Chinese Game and the Making of Modern American Culture illustrates how the spaces between tiles and the moments between games have fostered distinct social cultures in the United States. This mass-produced game crossed the Pacific, creating waves of popularity over the twentieth century. Annelise Heinz narrates the history of this game to show how it has created a variety of meanings, among them American modernity, Chinese American heritage, and Jewish American women's culture. As it traveled from China to the United States and caught on with Hollywood starlets, high society, middle-class housewives, and immigrants alike, mahjong became a quintessentially American game. Heinz also reveals the ways in which women leveraged a game to gain access to respectable leisure. The result was the forging of friendships within ethnic groups that lasted decades and the creation of organizations that raised funds for the war effort and philanthropy. No other game has signified both belonging and standing apart in American culture. https://global.oup.com/academic/product/mahjong-9780190081799?cc=us&lang=en&

With the end of the Pacific War on August 10th 1945 and Japan’s surrender to the Allied powers, came also the proposed return of Japanese occupied territory to a pre-war status. Among
those territories is the Korean peninsula, which was liberated and subsequently put under a trusteeship spearheaded by the United States and the Soviet Union and later regained full autonomy in the North and South respectively. As the return of Korean sovereignty was
overseen by the Supreme Command of Allied Powers (SCAP) under Douglas McArthur, Japan was to give up all territory “taken by violence and greed”. In case of one islet however, this proved to be a much more difficult task than anticipated. The Liancourt Rocks have been a major source of dispute between South Korea and Japan since the end of the Second World War. Korea claims de facto sovereignty, having built a lighthouse, housing Korean inhabitants and sporting a coastal guard base. It also projects military power over the islets, as it patrols Korean Navy vessels in the area and bars Japanese non-fishing vessels from entry. Japan on the other hand tries to project de jure sovereignty by claiming that historically and according to the treaties established after the war, rightfully the Liancourt Rocks are Japanese territory.

Military prostitution has been a staple of US–Korea relations since the 1940s, contained in the so-called camptown communities surrounding US military bases in South Korea. But during the 1970s, as the US military steadily reduced its troop presence in Asia, camptowns were thrown into a chaotic state. Facing tremendous social disorder and economic upheaval, establishments that depended upon GI patronage began sending their madams and sex workers to domestic military sites through brokered marriages with US servicemen. These women arrived in the US South, a region housing the vast majority of America’s military. Consequently, southern bases like Fort Bragg in Fayetteville (NC), Fort Campbell in Clarksville (TN), and Fort Hood in Killeen (TX) saw the proliferation of military prostitution, which took form in illicit massage businesses catering to the sexual needs of local troop populations. By the 1980s, the Korean American sex trade would spread from these southern military towns to elsewhere in the United States. Highlighting the transpacific circuits among camptowns in South Korea and military bases in the United States since 1945, this article develops a portrait of the US South as a transnational militarized terrain, the camptown as a transpacific phenomenon, and Korean immigrant community formation as deeply intertwined with the happenings of US militarism abroad. In doing so, it explains how the proliferation of illicit massage businesses witnessed by southern military communities in the 1970s was a transnational outgrowth of military prostitution encouraged by the US military in South Korea.

This article offers a brief explanation as to why the autonomous teen bedroom became a normative feature of family life in the United States during the years following World War Two. An exclusive space that was largely restricted to middle-class, urban-dwelling girls during the Victorian era and interwar years, the teen bedroom underwent a process of democratization during the postwar years, as demographic/economic trends, shifting views on child-rearing, and the flowering of a consumer-oriented teen culture helped lay the groundwork for the emergence of the teen bedroom ideal among boys and girls from a wide variety of socio-economic backgrounds. Particular attention is paid to shifts in family size, income, and home size; the democratization of child development theory by columnists and other types of popular advice experts; and the efforts of the home electronics and home décor industries to turn the teen bedroom into a favored site of teen leisure and consumption. This article, in short, argues that the growing popularity of the teen bedroom was brought about by a host of social, cultural, and economic factors.

CONTENTS
Landmarks of American History from the Columbian Exchange to the U.S. Civil War
Landmarks of American History from Reconstruction to Obama
Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace: U.S. Foreign Relations from the Spanish American War to Hiroshima
Uneasy Colossus: U.S. Foreign Relations, 1945-Present
Seminar: Paradox: War and Peace in the Age of the Atom
Graduate Seminar: Coming Together, or Coming Apart?: Colonialism, Decolonization, and Neocolonialism in the 20th Century
Seminar: Upsetting the Balance: An Environmental History of Globalization (not included)
Seminar: The Vietnam Wars (not included)

This paper focuses on the difficulties Kathleen O'Brennan faced as a political radical and foreigner operating as an Irish republican activist in the United States. In 1920, O'Brennan constructed for herself and the American Women Pickets for the Enforcement of America's War Aims an American identity rooted in popular conceptions of the American Revolution. This let her work more effectively at the same time that it allowed feminists, radicals, and leftists to campaign for U.S. recognition of the Irish Republic in the face of opposition from the conservative Friends of Irish Freedom and American nativists. Yet once Irish republican politicians established the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic, thus shaping their own acceptable American identity, they made it difficult for the radical O'Brennan to act as an Irish nationalist in the United States. In defiance, O'Brennan and Dr. Gertrude B. Kelly formed American auxiliaries of the Irish White Cross. Irish politicians and their American organization, however, foiled O'Brennan's efforts by branding her un-American, and, therefore, un-Irish. O'Brennan's activities show that displays of American patriotism and American character served as political tools in the transatlantic Irish republican cause, but the movement ultimately depended on who could best use American identities for their own ends.

In this new opening chapter of the 4th edition of IMMIGRANT AMERICA, we analyze three distinct phases spanning the last century and a third: (1) the Great European Waves of the period from 1880 to 1930, which accompanied the American industrial revolution, reached a historic zenith in 1910 when 14.7 percent of the total population was foreign born, and ended with the triumph of restrictionist legislation; (2) a period of Retrenchment from 1930 to 1970, which spanned the Great Depression, World War II and its aftermath, reaching a historic nadir in 1970 when only 4.7 percent of the population was foreign born; and (3) a period of Rebound from 1970 to the present, which remains the focus of the book—an era of economic restructuring, widening economic inequality, and the sharply increased migration of low-wage laborers, professionals, entrepreneurs, refugees and asylees, combining to reach a foreign-born total of 40 million by 2010. Migration during this new era grew by more than a million a year, ending with the Great Recession and unprecedented state persecution of millions of undocumented immigrants. This state policy included the creation of a vast network of immigrant detention centers and historic deportation levels, even as unauthorized migration decreased to net zero. One leitmotif of the book is the counterpoint between the widespread demand for immigrant labor by different sectors of the American economy and the activities of nativists and xenophobes across the three successive phases of U.S.-bound immigration. Indeed, throughout successive chapters, we look to the historical record to place present concerns in a broader comparative context. History does not repeat itself, but it echoes.

Thomas Richards, Jr., "'Farewell to America': The Expatriation Politics of Overland Migrants, 1841-1846," Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 86, No. 1 (Feb. 2017), pp. 114-152. © 2017 by the Pacific Historical Review. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by [the Regents of the University of California/on behalf of the Sponsoring Society] for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified fee via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center.