The History of Manila

En la Real Academia de la Historia se conservan dos documentos manuscritos, con signatura GN 1860-6, en los que se dan cuenta y agradecimiento de la donación de las monedas de uno, cuatro y dos pesos de oro que se iban a acuñar en la Casa de Moneda de Manila, cuyos troqueles, matrices y punzones habían sido grabados por don Luis Marchionni. El primero de ellos es el Oficio en el que se adjunta, cumpliendo una Real Orden de piezas grabadas, las monedas de oro de 4, 2 y 1 pesos, que se van a acuñar en la Casa de la Moneda provisional de Manila y cuyas matrices, punzones y troqueles ha grabado el autor de la misiva. Se especifica los pesos de las piezas, fechado el 11 de diciembre de 1860. El segundo de los documentos es la Minuta de oficio de recibo y agradecimiento por la donación de dichas monedas por la Real Academia de la Historia, de fecha 19 de diciembre de 1860.

CAS REVIEW is an academic journal of the University of Asia and the Pacific, College of Arts and Sciences. CAS Review accepts articles from all faculty members and graduate students of the University of Asia and the Pacific. CAS Review accepts original articles and notes written in Filipino or English. Following are basic guidelines regarding style and format: 1. Length: Articles and notes may be 3,000 to 5,000 words. Longer manuscripts may also be considered. 2. Format: The paper should be typed and double spaced, using 12 point font size. 3. Citations should follow the latest edition of: MLA for the Humanities and Liberal Arts APA or Chicago for the Social Sciences, Political Economy, Education, and Psychology.

Malaki ang kaugnayan ng industriya ng turismo sa pagpapataas ng ekonomiya sa mga lokal na pamahalaan, at ang pagkilala sa festival, produkto, at pook pasyalan ay makapagbibigay ng oportunidad na maiangat ang antas ng isang munisipalidad. Ngunit marami rin ang mga salik na nakahahadlang sa pagpapakilala ng turismo sa bayan at sa pagtaas ng antas na kinabibilangan ng isang bayan. Ang bayan ng Nampicuan na pokus sa pag-aaral na ito ay kabilang sa 5th class municipality. Nilayon ng pag-aaral na maitampok ang Bayan ng Nampicuan na may Tuon sa Festival, Produkto, at Pook pasyalan upang maging simulain na maipakilala ang naturang bayan sa mga karatig na lugar sa Nueva Ecija. Ginamit ang pamamaraang deskriptibo, kwalitatibo at Kutlural na pananaw. Lumabas sa pag-aaral na may malaking kaugnayan ang festival, produkto, at pook pasyalan sa larangan ng hanapbuhay at turismo. At naging balakid sa pagpapayabong ng turismo ang heograpikal na lokasyon, transportasyon, at hindi sapat na promosyon.

En este estudio se examina la introducción de materiales impresos en bibliotecas personales de Manila durante el periodo temprano moderno y su circulación informal, con un énfasis especial en siglo XVIII tardío y las primeras dos décadas del XIX. Tomando una perspectiva comparativa de la transmisión textual en el Imperio español, este estudio afirma que la distribución informal de textos a través del préstamo y la venta no registrada fue la forma principal de la circulación de libros en la Manila temprana moderna, tal como lo fue para otros territorios periféricos del Imperio. Explora la creación y el desarrollo de redes locales de lectores
como el locus de este intercambio informal y el movimiento y propagación de lecturas prohibidas en dicha ciudad, además de la
reacción de la Inquisición a tales redes, tan difusas en este territorio y en México. Finalmente, para ejemplificar estas tendencias, el presente artículo analiza el caso de Tomás de Comyn, factor de la Real Compañía de Filipinas en Manila, 1803-1811, y las redes de lectores que tendió tanto en Filipinas como en México (1812-1817). En febrero de 1816, Comyn apareció ante la Inquisición para denunciarse por haber poseído, leído y vendido libros prohibidos en Manila y en la Ciudad de México; su caso manifiesta los hábitos de lectura de los miembros de las redes liberales de lectores en ambas ciudades, demuestra una continuidad de pensamiento entre Filipinas y el resto del Imperio y revela los últimos años de la censura inquisitorial en Manila, cuando los libros prohibidos circulaban con impunidad entre el público lector.

This study examines the introduction of printed material into Manila in the early modern period, concentrating on personal libraries and informal circulation, with a special emphasis on the late eighteenth century and the first two decades of the nineteenth century. Taking a comparative view of textual transmission in the Spanish empire, this study posits that informal distribution through lending and unregistered sale was the primary method of book circulation in early modern Manila, as it was for other peripheral territories of the empire. It explores the creation and development of local print networks as the locus of this informal exchange and the movement and propagation of prohibited reading in Manila, as well as the reaction of the Manila and Mexican Inquisition to such diffuse networks. Finally, in order to exemplify these trends, this article analyzes the case of Tomás de Comyn, agent of the Royal Philippine Company in Manila from 1803 to 1811, and his print networks, both in the Philippines as in Mexico (1812-1817). In February of 1816, Comyn appeared before the Inquisition to confess to having possessed, read, and sold prohibited books, both in Manila and in Mexico City. His case manifests the reading habits of members of liberal print networks in both of these cities, demonstrates a continuity of thought between the Philippines and the rest of the empire, and reveals the final years of inquisitorial censorship in Manila, when forbidden books circulated with impunity among the reading public.

