The Use of Marble and Other Stones

Научные статьи сборника Царскосельской конференции «Атрибуция предмета: интуиция, опыт, документ» посвящены вопросам введения в научный оборот в результате атрибуции с использованием всех способов анализа движимых и недвижимых памятников истории и искусства: архитектурных построек, произведений живописи, скульптуры, всех видов прикладного искусства, а также проблемам современной методологии и терминологии атрибуции музейных объектов. Сборник адресован сотрудникам музеев, искусствоведам, историкам, краеведам, всем, кто интересуется отечественной историей и культурой. Государственный музей-заповедник «Царское Село» выражает благодарность членам Клуба друзей музея-заповедника за финансовую поддержку данного издания: Негосударственному образовательному учреждению высшего профессионального образования «Санкт-Петербургский Гуманитарный университет профсоюзов» М. Ф. Мудрак К. Н. Подпальному

door Marleen DE CEUKELAIRE, in "La pierre comme porteur de messages du chantier de construction et de la vie du bâtiment. Actes du XXIe Colloque International de Glyptographie (du 8 au 14 juillet 2018, Amay, Belgique)"

ISBN 978-2-87457-115-2

Table of contents and details on http://www.safran.be/en/proddetail.php?prod=CIRG2019

“Malachite Diplomacy” charts the discovery and attribution of Russian lapidary art that left the Russian Empire’s borders during various periods as diplomatic gifts. Ludmilla Budrina holds a PhD in Art History and her extensive research in museums, archives, libraries and private collections, both in Russia and abroad, formed the basis for this publication.
The monograph examines over four hundred pieces created by artists from the Peterhof, Ekaterinburg and Kolyvan Imperial lapidary workshops as well as lesser known private ateliers in Saint Petersburg and Ekaterinburg such Philipot, Maderni, the Demidoff malachite workshop, Hesserich and Woerffel, Lagutyaev, Stebakov and others.  The history of the transfer of works abroad is examined within the context of major events of the 18th through the early 20th centuries including political rapprochement and alliances, the signing of treaties, dynastic unions and other occasions. 
The author’s definition of “malachite diplomacy” is not limited to production using this stone alone. A significant portion of the text is dedicated to the historical transfer of carved pieces in other colored stones from the Urals and Siberia such as jaspers, rhodonite, porphyry, quartzite and further specimens. 
The book opens with a brief overview of the history of stone-cutting in Russia. The main body covers the spread of Russian stone pieces around the world, listed by country.  These sections are based on the modern political map and then further defined by their historic regions.  Thus, the chapter on Germany is subdivided into Prussia, Wurttemberg, Bavaria and others. 
The scope of the text is not limited to Europe – which admittedly featured as Russia’s principle diplomatic partner in the 19th century.  Lesser known cases of “malachite diplomacy” in Asia (Turkey, Iran, Japan and China), America (USA, Mexico) and Australia are also covered. 
Ludmila Budrina is uniquely qualified to present both the supply and demand for Russian lapidary works thanks to her undisputed knowledge of the material covered. Her ability to trace the complex trajectories of each case study is bolstered by her facility with foreign languages. This allowed unrestricted access to an international network of experts and extensive research in foreign archives and collection.
At times, the author drew on detective methodology to uncover pieces preserved in museum vaults or hidden in private collections and distills this for us in a clearly presented, beautifully illustrated volume. The result is a uniquely fascinating history of the dissemination of Russian stone cutting art, the rich varieties of colored stones available, and their role on the diplomatic stage of the 18th to early 20th centuries.

Nidarosdomen hviler på et grunnfjell av steintradisjoner som ble etablert i Midt-Østen og Det gamle Egypt. Det fortsatte med romerne for 2000 år siden. Deres middelalderske etterkommere tok med seg kunnskapen fra England til Norge. Slik ble det bygget en strålende katedral i Trondheim.

Denne boken er en kulturhistorisk reise i stein. Med fokus på Nidarosdomen går ferden fra eldgamle steinbrudd ved Nilens bredder, over Middelhavet og nordover. Men det stopper ikke her. Nidarosdomen gikk nesten i grus for 500 år siden. Siden reiste den seg som symbol for det moderne Norge. Til gjenreisinen gikk det med tusenvis av tonn med stein fra hele landet. 110 steinbrudd ble testet, 70 brudd kom i bruk. I denne boken får du vite hvorfor.

