Syntax Semantics Pragmatics Interface

A comparative literature review is carried out on the topic of pronominal reference, looking specifically at pronoun gender agreement. Theoretical (Audring 2013, Josefsson 2006) and empirical accounts (Hammer et al. 2005, Dong et al. 2015) are compared. It is argued that these converge on the finding that pronouns, rather than being mere syntactic devices used for agreement, are selected on the basis of their own semantic load (referred to here as “independent pronoun semantics”); moreover, that independent pronoun semantics plays an important role in establishing pronominal reference. These findings are placed in a broader context, making a case for the psychological reality of Gricean pragmatics. Finally, a connection is made with Everett’s model of “cultural constraints on grammar” (cf. Everett 2005).

Term paper for The Syntax-Semantics Interface class, taught by Prof. Dr. Helen de Hoop.

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The aim of this article is to apply the framework of the Layered Structure of the Word (LSW) to the derivational paradigm of Old English HRĒOW, thus contributing to the debate over morphology in structural-functional models of language such as Role and Reference Grammar. In general, the line is taken that, although full regularity is an unattainable aim in morphological analysis, a combination of projections and constructions on the explanatory side and syntagmatic as well as paradigmatic analysis on the descriptive side can explain certain synchronic regularities in derivational morphology and take a new look at some unproductive patterns. In synchronic analysis, this research concentrates on processes that apply regularly if the definitions of the source and target category of the derivation are taken into account. In this framework, functional categories may undergo functional adjustment and produce, through linking meaning-form that operates on lexical structures, fully specified words represented by means of the LSW. In diachronic analysis, the derivational paradigm states morphological relatedness both in the synchronic and the diachronic axis. At the same time, the Nuclear Shell Principle stipulates that the Nucleus of the LSW isolates opaque non-productive stem formations that are recoverable in the diachrony only, thus distinguishing unproductive from productive processes in the synchrony. A discussion of the relevance of the LSW to cross-linguistic analysis yields the conclusions that the layered morphological structure and the morphological template are applicable to non-Indo-European languages and that lexical negation, modification, causativity and relators, are leading candidates for universal lexical operators.

This paper offers the initial design for a functional theory of morphology and addresses the question of how much unification or separation of domains and units is required in such a theory. Given that morphology is largely driven by principles that also rule syntax and semantics, the main thrust of this proposal is that the interaction between morphology and other areas of the theory can be adequately accounted for by the combination of three descriptive-explanatory resources: layered structures, templates and constructions. Other descriptive-explanatory principles such as feature perlocation and the characteristics of bases and adjuncts remain specifically morphological. Unification and separation in morphology must be carried out on functional grounds. Morevoer, Old English evidence shows that no strict separation can be postulated, either between morphology and the rest of the theory or among the different morphological processes.

This paper argues that there is a one-to-one mapping between the syntax of a causal clause and its semantic type. A causal central adverbial clause (CAC) is base-generated inside its licensing clause in a deep position and refers to a relation between eventualities. A causal peripheral adverbial clause (PAC) is base-generated inside its licensing clause in a high position and refers to a relation between propositions, and a causal non-integrated adverbial clause (NonIC) is a syntactic orphan and refers to a relation between speech acts. The German causal sentence forms considered in this paper occur in certain classes. A weil-verb-final-clause is by default a CAC; if it is supported by certain indicators, it can occur as a PAC or as a NonIC. A da-clause typically occurs as a PAC; if it is supported by certain indicators , it can occur as a NonIC. A weil-V2-clause necessarily occurs as a NonIC. The three domains in which according to Sweetser (1990) causal conjunctions may be interpreted – (i) the content domain, (ii) the epistemic domain, (iii) the speech act domain – relate to the syntax of causal clauses in the following ways: a causal CAC supports (i), a causal PAC supports (i) or (ii), a causal NonIC supports (i), (ii) or (iii). The paper discusses several consequences of these claims, among them the distribution of root phenomena and the syntax of performative clauses.

Diese Studie zur Struktur, Bedeutung und kommunikativen Funktion von Frageausdrücken und anderen zum Vollzug von Fragehandlungen geeigneten Formulierungen des Deutschen wurde im August 1980 der Philosophischen Fakultät für Sprach-und Literaturwissenschaft II der Universität München als Dissertation vorgelegt und für den Druck nur geringfügig überarbeitet. Vor allem wurden zur Erhöhung der Lesbarkeit dem formalen zweiten Teil Erläuterungen hinzugefügt.

This paper argues that there is a one-to-one mapping between the syntax of a causal clause and its semantic type. A causal central adverbial clause (CAC) is base-generated inside its licensing clause in a deep position and refers to a relation between eventualities. A causal peripheral adverbial clause (PAC) is base-generated inside its licensing clause in a high position and refers to a relation between propositions, and a causal non-integrated adverbial clause (NonIC) is a syntactic orphan and refers to a relation between speech acts. The German causal sentence forms considered in this paper occur in certain classes. A weil-verb-final-clause is by default a CAC; if it is supported by certain indicators, it can occur as a PAC or as a NonIC. A da-clause typically occurs as a PAC; if it is supported by certain indicators, it can occur as a NonIC. A weil-V2-clause necessarily occurs as a NonIC. The three domains in which according to Sweetser (1990) causal conjunctions may be interpre...