Jiang, Wei. ‘Funerary Emblems in Manila and the Rise of Devotion to Jerónima de La Asunción, OSC (1555-1630)’. Estudios de Historia Novohispana, no. 71 (2024): 85–116. https://doi.org/10.22201/iih.24486922e.2024.71.77807.


ABSTRACT

This paper examines a collection of 42 funerary emblems, or jeroglíficos in Spanish, crafted in honour of the Spanish Abbess Mother Jerónima de la Asunción (1555-1630), the foundress of the first female monastery in the Philippines in 1621. While the original copies of these emblems, comprising  images,  biblical  references,  and  Spanish  verses,  have  yet  been  discovered,  detailed  descriptions of each emblem provide valuable insights into the production of imagery in relation to local veneration of a potential saint. By situating these emblems within the broader context of emblematics in early modern Asia, this paper reveals their significance in various cultural events in  the  Spanish  Philippines,  including  the  celebrations  of  canonizations,  royal  exequies,  literary  competitions  and  other  festivities.  Moreover,  this  paper  emphasizes  the  role  of  emblems  as  an  efficient medium for cultivating devotion to Mother Jerónima not only among the Spanish devotees but potentially among non-Spanish-speaking Christians as well. In summary, this paper under-scores  the  potential  of  emblematic  studies  in  the  Spanish  Philippines,  contrasting  with  their  widespread  use  in  early  modern  Iberian  America  primarily  at  noble  exequies  and  as  aids  for  catechism.

This thesis attempts to problematize and reveal the role women played in the development of late nineteenth century Manila's social and economic landscape, while also linking their stories to the larger processes and events that influenced their daily lives. By combining methods from social history research with concepts and techniques from human geography, historical geography, and historical Geographic Information Systems (HGIS), this study produces a collective portrait of the Manileña; one that is enhanced through a geographic analysis of their occupations and activities set within Manila's social and physical spaces. The main body of this dissertation is composed of seven chapters categorized into themes that tackle the Manileña's experiences and the spaces she utilized, negotiated, and contested with respect to State power, her livelihoods, and her place in society. The first three chapters underscore the contrasting experiences of privileged and working-class women in relation to the Law. While their knowledge of the Law allowed privileged women to conduct personal businesses, leave wills, and seek legal redress from abusive spouses, the colonial government enacted policies with respect to particular females that they considered threats to elite households, economic productivity, and public health. The second theme of the thesis demonstrates the significant presence of propertied and entrepreneurial women in Manila Province's urban real estate and agricultural land market, as well as in selected businesses such as money lending, water and land-based transport, panguingue operations, and small-scale cigar and cigarette manufacturing in the city's districts. Unlike their more privileged counterparts who held a significant ownership of Manila's built environment, disadvantaged local and migrant women marked their presence in the city through their work in well-to-do residences, markets, cigar factories, waterways, streets, and brothels. Despite her significant presence in the city's socioeconomic life, information from newspapers and criminal cases discussed in the last two chapters also reveal how Manila's women suffered under a pervasive patriarchy. This includes the proliferation of ideas, illustrations, and advertisements that objectified women, determined their proper roles, and relegated them to the domestic sphere. Moreover, similar to other urbanized settlements, Manila was a site where women were commonly victims of violent and sexual crimes.

This is part of the dossier “Connecting both Indies: rethinking archaic globalisation and global history from a Pacific perspective: actors, spaces, and exchanges”
Starting  in  1573  with  the  establishment  of  Manila,  the  circulation of Chinese goods along the trans-Pacific route brought the Ming  Dynasty  and  the  Spanish  Empire  into  contact.  Consequently,  many  people  from  Fujian  Province,  especially  Zhangzhou  city,  went  to Manila and facilitated the operation of the city. This paper examines the  interactions  of  Zhangzhou  immigrants  in  Manila,  focusing  their  roles  and  living  situations  in  Parián,  the  designated  neighborhood  for  the Sangleys. In particular, the diplomatic conversation concerning the 1603 Incident is analyzed to elucidate how the Sangleys were perceived by both the Ming court and the Spanish governors. Records produced by Chinese elites, local gazetteers, and Spanish correspondence reveal the  conflicts  and  negotiations  between  the  Ming  government  and officials of the Spanish Empire concerning this matter, as well as local and state differences in views. While the contributions of the Sangleys were  recognized  and  used  to  promote  the  moral  superiority  of  both  sides,  they  were  not  seriously  considered  by  either  the  Chinese  court  or the Spanish government. The Sangleys offer a unique perspective on the positioning of these two state powers: Each desired to maintain a  peaceful  relationship  yet  simultaneously  adopted  a  cautious  stance.  This study illuminates some of the connections and conflicts which emerged during early modern globalization.

Estimado lector, le estaremos muy agradecidos si nos hace llegar, por escrito, su opinión acerca de este libro y de nuestras publicaciones. Dear reader, we will be very grateful if you will make us arrive, in writing, your opinion about this book and our publications.