Per Storemyr har jobbet med Nidarosdomens stein i 25 år. Han har 20 feltsesonger bak seg i Egypts gamle steinbrudd og har fartet fra brudd til brudd ellers i verden, alltid med samme spørsmål: Hvordan ble det jobbet i bruddene i gamle dager? Hvem sto bak slitet i berget det blå?
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Her er et lite utdrag av boken, som du kan kjøpe i bokhandlernes nettbutikker, f.eks. https://www.norli.no/nidarosdomens-grunnfjell

Recent investigations in the North-East Necropolis and in the st Philip church at Hierapolis brought to light numerous fragments of marble sarcophagi. The paper presents the results of the archaeological examinations carried out on these sarcophagi, which are discussed in integration with petrographic, isotopic and cathodoluminescence data. Imported sarcophagi from Dokimeion and others made of local marbles (especially from Thiounta and Marmar Tepe) are attested, suggesting a new scenario for the production
activities and the presence of travelling craftsmen in the Lykos Valley. Also the reuse of the Roman Imperial sarcophagi inside the Byzantine building site of the St Philip church is discussed.

In this article I discuss the artistic paradigms for sea-thinking and sea-making in
four sections: marble as emulatio for the sea (1); the phenomenon of sea-floors or
the psycho-acoustic space (2); Echo as aquatic paradigm (3); and finally camouflage
and matrixial merging (4). With this approach, I reintegrate the marvels of the sea
in four ontologies of the image. By delving into the substrata of ideas and material
intuitions towards the sea and more generally the aquatic paradigm in theology,
anthropology and psychoanalysis, I hope to offer alternative hermeneutics for what
we consider as art, art-making and the visual senses, and to obelize some of the
deeply ingrained Eurocentric and patriarchal paradigms.

Between c. AD 1400–1900, Yapese islanders in western Micronesia travelled to the Palauan archipelago to carve large circular or ovoid-shaped disks. Often referred to as ‘stone money’, they were made from a speleothem flowstone variety of limestone that formed by calcite precipitation along cave walls. These disks were an engineering marvel, and their transport to Yap by watercraft, more than 400 km away, makes them the heaviest objects ever moved over open-ocean by traditional Pacific Islanders. Thousands of pieces were brought to Yap pre- and post-European contact, and were (and still are) highly prized as important exchange valuables and symbols of cultural tradition. One of the most fundamental questions regarding stone money is how and where it originated, given that Yap has no native sources of limestone. Palau and Yap are part of an intra-oceanic island-arc-trench system that separates the Pacific and Philippine plates. Yap is unusual in that it is mainly composed of metamorphic, not volcanic rocks. Yap also lacks uplifted limestone terrains common in the neighbouring archipelagos (e.g. Palau and the Marianas). To address these questions, we examined the occurrence of rare, small, and lichen-covered outcrops of calcitic marble (metamorphosed limestone) on Yap. While there are no definitive records of Yapese stone money being produced from marble, this study documents an attempt to carve a disk from this material. We suggest that the white colour, crystalline texture, and shiny lustre of marble may have initially inspired the Yapese to seek similar material elsewhere. The discovery of abundant flowstone with similar composition and appearance on Palau, may have been the impetus for why this exchange system began. Even though the surface of most stone money on Yap is now darkened due to weathering, this would not have diminished its overall value, which is based on numerous other variables such as its pedigree, and not on visual appearance.

El capítulo que aquí se ofrece realiza una reevaluación de los materiales marmóreos identificados en las piezas anteriormente estudiadas de Villa Adriana. Esta actualización se enmarca en el entorno propio de estos estudios, por lo que se recordará qué planteamientos se siguen para que el lector adquiera una idea más fiel de las dificultades que entraña la determinación arqueométrica y comprenda la fiabilidad relativa que ofrecen los resultados analíticos. Desde la elaboración de una base de datos con las características propias de los mármoles de cantera (“sus huellas digitales”) hasta su aplicación e interpretación para identificar la procedencia del mármol en una pieza escultórica, se suceden una serie de etapas que conviene recordar. Se pretende con ello aclarar algunos aspectos que pueden ser de utilidad para los distintos especialistas ajenos al más estricto campo analítico, quienes tienden a considerar que el hecho de haber analizado una pieza es garantía suficiente para certificar siempre su origen primario. La realidad es que el grado de aproximación alcanzado hoy en día es elevado utilizando una aproximación multi-método, pero aun con todo hay excepciones que son complicadas de interpretar por la confluencia de diversos factores. Así se tratará primero brevemente cómo se plantea el estudio arqueométrico de piezas marmóreas, para después poner en valor el descubrimiento reciente de las canteras imperiales próximas a Afrodisias, exponiendo un resumen de la caracterización de los diversos tipos de mármoles blancos y de color, a los que se asocia una nomenclatura tradicional propia. Se abordará después el problema de identificación de las variedades escultóricas de grano fino, particularizando con las diversas calidades de blanco Göktepe y su diferenciación con Luni-Carrara, todo ello como preámbulo a la actualización de las variedades escultóricas estudiadas de Villa Adriana, para acabar remarcando la importancia del Göktepe especialmente en época adrianea, para lo que ha sido preciso sintetizar la información publicada al respecto.