Eberhard Crailsheim and Lasse Hölck, “The British Occupation of Spanish Manila and the Sulu Sultanate. Considerations on Diverging Interests in Southeast Asia (1749-1775),” in: Maria Cristina Martinez-Juan (ed.), The 1762 British Invasion of Spanish-Ruled Philippines: Beyond Imperial and National Imaginaries, Proceedings from the Annual Philippine Studies Conference SOAS, University of London (Manila, National Historical Commission of the Philippines 2024) (ISBN: 9789715383738), pp. 274-310. // OPEN ACCESS: http://hdl.handle.net/10261/358152

Considering as the basis the assumption on the etymological origin of the term Tourism and Travel (Maximiliano Konstanje, e-Review of Tourism Research (eRTR), Vol. 5, No. 5, 2007), where it is said by the ancestors of today that tourists are the old travelers, emigrants, and conquerors of the past centuries that might be relatively enticing, and though the underlying motives of the old travelers followed dynamics and interests quite different from those of the modern tourists, it may be assumed that the beginning of Philippine Tourism maybe traced from the first recorded visit of a foreigners from the West led by Ferdinand Magellan, who sighted Samar Island on March 16, 1521 and landed on Homonhon Island (now part of Guiuan, Eastern Samar province) the next day. Homonhon Island is southeast of Samar Island. Long before the arrival of Magellan, however, the Negrito tribes inhabited the isles, subsequently joined and largely supplanted by migrating groups of Austronesians. This population had stratified into huntergatherer tribes, warrior societies, petty plutocracies and maritime-oriented harbor principalities which eventually grew into kingdoms, rajahnates, principalities, confederations and sultanates. The Philippine islands were greatly influenced by Hindu religions, literature and philosophy from India in the early centuries of the Christian era. States included the Indianized Rajahnate of Butuan and Cebu, the dynasty of Tondo, the august kingdoms of Maysapan and Maynila, theConfederation of Madyaas, the signified Country of Mai, as well as the Muslim Sultanates and Maguindanao. These small maritime states flourished from the 1st millennium. These kingdoms trades with what is now called China, India, Japan, Thailand, Vitenam, and Indonesia. The remainder of the settlements were independent barangays allied with one of the larger states.

What is unique about the Black Nazarene devotion from Quiapo, Manila is that it has become a singular face known across the country. Although Filipino Catholics also recognize clearly the Santo Niño as the imagery of Christ as the Child-King, it comes in many visages and titles. In the case of the Jesús Nazareno of Quiapo, the familiar imagery of a dark-skinned Christ kneeling and carrying the Cross in his Passion has become consistent wherever it would be.

This could be examined through places across the country where the devotion to the Jesús Nazareno has spread out. These could be identified as a number of dioceses in the Philippines designated a shrine in honor of this title. Besides Manila’s Minor Basilica of the Black Nazarene that is the home of this Filipino devotion, others have been placed in each cluster of the nation. There are two shrines of the Black Nazarene in Luzon (Shrine of the Black Nazarene – St. Louis Beltran Parish, Solano, Nueva Vizcaya and Shrine of the Black Nazarene – St. Lucy Parish, Capalonga, Camarines Norte), one in the Visayas (Shrine of the Black Nazarene – St. Roch the Healer Mission Center, Catarman, Northern Samar) and one in Mindanao (Shrine and Parish of the Black Nazarene, Cagayan de Oro City). 

This researcher will work on the historical development of these venues of evangelization and the impetus brought by the Quiapo Basilica in amplifying the Black Nazarene devotion to these places. This paper would also include a situational profile of the shrines based on interviews and documents from these places grounded on the aspects of shrines in the New Evangelization laid down in this researcher’s book The Role of Shrines in view of the New Evangelization: Pope Francis’ Theology on Shrines and Pilgrimages applied in the Philippine Context published in 2021 with its Second Edition published in 2023.

How did early moderns experience sense and space? How did the expanding cultural, political, and social horizons of the period emerge out of those experiences and further shape them  This study takes an approach that is both global expansive and locally rooted by focusing on four cities as key examples: Florence, Amsterdam, Boston, and Manila. They relate to distinct parts of European cultural and colonialist experience from north to south, republican to monarchical, Catholic to Protestant. Without attempting a comprehensive treatment, the book aims to convey the range of distinct experiences of space and sense as these varied by age, gender, race, and class. Readers see how sensory and spatial experiences emerged through religious cultures which were themselves shaped by temporal rhythms, and how sound and movement expressed gathering economic and political forces in an emerging global order. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.

1622至1624年間，荷蘭東印度公司派遣艦隊前來中國沿岸交涉自由貿易事宜，並佔領澎湖，期望明朝政府在此開放自由貿易並停止與西葡兩國屬地貿易。在長達兩年的交涉過程中，首先有福建巡撫商周祚與艦隊司令萊爾森之會面，並派遣陳士瑛、黃明佐前往巴達維亞交涉。此一交涉因風信不順拖延時日，造成荷蘭人在風櫃尾難以撤兵，而新巡撫南居益派軍登島的結果。同時出海前往馬尼拉貿易之商船為荷蘭人截獲，亦因前述拖延而使被俘虜之商販被長期扣留於澎湖島。明方與荷方互信崩潰後，造成荷方通事均被逮捕下獄。而日本長崎唐人走私販李旦原先僅旁觀，此刻利用此一機會介入明荷之談判，最終斡旋使荷蘭人遷往臺灣，避免明荷兩者全面衝突的結果。

In 1991, Mary Louise Pratt introduced the “contact zone” concept. Pratt’s object of study is a letter written to King Filipe III of Spain (reign 1598 1621) titled The First New Chronicle and Good Government. This manuscript is dated 1613 and was written in Cuzco, Peru, by the Andean Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala, describing the Spanish conquests in South America. By analysing the linguistic aspects of the work and its cultural background, the author refers to Peru and the city of Cuzco in particular as a “contact zone”. She uses this term in the sense of “(…) social spaces where cultures meet, clash and grapple with each other, often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power, such as colonialism, slavery, or their aftermath as they are lived out in many parts of the world today”.
Like Peru, although with a very different colonial historical framework, the Philippines is a ‘contact zone’ as Pratt describes it, a place of cultural encounters and clashes wherein power was negotiated.
This text aims to analyse the circulation of commodities in the context of the dispute for control and dominance in the Philippines and the surrounding oceanic space, a point of intersection between Asia and the so-called Spanish America, namely the Viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru. Its timeline coincides with the establishment of the Manila-Acapulco route and the voyages of the ‘Naos de China’ that shifted the Philippines’ economy from a subsistence agriculture-based system to what Ubaldo Iaccarino calls the ‘Galleon system’, a change that occurred between 1571 and 1593.
By following mercantile networks and the demand for specific objects and products, we are forced to adopt a decentralised, almost kaleidoscopic view of this space and of the relations it shaped.

With the notable uptick of natural disasters impacting densely-populated areas, attention to the subject of urban resilience has increased among ecologists, economists, engineers, social scientists, and designers. But despite an extraordinary cross-disciplinary interest in a single subject, the urban resilience discourse has remained largely siloed by discipline. This essay builds on concepts of resilience from ecology and social science and positions urban design (in itself at the intersection of architecture, planning, and landscape architecture) as uniquely situated for integrating and operationalizing various concepts of urban resilience. The authors propose a socio-ecological urban design approach that bridges natural, human, and spatial systems and is empirically grounded in historical research, field observations, and interviews with informal settler families (ISFs) living along the shoreline of Laguna de Bay in Metro Manila. The findings revealed that while many were affected by regular flooding and issues of housing security, these were not necessarily deciding factors when determining where to live. In response to programs which emphasize out-of-city relocation, authors developed three principles of urban resilience that instead spatially integrate formal and informal communities.

The Capitol building of the Province of Bulacan in the town of Malolos, erected in 1930. Bulacan Capitol Building is an Art Deco Style Architecture. The entrance of the building has Portico with Octagonal Concrete Columns with decorative concrete torch. It has three entrances of wooden frame door accentuated with wrought iron grills with design of rising Sun. Upon entering the lobby, you will be welcomed by Grand double return staircase. The façade of the building is of massive walls and columns with simplistic design painted with purely white color. The Bulacan Capitol Building was designed by Architect Juan Marcos Arellano. JUAN MARCOS ARELLANO (y de Guzman), one of the Philippines' founding fathers of architecture, was born on this day in Tondo, Manila. Among his most famous works are Manila's Metropolitan Theater (1935), Legislative Building (1926) (now the National Museum of the Philippines), the Manila Central Post Office Building (1926), and Jones Bridge. The researcher utilized Reconnaissance Survey Methodology, an extensive study of an entire area that might be used for analysis. Its purpose is to eliminate those buildings or site elements which are impractical or unfeasible and to identify the more promising buildings or site elements. The result showed that one of the famous landmarks in Bulacan is its Provincial Capitol Building. The building, erected in 1930, was destroyed during the Second World War. It was rebuilt in 1950 with the assistance of the American government. During the administration of President Corazon C. Aquino, the building was renovated and expanded. The building is a Cultural Heritage Property.

The Capitol building of the Province of Bulacan in the town of Malolos, erected in 1930. Bulacan Capitol Building is an Art Deco Style Architecture. The entrance of the building has Portico with Octagonal Concrete Columns with decorative concrete torch. It has three entrances of wooden frame door accentuated with wrought iron grills with design of rising Sun. Upon entering the lobby, you will be welcomed by Grand double return staircase. The façade of the building is of massive walls and columns with simplistic design painted with purely white color. The Bulacan Capitol Building was designed by Architect Juan Marcos Arellano. JUAN MARCOS ARELLANO (y de Guzman), one of the Philippines' founding fathers of architecture, was born on this day in Tondo, Manila. Among his most famous works are Manila's Metropolitan Theater (1935), Legislative Building (1926) (now the National Museum of the Philippines), the Manila Central Post Office Building (1926), and Jones Bridge. The researcher utilized Reconnaissance Survey Methodology, an extensive study of an entire area that might be used for analysis. Its purpose is to eliminate those buildings or site elements which are impractical or unfeasible and to identify the more promising buildings or site elements. The result showed that one of the famous landmarks in Bulacan is its Provincial Capitol Building. The building, erected in 1930, was destroyed during the Second World War. It was rebuilt in 1950 with the assistance of the American government. During the administration of President Corazon C. Aquino, the building was renovated and expanded. The building is a Cultural Heritage Property.

If we look at California as a stop on Spain’s Pacific Rim trading route, we see that Manila merchants’ trading relationship with Japan was changing
in both the early 17th century (when Sebastian Vizcaino explored California) and in late 18th century (when the decision was made to settle Monterey). What connects Japan and California is the sea route. In the 17th century, Manila to Acapulco was a six month voyage, but Japan to California was only thirty days.  We revisit the biography of historian Michael Mathes to consider Vizcaino as a China trade merchant who mapped both southern Japan and California, while we also consider the mid-18th century writing of Pedro Calderon Henriquez from Manila in which he lobbied for a mission in Hokkaido, Japan and a shipyard in Monterey, California.

For canonical Philippine writer Nick Joaquin, the American occupation rendered insurrectionary action unfeasible. Thus, Joaquin is often read as lionizing the Spanish period in comparison. I challenge such readings to argue that Joaquin's engagement with the Spanish past reflects a search for the conditions of possibility for revolution. I examine how, in three of his works, Joaquin commendably depicts nonnormative, counter-hegemonic examples of a Philippine historical and revolutionary subject. Though the tenability of his representations remains delimited by a cosmopolitan mestizo episteme, I argue that nonetheless, his efforts represent an attempt to transcend the limitations of his own positionality.