sua connotazione di «città estiva», di spazi coltivati, di alpeggi «caricati», è ormai silente da decenni. E attraverso il momento del silenzio, ci rammenta Eugenio Turri, si ha il senso del tempo: «così nel silenzio, nell'auscultazione delle voci profonde della natura, ci scopriamo improvvisamente assoggettati al tempo e alla storia, non solo in quanto essere viventi, ma soprattutto-ciò che più contain quanto agenti trasformatori della natura e costruttori di forme. Le quali durano sin quando non decidiamo, spinti dall'ansia di un presente insaziabile, che esse vanno sostituite con nuove forme…» 1. Così il paesaggio della Val Grande osservato oggi, privo di attività, esprime, nel suo essere silente, la sua essenza di spazio connotato di segni e sedimentazioni entro una natura che, nella sua fissità/evoluzione ci fa percepire i fili del tempo. La metafora letteraria della «città estiva» (VANNI OLIVA),-si contavano infatti 178 i diversi corti e alpeggi della Val Grande che si riempivano ed animavano stagionalmente per le diverse attività agro-silvo-pastorali-, lascia dunque il posto alla concretezza del paesaggio percepito oggi nel suo intreccio tra il passato ed il presente, ma anche alla lettura di quella «invisibilità» d'azione di edificatori di paesaggi rurali (richiamati da Carlo Cattaneo prima, e da Eugenio Turri poi, passando per Emilio Sereni), attori del passato che ci introducono ai tempi lunghi della storia, che danno sostanza storica al paesaggio. Sull'archetipo del «paesaggio della sussistenza», contrapposto a quello della wilderness, si è fatto leva per delineare il percorso di ricerca che si presenta con questo nuovo volume della collana Documenta, e per darne sinteticamente il riferimento metodologico di tipo diacronico. Lo svelamento del sistema dei segni, di quanto dà sostanza storica al paesaggio valgrandino e che ci fa parlare di uno specifico paesaggio culturale, e l'ascolto delle voci che di questo paesaggio raccontano, è quanto si è iniziato con la ricerca interdisciplinare svolta con il Dipartimento Interateneo di Scienze, Progetto e Politiche del Territorio (DIST) del Politecnico e dell'Università di Torino. Segni e testimonianze che vanno nella direzione della costruzione di quella geografia della memoria avviata con le precedenti pubblicazioni della collana, ma soprattutto segni che dobbiamo interpretare per raccordarli al nostro agire e/o non agire nel territorio del parco e del suo intorno. Verso un progetto di paesaggio per la Val Grande La necessità di un «progetto di paesaggio», inteso come strumento di conoscenza, di diffusione e di presa di coscienza dei caratteri costitutivi ed evolutivi del territorio valgrandino, è allo stesso tempo fondativo delle finalità della ricerca, e di prospettiva per le azioni future del parco, prima fra tutte quella ecomuseale. L'intento iniziale era infatti quello di formare una maggiore consapevolezza verso il valore di un paesaggio ed i suoi caratteri complessi e processuali, senza ridurlo in facili icone e definizioni, declinandolo essenzialmente entro l'antinomia sussistenza/wilderness. Allo stesso tempo gli elementi di conoscenza e interpretazione possono costituire, come ci ricorda Roberto Gambino nelle sue riflessioni conclusive, non solo il contesto ideale per testare le nuove concezioni del paesaggio, ma finanche per costruire risposte (anche attraverso un progetto di paesaggio) agli interrogativi sottesi alle politiche di governo del territorio del parco in relazione al rapporto wilderness e identità locali, alle 1 E. TURRI (2004), Il paesaggio e il silenzio, Marsilio Venezia, p. 16 Interrogarsi sul paesaggio ragioni della natura e le percezioni ed aspirazioni degli abitanti. Da una parte l'obiettivo della ricerca è stato quello di mettere a punto e sviluppare un processo di lettura diacronica della struttura sistemica del paesaggio a partire da tre linee di approfondimento ed un ambito territoriale di sperimentazione: quello della bassa Val Grande, della Valle Intrasca e della bassa Ossola, ovvero i territori del parco corrispondenti alle cosiddette «terre di mezzo», aree insediate permanentemente sia con abitati stabili, sia con attività stagionali. Le tre linee di analisi, studio e approfondimento dovevano indagare i caratteri geo-strutturali, naturali e culturali del paesaggio dei territori individuati, la formazione e le trasformazioni nel tempo, la sua percezione sociale. Le osservazioni paesistiche e la lettura descrittiva del paesaggio dovevano svolgersi attraverso un approccio multidisciplinare alla conoscenza delle relazioni, delle interconnessioni che legano tra loro fenomeni diversi, sia d'ordine naturale che culturale. I saggi che seguono, danno dunque compiutamente conto di una lettura, interpretazione e classificazione teorico disciplinare per matrici antropiche, matrici naturali, matrici socio-culturali e matrici percettive, ma anche di una identità socio-locale espressa dal lavoro in campo con incontri ed interviste. Nel suo duplice aspetto di apporto tecnico-disciplinare e di rapporto con testimoni del tempo e del territorio (vecchi e nuovi abitanti), la ricerca porta ad alcune riflessioni, le une sulle acquisizioni progressive di più discipline scientifiche all'analisi paesaggistica vuoi nei suoi portati storico rappresentativi (si vedano i capitoli V, VI, e VII su persistenze e variazioni a partire dall'analisi dei catasti storici), vuoi in quelli ecologici, ambientali e insediativi; le altre alle nozioni di cultura e di patrimonio culturale. Quest'ultima, come richiama l'UNESCO in diversi programmi e documenti, si è ampliata notevolmente spostando il baricentro dai monumenti ai beni culturali, dagli oggetti alle idee, dal materiale all'immateriale. Il patrimonio inoltre rimanda a simboli e rappresentazioni, ai «luoghi della memoria», e quindi all'identità. Nell'ottica ecomuseale il patrimonio culturale è, in accordo con H. De Varine, «il risultato, materiale ed immateriale, dell'attività creativa continua e congiunta dell'uomo e della natura: in questo senso lega concretamente il passato al presente e al futuro», diventando quindi anche per il parco e il suo paesaggio «uno scenario e una risorsa per lo sviluppo» 2. La sfera del patrimonio culturale investe l'insieme della sfera comunitaria, quella estetica, quella emotiva e simbolica, oltre che i modi in cui, nella sua manifestazione paesistica, ed in linea con la Convenzione Europea del Paesaggio, è riconosciuto e fatto proprio dalla comunità, e fatto oggetto di progettualità nella sua possibile declinazione ecomuseale, ma non solo. Di sfondo infatti a questo patrimonio culturale sedimentato, che dà sostanza storica al paesaggio, ed una comprensione e interpretazione dei caratteri costitutivi ed evolutivi del territorio valgrandino, c'è il tema cruciale, oggi «identitario», del rapporto con la wilderness. Interrogarsi sul paesaggio Guardiamo al paesaggio per comprendere il senso del nostro agire che concretamente possa incidere sul territorio del parco, ma anche per trovare risposte a quanto origina la cosiddetta «wilderness di ritorno», la Val Grande silente. La conoscenza storica dei processi territoriali, parte tangibile e articolata della ricerca del Dipartimento Interateneo di Scienze, Progetto e Politiche del Territorio (DIST) del Politecnico e dell'Università di Torino insieme a quella interpretativa e comunicativa 3 , unita 2 H. DE VARINE (2005), Le radici del futuro. Il patrimonio culturale al servizio dello sviluppo locale. CLUEB Bologna 3 Si ricorda infatti che il gruppo interdisciplinare di ricerca ha predisposto contenuti e suggerimenti museografici, per l'allestimento della mostra «dal paesaggio della sussistenza a quello della wilderness» realizzata nel 2015 nell'ambito delle iniziative EXPO del parco nazionale, poi divenuta allestimento permanente del Centro visita del parco di Intragna.

In the 19th century stone-cutting art has become one of the brightest elements in the representation of the Russian Empire. World’s fairs provided ample opportunities for this representation. The article examines the structure of the collections and the list of the exhibitors at one of the largest fairs — The World’s Columbian Exposition of 1893. The paper draws upon both published and archival documents, including those which have not yet been used for the examination of the representation of Russia’s stone art at this exhibition. It reconstructs mineralogical, technical and typological diversity of the exhibited items and the principle of reciprocal completing of the exhibitors. It also
analyzes the items presented by the imperial Petergof, Ekaterinburg lapidary and Kolyvan grinding factories, by Carl Woerffel’s enterprise and a wide range of small Ural producers as well. Due to the discovery of archival materials, a number of items, exhibited in Chicago, was identified in the museum collections in Russia and abroad. Some attributional details for the exhibited Woerffel items are offered which made it possible to propose the authorship and dating for the items from
Russian and foreign collections. The author is also the first to analyze the collection, purchased at the exhibition from the Russian stonecutters for The Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago. A conclusion is drawn about the role of the coloured stones items and the importance of their presentation for the formation of the Russian Empire’s image as one of the most important world centers of the decorative stones development.

Various red, black and grey ‘Belgian marbles’ (coloured dense fossiliferous Palaeozoic limestones suit- able for polishing — ‘calcaires marbriers’) decorated private and public buildings as well as sanctuaries within and beyond the civitas Tungrorum. These hard limestones have all been quarried in southern Belgium, at the heart of the civitas. For their transport, trade and distribution, fluvial routes were most probably used. The ‘Belgian marbles’ have been employed as tesserae in mosaics, opus sectile, marble veneers and various smooth or sculptured wall and floor decorative elements. The strongly veined Gris des Ardennes and the wild cherry-red Rouge de Rance were the most popular ones, whereas the spotless black Namur ‘marble’ was preferentially used in floor mosaics in combination with white tesserae. The grey Meuse limestone was the most commonly used decorative stone showing a broad spectrum of applications. In this paper, the geographical-geological provenances and stratigraphical assignments of the ‘Belgian marbles’ (and related limestones) are discussed, whereas an overview is given of their major macroscopical-microscopical characteristics and known distribution.

Zespół kamedulski w Pożajściu pod Kownem, jego kościół p.w. Nawiedzenia Najśw. Maryi Panny i pozostałe budynki eremu stanowią wyjątkowy w skali całej Europy Środkowej zespół architektoniczny najwyższej klasy artystycznej, w których okazałym dojrzałobarokowym wystroju wnętrz obok sztukaterii i fresków pierwszorzędną rolę pełniły różne gatunki marmurów i kamieni budowlanych sprowadzone ze sławnego ośrodka wydobywczo-kamieniarskiego w Dębniku spod Krakowa i bałtyckiej wyspy Gotlandii.
Ich zakup, przygotowanie i transport to niewątpliwie wyjątkowe przedsięwzięcie handlowe i logistyczne.