The purpose of this article is to understand a specific variant of the
Spanish shipbuilding policies in Asia during the early Modern period: the
attempts to transfer the shipbuilding industry from the Philippines, where
it was based since almost the beginning of the Spanish occupation of that
Archipelago, to different foreign maritime regions in the Southern Pacific.
Important studies on the Spanish presence in the Philippines have mentioned
a few of these episodes, but their significance for the Spanish shipbuilding
industry in that region, and for the Spanish Pacific system as a
whole, remains undiscussed. It demonstrates that the motivation behind
these policies did not obey a single cause, but rather reflected specific
strategic mercantile and military contexts, among which State-intervention,
private interest, and violent social unrest played a prominent role. This
interpretation is based on existing historiography and the examination of
first-hand sources still unused to this day.

Goal 11 of the 2015 Sustainable Development Goals prescribes that culture matters. However, the case of Escolta, Manila presents otherwise. This paper investigates the ways how cultural heritage can be a driver for economic development in the Philippines following the Van Der Borg and Russo’s (2005) Culture-Oriented Economic Development (COED) framework. It stresses the interrelationship of inner cultural cluster dynamics, economic impacts, and socio-environmental impacts which provides for a cycle composed of culture promoting development and in return development fostering culture, then leading to development. The case of Escolta, Manila was compared to the case of Vigan, Ilocos Sur using the one-off initiative framework provided by UNESCO World Heritage Centre for heritage conservation. The results revealed that it is the lack of interest of property owners in Escolta, Manila as the principal shareholders that makes built-heritage conservation unmanageable. Since most built herit...

Ang Pilipinas ay may tatlong teorya tungkol sa pinanggalingan ng mga sinaunang pilipino sa Pilipinas bagamat magkakaiba sila ng ideolohiya, patunay lamang ito na likas na maganda ang kinahinatnan nito upang mabuo ang bansang Pilipinas. Ang unang teorya ay batay sa nailimbag ni F. Landa Jocano, naniniwala siya na ang unang mga sinaunang tao sa Pilipinas ay mula sa dalawang pangkat. Ito ay ang mga Malays at Negritos na nagpasimulang palawigin ang bansang Pilipinas. Tinawag nya itong "Core Population" na kung saan nagsasabi na ang mga

The San Agustin Convent, located in Intramuros, the historic core of Manila, hosts a rich collection of 19 altarpieces (retablos). These retablos are an important heritage which was recorded in full detail for its better future conservation and knowledge. This article presents the outcome of this process and it is ultimately aimed at promoting and giving greater visibility to this art, which is still alive today in the Philippines and where it has evolved to produce its own local tradition, while remaining linked to its early Spanish precedents.

ang 3 teorya kung paano nagkaroon ng mga tao sa ancient Philippines. Landa Jocano's Core Population theory Ang Landa Jocano ay isang Pilipinong antropologo at arkeologo na pinansiyal na ang Core Population Theory noong 1974. Ang teoryang ito ay ang pinaka-unang pag-aaral sa pagunlad ng Pilipino sa pamamagitan ng mga migrasyon at kulturang mula sa mga pangkat ng tao. Naniniwala si Jocano na ang mga Pilipino ay binuo sa pamamagitan ng pag-mix ng mga lahi ng Austronesian, Malay, at Indones. Sa pamamagitan nito, ang mga Pilipino ay nakamit ang kanilang

La cofradía de Jesús Nazareno radicada actualmente en Quiapo, barrio de la comunidad china de Manila extramuros, tiene su origen a principios del siglo XVII y en la actualidad cuenta en su procesión con aproximadamente cuatro millones de filipinos. Sin embargo los diferentes cambios de sus sedes canónicas (debido a terremotos, calamidades,) supusieron un importante elemento definidor de la compleja fraternidad. Tras su paso por la iglesia de San Nicolás de Tolentino (intramuros de Manila); la cofradía radicó en el barrio extramuros de Bagumbayán, en la iglesia de San Juan Bautista. Con posterioridad, aún a mediados del siglo XVII, se erigiría una segunda cofradía en el barrio extramuros de Cavite. En 1722 la iglesia de San Nicolás de Tolentino se arruinó pasando la cofradía por un duro periodo que termina en 1767 con su traslado definitivo a la iglesia de San Juan Bautista, en Quiapo, donde cobraría enorme arraigo, tanto que, pese a reedificarse en 1780 la iglesia matriz, la cofradía no se trasladaría del barrio chino extramuros. La comunicación da cuenta de los diferentes avatares de la fraternidad nazarena filipina, que experimentó un duro golpe durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, debido a los bombardeos de los japoneses. Actualmente la cofradía goza de una enorme vitalidad, tanto que su templo recibe el título de Iglesia Basílica Menor del Nazareno Negro. Muestra de su empuje y fama es el hecho que la cofradía asistió al papa San Juan Pablo II en su visita oficial a Filipinas.

La imagen de Jesús Nazareno del barrio de Quiapo, en Manila (también conocido como Nazarene negro), es una talla de origen mexicano que arribó a la capital filipina a principios del siglo XVII. El estudio analiza la fiesta y desarrollo barroco que los filipinos han seguido con esta talla de multitudinario fervor.

The Philippines, colonized by Spain for over 300 years, developed a culture that is unique, melding European influences with its indigenous customs and traditions: from fashion, cuisine, and music, to religion, art, and architecture.