W świetle zebranych źródeł dotyczących historii eksploatacji górnodewońskiego pirytowego ,,czarnego marmuru", i ośrodka kamieniarskiego w Dębniku w XVII w. (od 1629 do 1787 r. zarządzanych przez konwent karmelitów bosych z sąsiedniego Siedlca / Czernej) oraz pierwszorzędnej roli w nich zakonu kamedułów z pobliskiego eremu Mons Argenteum (Bielany pod Krakowem) można wywnioskować, że organizacja tak dużej dostawy drogą lądową wozami (Dębnik-Bielany lub Kraków), rzeczną tratwami (Kraków do Gdańska via Kazimierz Dolny, Warszawa i Toruń) i morską statkami (z Gdańska do Królewca i dalej) na dystansie ponad 1000 km nie byłaby w ogóle możliwa bez pośrednictwa władz kamedulskich obu eremów. Można przyjąć, że to sami zakonnicy byli inicjatorami wykorzystania w Pożajściu wapieni z okolic Dębnika i Krakowa oraz bezpośrednio zaangażowali w proces decyzyjny, a najważniejsze negocjacje i kontrakty prowadzono i zawierano dzięki ich pomocy na Bielanach. Najwcześniejszym śladem takiego porozumienia jest umowa zawarta niedługo po rozpoczęciu prac budowlanych w Pożajściu, w dniu 3 lutego 1667 r. między fundatorem - Krzysztofem Zygmuntem Pacem (zm. 1684), kanclerzem wielkim litewskim, a dzierżawcą kamieniołomów dębnickich i czołowym miejscowym kamieniarzem Adamem Gabrysikiem / Gabrysiowiczem vel Negowiczem (zm. 1681), na otworzenie nowego kamieniołomu, z którego materiał miał być przeznaczony wyłącznie na potrzeby zamawiającego. Nieregularne dostawy trwały od jesieni 1667 do przynajmniej 1690-1694 r., przy czym fundator a następnie jego spadkobierca i kontynuator fundacji pożajskiej - Kazimierz Michał Pac, pisarz wielki litewski i kawaler maltański (zm. 1719), mieli przywilej pierwszeństwa w zamówieniach i dostawach u czterech kolejnych dzierżawców dębnickich: Negowicza, Stefana Bystrzyckiego (1682-1687), Michała Pomana (1689-zm. 1708) i Jakuba Bielawskiego (zm. 1715). Realizacją zamówień kierowali kolejni współpracownicy wymienionych mistrzów, m.in. Jacek Zielaski (1684-1694).
W ramach dostaw do Pożajścia trafił nie tylko ciemno-popielaty ,,marmur" z Dębnika, ale także zestawiane z nim najczęściej: różowawo-wiśnowy, gęsto użylony karboński wapień żyłowy Rożanka paczółtowica, a po 1689 r. również pozyskany od sióstr klarysek z Grodziska pod Skałą beżowo-piaskowy jurajski wapień gąbkowy zwany ,,marmurem bł. Salomei". W części płytek posadzkowych w kaplicach oraz zakrystii i kapitularzu świątyni występuje też podobnie zabarwiony tzw. ,,marmur lochowy" z łomu Karmelickiego w Dębniku.
Współpraca między Puttinim a rzemieślnikami dębnickimi nie zawsze układała się po myśli fundatorów: jakość ,,marmuru" nie zawsze pozwalała na jego wszechstronne wykorzystanie, szwankowała też punktualność dostaw a ceny często ulegały zmianom w trakcie realizacji poszczególnych transzy zamówień. W maju 1687 r. w Dębniku doszło do tajemniczego pożaru szopy należącej do Pomana, w której były przechowywane warte kilkaset złotych parapety balustrad przeznaczone do kaplic bocznych świątyni pożajskiej. Dowodem niezwykłych umiejętności negocjacyjnych Pomana było przyjęcie przez kamedułów i Paca połowy kosztów (270 złotych polskich) ponownego wydobycia i obróbki wymienionych parapetów, natomiast sama ich dostawa przedłużyła się aż do wiosny 1690 r. Poważnym problemem było też niezrozumienie wariantowych projektów Puttiniego przez niewykwalifikowanych kamieniarzy dębnickich. Twórcy ci nie pracowali jednak w Pożajściu przy montażu zwiezionych elementów (Poman wraz z czeladnikami eskortowali je tylko do Gdańska) - tę funkcję przejęli miejscowi rzemieślnicy, dla których pomoc organizował w latach 80. XVII w. w Warszawie współpracujący z Pacem i Puttinim sławny architekt i przedsiębiorca budowlany Giuseppe Simone Bellotti.
Z uwagi na włoską, barokową proweniencję form detali architektonicznych projektu Puttiniego, która różni się zdecydowanie od tradycyjnej kamieniarki dębnickiej z 2. poł. XVII w., piętno stylu Negowicza, Bystrzyckiego, Pomana albo Zielaskiego widać tylko w formach pomniejszych detali.
Piętrzące się po 1694 r. problemy finansowe, wzrost cen i przedłużające się terminy kolejnych dostaw sprawiły, że Kazimierzowi Michałowi Pacowi nie udało się zrealizować do końca planowanego początkowo programu mauzoleum - krypty z sarkofagami pary fundatorskiej i ich płyt epitafijnych.

    Równocześnie od 2. poł. lat 60. XVII w. Krzysztof Zygmunt Pac zaczął zabiegać o sprowadzenie do Pożajścia dużych ilości popularnego w całym basenie Morza Bałtyckiego kamienia budowlanego - górnosylurskiego piaskowca Burgsvik z należącej od 1645 r. do Szwecji wyspy Gotlandii. Ten zabarwiony glaukonitem szaro-zielonkawy kamień był od przynajmniej XIV w. powszechnie używany w Gdańsku, Królewcu, Kłajpedzie, Rydze i Rewalu m.in. jako materiał do licowania ścian oraz do rzeźby pełnoplastycznej i w wysokim reliefie. Importem bloków Burgsvik zajmowali się kupcy królewieccy: von Mellin, Cynaki i Kajzer [niem. Keiser?], oraz pocztmistrzowie królewscy w Gdańsku: Francesco Gratta i jego zięć Bartholomeo Sardi z Lukki (notowany 1687-1690, obaj kierowali też dostawami marmuru z Dębnika i Krakowa, piaskowca z Szydłowca oraz wielu innych materiałów i detali do budowy całego eremu, m.in. blachy, żelaznych prętów i krat itp.).
Wybór takiego materiału na okładzinę i detale świątyni pożajskiej był podyktowany nie tylko regionalną tradycją budowlaną i artystyczną, ale też wcześniejszymi doświadczeniami Paców na tym polu. Impuls dała już sławna królewska kaplica św. Kazimierza przy katedrze wileńskiej, natomiast tego samego gatunku piaskowca użyto w latach 30-40. XVII w. na fasadzie i w detalach wnętrza czołowej stołecznej fundacji rodowej - kościele karmelitów bosych św. Teresy . Czołowymi współczesnymi przykładami są: Kaplica Królewska w Gdańsku oraz powstałe w latach 80. i 90. XVII w. okazałe kamienice Jana van Reuterna (1685) i Ernsta Metsu (von Dannenstern) (1696, proj. Rupert Bindenschu) w Rydze. Należy jednak zaznaczyć, iż w przeciwieństwie do włoskiego projektu Puttiniego wszystkie wymienione budowle należą do niderlandzkiego nurtu architektury nadbałtyckiej 2.poł. XVII w.
W latach 1675-1676 trafiły do Pożajścia bloki kamienia na okładzinę fasady (ukończona 1681) i kamieniarki portali i okien kościoła i głównych budynków eremu, a po fiasku w latach 1675-1681 zakupu spiżu na bazy i kapitele 8 monumentalnych kolumn okalających jej wnętrze (miano je odlać w nieustalonej giserni w Gdańsku) także te elementy razem z częścią gzymsów i profili tamburu kopuły zdecydowano wykuć w piaskowcu Burgsvik. Ostatnia dostawa w 1685 lub 1686 r. objęła balustrady do klauzury eremu.