Communities have evolved, but the social space has become a major part of the Filipinos’ way of life. The plaza, introduced by the Spaniards as a feature of cities and towns, was embraced by Filipinos. When the Americans came, open spaces remained to be important features of cities, towns, and small communities, in the form of parks and gardens; thus, it has become a place of convergence to this day, whether for recreation and business, or venues for celebrations and religious gatherings.

Due to development and modernization, a significant number of plazas and parks, have been transformed into sites for new infrastructure, leaving communities with little or no open public spaces.

Congested and cramped, communities are deprived of “breathing spaces” for the general public to enjoy. To address this lack, new forms of open public spaces should be introduced. Having a shortage of land, the creation of new physical “layers” is worth exploring. The elevated plaza may be a solution, as a new interpretation, or re-articulation, of the Filipino public space.

This thesis attempts to problematize and reveal the role women played in the development of late nineteenth century Manila's social and economic landscape, while also linking their stories to the larger processes and events that influenced their daily lives. By combining methods from social history research with concepts and techniques from human geography, historical geography, and historical Geographic Information Systems (HGIS), this study produces a collective portrait of the Manileña; one that is enhanced through a geographic analysis of their occupations and activities set within Manila's social and physical spaces. The main body of this dissertation is composed of seven chapters categorized into themes that tackle the Manileña's experiences and the spaces she utilized, negotiated, and contested with respect to State power, her livelihoods, and her place in society. The first three chapters underscore the contrasting experiences of privileged and working-class women in relation to the Law. While their knowledge of the Law allowed privileged women to conduct personal businesses, leave wills, and seek legal redress from abusive spouses, the colonial government enacted policies with respect to particular females that they considered threats to elite households, economic productivity, and public health. The second theme of the thesis demonstrates the significant presence of propertied and entrepreneurial women in Manila Province's urban real estate and agricultural land market, as well as in selected businesses such as money lending, water and land-based transport, panguingue operations, and small-scale cigar and cigarette manufacturing in the city's districts. Unlike their more privileged counterparts who held a significant ownership of Manila's built environment, disadvantaged local and migrant women marked their presence in the city through their work in well-to-do residences, markets, cigar factories, waterways, streets, and brothels. Despite her significant presence in the city's socioeconomic life, information from newspapers and criminal cases discussed in the last two chapters also reveal how Manila's women suffered under a pervasive patriarchy. This includes the proliferation of ideas, illustrations, and advertisements that objectified women, determined their proper roles, and relegated them to the domestic sphere. Moreover, similar to other urbanized settlements, Manila was a site where women were commonly victims of violent and sexual crimes.

The realization that the biotic world is in peril due to man-made projects and activities with deleterious effects of global proportions has spawned considerable interest in philosophical and theological research in this area. Many of these studies offer theoretical models challenging the mentality, behaviours and attitudes that diminish or ruin Mother's Earth's limited resources, while others signal an intention to redefine what it means to sustain ecological vitality. The 2015 encyclical of Pope Francis, Laudato Si, has further inspired religious thinkers to enter into dialogue with all peoples concerning the environment. This paper takes its cue from the Pope's deliberate use of ecological or home-related language and hearkens to his call to be part of the inclusive conversation about our common home. It proposes a cultural approach to doing eco-theology in the Philippine context, using the iconic native house Bahay Kubo as a theoretical model. The proposed model hinges on the vernacular meaning of Filipino values that the researcher considers cultural elements that can potentially be correlated with eco-Scriptural teachings. The paper is a cultural contribution to the cause of religious environmentalism, using Filipino vernacular architecture as its starting point and potential guide to an inculturated eco-theology. 1

Any worldly attempt to accomplish a review of this opus no doubt borders on presumption, if not that of inappropriate guts. Books like this require a rare and 'sublime' motive whatever that is, if that too is not being presumptuous. The name Paul Murray, O.P. as author in Catholic spirituality should be a familiar by-line. Father Paul has built quite a reputation of being able to discuss spiritual matters quite interestingly that may attract and appear intelligible to our mortal interests, and no doubt, our sinful minds. We have to exercise extreme caution however if we ever think we have understood his text. We may just have read it and that reading is never enough in spiritual matters. In reality, reading is at a distance from understanding; and understanding is at a distance from being touched. Or we may just have scratched the surface! It is these matters precisely that leave the mind wondering and speculating on the unreachable depths, for these matters go beyond simple palpable experience! The saint herself would caution: "Unless you become like a little child…" This is Father Paul's story of an encounter with the saint of Calcutta. It is no doubt a prized discovery that this kind of story of a saint emerges, when and where the author writes about the person and the subject coming fresh on a first-hand basis. This is a very rare occasion, if there is any better way to express Father Paul's experience. But even if this were so, Father Paul gropes and hardly grasps the dark night experienced by these privileged soul. No personal experience, no comprehension, as far as the writer is concerned. The first encounter with the saint took place in August 2, 1991. The succeeding encounters are chronicled by Father Paul, describing the gravity of the words of the saint-"in utter simplicity and candor, deeply penetrating" which pictured the unseen hidden world of her soul-the mysterious world of 'darkness. ' Helplessness clouds the mind as the unseen hidden world suffers interior aridity. This is not depression which shades self-love, but the darkness of the soul that pines and thirsts to manifest its love but is unable to do so. It is nothingness with God watching. It is an emptying experience that purifies and transforms, a "torturing longing for God," in the words of the saint herself. "Where is Jesus" is read in chapter 9 which should touch the reader's soul on this mysterious longing. Various references are made by the saint to similar experiences noted in the writings of Bernadette Soubirous of Lourdes, and the now more familiar writings of St. John of the Cross and St. Teresa of Avila. A lengthier reference to John of the Cross is found in pp. 39-40 on this 'darkness. ' The 295 pages book traverses into the following chapters: 1) A Teaching about Hunger, 2) The Radiance, the Darkness, 3) 'God Wants to Use Nothing' , 4) A Meeting in Rome, 5) A