This volume presents new methodologies for the design of dimension stone based on the concepts of structural design while preserving the excellence of stonemasonry practice in facade engineering. Straightforward formulae are provided for computing action on cladding, with special emphasis on the effect of seismic forces, including an extensive general methodology applied to non-structural elements. Based on the Load and Resistance Factor Design Format (LRDF), minimum slab thickness formulae are presented that take into consideration stress concentrations analysis based on the Finite Element Method (FEM) for the most commonly used modern anchorage systems. Calculation examples allow designers to solve several anchorage engineering problems in a detailed and objective manner, underlining the key parameters. The design of the anchorage metal parts, either in stainless steel or aluminum, is also presented.

Aurisina limestone is a type of stone extracted in the Karst region, just a few kilometers away from Trieste (northeastern Italy), which was much used in the Roman Age.
The Aurisina quarries belonged to the territory of Aquileia and were exploited at least from the 2nd century BC. In ancient times they provided huge quantities of stone, that was used to realize buildings and infrastructure as well as artifacts (e.g. statues, inscriptions, weights, etc.), and was exported to the north of Italy, along the Adriatic coasts and their inland regions.
This paper aims at reconstructing the different steps of the production process of Aurisina limestone, analyzing different topics: the quarrying, transportation, diffusion and use of this stone in the Roman Age.

This paper is a brief overview to the stones from the quarries of the northern part of the conventus Tarraconensis, with especial emphasis on those employed for ornamental purposes, but also taking into account those with less valued but still employed as raw material to produce decorative objects or architectural elements.

Alabaster has many proverbial qualities, as evident in Shakespeare's 'smooth as monumental alabaster' (Othello, V, ii). Tomb monuments are a prominent feature in Kim Woods’ new monograph 'Cut in Alabaster' (2018) on the uses of this translucent material in the period 1350 to 1550. Yet the scope of this book is much wider, both thematically and geographically.  With the increased interest in materiality, this is a welcome – and impressive – addition to the literature on medieval sculpture and on alabaster in particular.

Import of Stone and Objects of Art from Gotland and Öland
to the Commonwealth of Two Nations (XIII‒2nd Half of the XVIII C.)

The goal of the present paper is to thoroughly systematize the state of knowledge ofthe identification, import, and use of ‘Swedish stone’ in small architecture and sculpture in Royal Prussia and Warmia, as well as in the neighbouring lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The paper was elaborated on the grounds of a newly isolated group of modern monuments made from material imported from Gotland and Oland, almost exclusively executed by Netherlandish and German artists aliated mainly with Gdansk. In the geographical and statistical perspective this phenomenon had a fundamental impact on the development of small architecture and stone sculpture in this part of Central Europe in the
12th‒18th c.
All the reddish and greyish Ordovik orthoceras limestone from the Baltic See island of Oland and the greyish-greenish quartz Late Silurian Burgsvik sandstone from nearby Gotland meant for use in architectural decoration and figural sculptures reached the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, just like all the other countries of the Baltic See region, as raw material, prefabricates, or ready items. Due to its deep and long-lasting shine, in Northern and Central Europe of the modern times it was called lapis sueticus and treated like marble.
‘Swedish stone’, first of all Oland limestone, was used in the late Middle Ages to make relief tombstones. Starting from the 16th c., there began a mass import of unworked floor and
tombstone slabs from Oland; those were polished and sculpted in by almost all the Gdansk stonemasons and sculptors. From Gdansk and Elbląg via Konigsberg they reached the far destinations inland the Commonwealth, as far as Ruthenia and Cracow in the south.
Significantly less far reaching were the tombstones which in the case of those founded by the Church or knights gradually evolved throughout the 2nd half of the 16th c. to resemble
contemporary Renaissance Italian tombstones: vertical on-wall half–or full-figure representations: either standing or lying down. In the 16th‒17th c. these were commissioned almost exclusively by town patricians and clergy from the Prussian chapters. Similar representations were much scarcer among the gentry in the region and were executed merely for the Konopackis and their related families.
Starting from the 1580s., in the workshops of Gdansk, Elbląg, Konigsberg, as well as other centres around the Baltic coast, the red varieties of Oland limestone and Burgsvik sandstone became the basic media in small architecture and sculpture. The unique feature of those artistic circles could be found in the creative incorporating of the ‘Swedish stone’ into a contrasting tricolour range of marble, Moza limestone, and English alabaster transplanted there in the 3rd quarter of the 16th c. by the disciples of Cornelis Floris de Vriendt, who headed by Willem van den Blocke had not so long arrived from southern Netherlands. Lapides suetices were regarded by sculptors and stonemasons of the time as a much cheaper material and a more readily available surrogate of other materials imported from Western Europe at a much higher cost. The majority of works of the van der Blocke family were precisely made in ‘Swedish stone’, while the precious alabaster or white Carrara marble were reserved strictly for prestigious royal or magnate commissions.
The same material happened to serve as the main medium for, inter alia, Italian sculptors: Constante and Giacomo Tencalla, employed to execute the court foundations of King Sigismund III Vasa in Vilnius, Warsaw, and Mazovia. Moreover, Gotland Burgsvik sandstone was used on a mass scale for ornamental and figural decoration in big architecture, as it is to be found in all the buildings in Gdansk, Elbląg, and Toruń, some other minor works of the workshops in Great Poland and Kujawy, as well as in Podlasie and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
In the Gdansk and Elbląg centres the same tendency prevailed in the artistic output of subsequent generations of artists until the 2nd half of the 18th c. when the material imported from Sweden finally supplanted the until then used ashen-greyish Devon limestone excavated in Dębnik/Czerna.

In queste note si riferisce in maniera sintetica di quelle pietre, in grande prevalenza di provenienza regionale, impiegate nella costruzione e nella
decorazione esterna degli edifici piemontesi. Vengono considerati cioè
quei materiali che, a differenza delle pietre puramente da decorazione che vengono impiegate negli interni, possono presentare le più varie problematiche
nei riguardi della conservazione
per il fatto di essere maggiormente
esposte agli agenti del
degrado

This paper presents the case of the theatre at Nysa and discusses the provenance of its marble architecture. The results of archaeometrical analysis indicate the use of imported marble from Aphrodisias and Denizli for the reconstruction of the scaenae frons in the late 2nd century A.D. This study case evidences that Aphrodisian marble was exported for construction purposes on regional level in the Imperial period.

What did Pliny have to say on the matter of stone? A lot, that's for sure: He dedicated 2 out of the 37 books of his "Naturalis historia" to stones. The paper explores what and how he wrote on the matter. It is part of the annotated anthology "Stein. Eine Materialgeschichte in Quellen der Vormoderne" (Stone: A Material History in Pre-Modern Sources).

In this contribution we offer a complete catalog of the shipwreck of Punta Scifo (Crotone) and other cargoes with marble elements found in the sea of ​​Crotone (Calabria).
In the cargo of Punta Scifo there are artefacts in Proconnesian marble and pavonazzetto. Since the majority of the pieces are in pavonazzetto we propose again, expanding it with respect to what I published in 2010, a review of the main sculptures in pavonazzetto and white marble of Synnada preserved in the Afyon Museum. In this museum there are sculptures from the region of Synnada in Phrygia (Asia Minor), which are carved in the marbles of the quarries of Dokimeion and Altintas, where they quarried the pavonazzetto and a quality of white marble, the synnadico, used for sarcophagi and valuable sculptures for export.

In questo contributo ​offriamo un catalogo completo del naufragio di Punta Scifo (Crotone) e di altri carichi con elementi marmorei  rinvenuti nel mare di Crotone.
Nel carico di Punta Scifo vi sono manufatti in marmo proconnesio e in pavonazzetto. Poichè la maggioranza dei pezzi è in pavonazzetto riproponiamo, ampliandolo rispetto a quanto pubblicato nel 2010, una rassegna delle principali sculture in pavonazzetto e marmo bianco di Synnada conservate nel Museo di Afyon. In questo museo sono raccolte sculture provenienti dalla regione di Synnada in Frigia (Asia Minore), che sono scolpite nei marmi delle cave di Dokimeion e di Altintas, dove si produceva il pavonazzetto e una qualità di marmo bianco, il synnadico, utilizzato per sarcofagi e sculture di pregio destinate all'esportazione