Chinese Burial Grounds during the Early 1700s to the Early 1800s The Chinese, especially from the province of Fujian, had been traveling to the different islands of what now constitutes the Philippines centuries before the Spaniards colonized them in 1565. When the Spaniards settled in the country, the number of immigrants increased, participating in the colonial economy by bringing goods from China that were then shipped via the galleons bound for Acapulco and then traded for silver. In response to the increase in the number of immigrants, the Spanish colonial government in Manila relegated them to a place called the Parián, a place that was relocated nine times between 1582 and 1860. 3 In 1592, the Spanish Governor General bought the island of Binondo and gave it as a residence for the baptized Chinese and their families, while the Parián remained as the primary abode for non-Christian Chinese. Most Chinese immigrants wished to be buried in their home villages. A large number returned to China before dying to be buried there, or, if they died elsewhere, their bodies were eventually transported back to China for proper burial. 5 But for those who, for some reason, could not be or were not buried in China, they were buried in the "church pavements, walls and atriums." Prior to the eighteenth century, in both the Parián and Binondo the Dominican friars had constructed a church and convent for the task of evangelization. Hence, baptized Chinese in these two parishes were buried either inside the churches or in the church grounds. For burial in or around the churches, the arrangement was divided according to class, with the wealthier people being buried inside the church while "commoners" in the

Tracing the entangled genealogies of spaces of media spectatorship, modes of visual perception, and practices of capitalist consumption, this article explores how the shift in Manila's main commercial street from Calle Escolta in the 1930s to Avenida Rizal in the 1960s reveals changes in the imagination and experience of capitalism and modernity. Previously embodied in the infrastructure, architecture, and technology of the cityscape, which only government and business were perceived as having the capacity to produce, modernity became reconfigured as a dynamic force that ordinary residents came to believe they could harness. The article comparatively analyzes variations and dissonances in the print and audiovisual media of the two periods, particularly in the contrasting representations of awkward vaudeville comedians and youthful movie antiheroes. Instead of treating consumer and media culture as a source of docility and atomization, it sees the collective spectatorship of mass...

The Walled City of Intramuros is among the more popular tourist destinations in the Philippine capital of Manila because of its cultural heritage attractions. Intramuros exemplifies what heritage specialists G.J. Ashworth and J.E. Tunbridge call a "tourist-historic city," where a commercial area shifts away from the original center of an urban area, leaving the center a historical area that has its buildings and landscape maintained because of heritage conservation values. It is a place where tourism has become a major economic activity and, through time, expands to encompass new zones outside the main city.

Dito sa Pilipinas, mayroon tayong natatanging pagkakataon na masaksihan at maranasan ang kakaibang kultural na pagpapakita ng isang kulturang popular. Ang mga salik na maaaring gawing Popular ang isang Kultura sa pilipinas ay itinakda ng iba't ibang kultural na gawain, kabilang ang mga kultural na turo ng lokal na karaniwang mamamayan, ang mga kaugalian at tradisyon ng dayuhang kolonisador, at ang lokal na paniniwalang folkloric na nakatali mula sa lupa at mga isla ng Pilipinas. Ang katangian ng Kulturang Popular ay makikita sa pormula ng isang kultura. Ang kultura ay tungkol sa isang grupo ng mga tao na may iisang paniniwala, iisang wika, at ibinahaging karanasan sa isang partikular na lugar o sa isang lipunan. Ang pormula ng isang kultura ay ang paraan kung paano ginagamit ng isang kultura ang kanyang mga paniniwala, wika, at karanasan upang bumuo ng pagkakakilanlan ng grupo, at upang lumikha ng mga tradisyon. Halimbawa, sa kulturang Pilipino, ang mga halaga ng lipunan ay itinakda sa anyo ng isang kultura. At ang mahalaga ay isa itong cultural manifestation ng isang popular na kultura. Ang mga elemento ng kultura ay siya ring mga elemento ng lipunan, kaya mahirap paghiwalayin ang mga ito. Ang Kultura at katutubong lipunan ay bagay na hindi mapaghihiwalay. Ang pangkalahatang motibasyon sa pagpapaunlad o pagpapanatili ng Kulturang Popular dito sa pilipinas ay ang patuloy na pagtangkilik at pagtibayin ang pagkakakilanlan ng isang tao bilang kasapi ng isang partikular na grupo. Iba-iba ang impluwensya ng kolonisador at kolonisado, samakatuwid, maraming paraan upang bigyang-kahulugan ang Kultura bilang isang anyo ng Kulturang Popular. Ngunit dapat maunawaan na ang mga pangunahing salik na nakatutulong sa paglikha ng Kultura sa Pilipinas ay ang mga paniniwala, tradisyon at karanasan ng mga lokal na tao. Ang mga paniniwalang ito ay bunga ng mga kultural na turo ng mga lokal na mamamayan at mga kaugalian at tradisyon ng dayuhang kolonisador. Sa ganitong paraan, ang Kultura ay isang "paraan ng pagiging." Ang kultura ay isang hanay ng mga paniniwala at pagpapahalaga na ibinabahagi ng mga tao upang pagtibayin ang kanilang pagkakakilanlan, pagkakakilanlan ng kanilang grupo, at pagkakakilanlan nila bilang isang Pilipino.

Leisure practices have implications for belonging. In Metro Manila, a rapidly urbanizing metropolis, leisure is becoming increasingly associated with the most ubiquitous hyper-conditioned environments: privately owned shopping malls. By decontextualizing the built environment from its natural and cultural settings, these malls present a challenge to establishing a sense of belonging within a metropolis. Yet, despite its ubiquity, the mall has not fully displaced outdoor spaces, especially public green spaces, as sites of leisure. What do leisure practices in these two seemingly contrasting environments reveal about belonging in a metropolis? Some answers to these questions are to be found in a socio-material reading of leisure spaces, which reveal how belonging is not only created by actors and social institutions but also by spaces, objects, technologies, infrastructure and the microclimate. On the basis of a qualitative study, our findings demonstrate why public green spaces are m...

The Crisologo Street situated in Vigan City is the last surviving site in the Philippines depicting urban planning and architecture that reflects the mixture of different cultural imprints on the Filipino heritage including Spanish urban planning with authentic 19th to the early 20th century architecture existing in a landscape that continues to show traces of its original setting. This research was conceived due to the alarm caused by the catastrophe that hit the Visayas region last 2013 which destroyed most of the heritage sites in the region and thus, being inside what is held as World Heritage Site, this is an attempt to study the role of the national government in the preservation of Crisologo Street. This study presents comprehensive data that will prove the effectiveness of R.A. 10066 and that the preserved Crisologo Street is a manifestation of effective deputation of power and control starting from the national government down to the local government and the locals themselves. This study aims to instill, especially to the Filipinos that efforts and endeavors to preserve heritage sites such as Crisologo Street is not only a way to boost nationalism, patriotism and sense of pride, but also a tool for economic development.

Durante el siglo XVII, la Gobernación de Filipinas desarrolló una estrecha relación de dependencia mutua con el clan de los Zheng que incidió en el ámbito comercial, pero también en el económico y el social. Esta simbiosis, basada en la colaboración, pero también en la competencia, no estuvo exenta de fricciones, como la originada en 1662 por la amenaza de conquista de Luzón por parte de Zheng Chenggong. En el presente artículo, estudiaremos cómo se generó y afianzó esta relación de dependencia y como los cambios surgidos tanto en el interior de ambos territorios como en otros enclaves de Asia forzaron una rápida recuperación de los vínculos perdidos tras la ruptura de 1662.

This paper contemplates the seemingly immutable privacy of the city of Manila, and the paradoxical character of its publicity. Manila is our prime exemplar of the twenty-first century mega-city whose apparent disorder discloses a coherent order which we here call 'neopatrimonial urbanism'. Manila is a city where poor and rich alike have their own government, infrastructure, and armies, the shopping malls are the simulacra of public congregations once found in cathedrals and plazas, and where household order is matched by streetside chaos, and personal cleanliness wars with public dirt. We nominate the key characteristics of this uncanny approximation of chaotic and discordant ordera polyphonous and polyrhythmic social order but one lacking harmonyand offer a historical sociology, a genealogy that traces an emblematic pattern across the colonizing periods of its emergent urban forms into the contemporary impositions of gated zones and territories. The enduring legacy of patrimonial power to Manila is to be found in the households and on the streets that undermine and devalue public forms of social power in favour of the patriarch and his householders ( now relabeled as 'shareholders' in 'public companies') at the cost of harmonious, peaceable and just public order. Such a state of affairs is not only destructive of the historic built environment of the city, especially its public parks and plazas and heritage districts, its streets, footpaths, public transport and utilities, but is directly injurious of its citizens. To address the question of Manila's private order and public chaos is to reopen the quest for the good city as the just polis. It is also to takes us beyond arguments of indigenous versus colonial forms of urbanism that are mired in nationalist and modernization ideologies respectively, and it is to reject the reductive logics of globalization arguments that Asian mega-cities are but variations of American logics of urbanism.

Aklan, originally known as Minuro it Akean, is considered as the oldest province in the country and believed to have been established as early as 1213 by settlers from Borneo. Its first ruler was Datu Dinagandan. In 1399, Kalantiaw grabbed the throne. In 1433, Kalantiaw III formulated a set of laws that is known today as the Code of Kalantiaw. Oldest Town Unisan, Quezon could be the oldest town in the Philippines. The people of Unisan claimed that their town is now 481 years old, having been established in 1521, the same year that Ferdinand Magellan discovered the Philippines. All other towns in the country were established not earlier than 1565, when Spain formally occupied the Philippines as a colony.

Goal 11 of the 2015 Sustainable Development Goals prescribes that culture matters. However, the case of Escolta, Manila presents otherwise. This paper investigates the ways how cultural heritage can be a driver for economic development in the Philippines following the Van Der Borg and Russo’s (2005) Culture-Oriented Economic Development (COED) framework. It stresses the interrelationship of inner cultural cluster dynamics, economic impacts, and socio-environmental impacts which provides for a cycle composed of culture promoting development and in return development fostering culture, then leading to development. The case of Escolta, Manila was compared to the case of Vigan, Ilocos Sur using the one-off initiative framework provided by UNESCO World Heritage Centre for heritage conservation. The results revealed that it is the lack of interest of property owners in Escolta, Manila as the principal shareholders that makes built-heritage conservation unmanageable. Since most built herit...