Swedish politics

European politics are changing constantly. Moreover, the changing demography of Europe have had far-reaching effects on these. In reaction to the immigrant inflow, political parties across Europe changed their policies. Further, new political movements, generally with a farright stance, formed at a dizzying rate, each offering increasingly radical policy solutions. These parties' impact is frequently larger than their small vote totals would imply, allowing them to influence more popular parties' policies. To understand what these far-right populist parties can do, one can take a closer look at the circumstances in Germany and Sweden. In Germany, AfD has had surprising and evocative effects. Sweden also has its own example through Sverigedemokraterna (The Sweden Democrats). This article attempts to understand the potential motivations behind the rising electoral support towards various anti-immigration and political parties throughout Europe by analyzing the changing dynamics in Germany and Sweden through their respective prominent far-right political movements.

Religion, populism, and media work in concert. The three together are greater than the sum of their parts. Yet, some- how, the interaction between these three elements remains surprisingly poorly understood. This afterword places this special issue on the Nordic countries into the wider context of populism in Europe. It then takes a step back to briefly consider why our knowledge of the media-religion-populism nexus is limited and what future research can do to set this right.

Ovaj rad proučava društveno-političke podele koje postoje unutar Kraljevine Švedske, kako bi pružio analitički uvid u pozicioniranje švedskih stranaka tokom predizborne kampanje za poslanička mesta u Parlamentu Kraljevine Švedske (u Riksdagu), što posledično doprinosi i razumevanju izbornih rezultata koje su tamošnje partije ostvarile. Stoga prvi cilj rada podrazumeva pružanje analize izbornih programa i rezultata, dok drugi cilj istraživanja teži identifikaciji zavisnih i nezavisnih varijabli koje su doprinele političkom pozicioniranju i posledičnom uspehu/neuspehu osam najvećih švedskih partija na parlamentarnim izborima održanim u septembru 2022. godine. U tom smislu, primenom metode analize diskursa i metode analize dokumenata/podataka, proučavaju se različiti načini pozicioniranja partija desnice i levice tokom predizborne kampanje, pri čemu se za teorijski okvir uzima Lipsetova i Rokanova (Lipset & Rokkan, 1967) teorija o svrstavanju stranaka; teorija društvenih rascepa. Polazi se od hipoteze da je na predizborne kampanje švedskih stranaka najviše uticala potreba da se odrede prema dve teme; temi imigracije i temi reforme zdravstvenog i obrazovnog sistema. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na to da su švedske stranke – kako bi ostvarile pozitivne izborne rezultate – sve spremnije da svoje istorijski prepoznatljive stavove i pozicije oblikuju prema aktuelnim pitanjima. Taj trend delimično uzdrmava stabilnost švedskog partijskog sistema, ali ga i dalje ne narušava u potpunosti, što se vidi i po ishodu izbora.

This paper analyzes the determinants of single mothers' in-work poverty in affluent countries and factors that mitigate their in-work poverty. I use random intercept multilevel logistic models to estimate the effects of individuals nested in 2 waves of repeated cross-sections of 17 affluent countries. The empirical analysis finds that single mothers have a lower probability of in-work poverty in countries with high union density than in countries in low unionization. Moreover, single mothers have a lower probability of in-work poverty in social market economies than in liberal market economies. These results obtain, net of family support policies that are considered to help single mothers' employment and income, such as childcare, maternity leave benefits, and family allowances, and labor-left institutions, such as wage coordination and left governments. Wage coordination, maternity leave benefits, ECEC, and family allowances are positively associated with their in-work poverty and are often significant (higher probabilities of in-work poverty).

Swedes, out of a population of around four million at that time, emigrated, mainly to North America, in search of a better life. Today, Sweden is one of the richest countries in the world. In terms of human development, UNDP's Human Development Index (HDI) gave Sweden a respectable fourth place in the 1991 Human Development Report (HDR). In the gender-disparity-adjusted HDI of the HDR of 1992, Sweden improved its rank to number one in the world. The main purpose of this country study is to summarise the major reasons for this spectacular and sustained success in economic and social development, and to discuss, as a background paper for the 1996 Human development Report, the inter-linkages between macroeconomic development, political and institutional development and human development. Since the early process of industrialisation and modernisation may be of some general relevance, the historical part is given considerable attention.

B etween 1945 and 1949, a new international order was created. Sweden took very little part in the shaping that order, a "rule-taker" rather than a "rule-maker." The collapse of cooperation between the Allied occupation powers in the Occupation Council in Berlin between 1945 and 1947 put an end to Roosevelt's "Grand Design" for postwar world government based on U.S.-Soviet collaboration and also caused new tensions for Sweden. As American policymakers began to realize that a radical program for European economic revitalization was needed, Sweden was forced to chose between East and West.With the initiation of the Marshall Plan in 1947, European states were offered new opportunities but also obligations that impinged on the Social Democratic government's economic policies in unanticipated ways, much as they had impinged on the Labour government's choices. The chapter begins with a discussion of the opposition to the planned economy and the concurrent shifts in postwar party programs as elites came to terms with the embellished postwar state. First, the recentering of the party system around a new proto-Keynesian consensus is discussed before the narrative turns to agricultural policy and wage planning. British and Swedish postwar policy adjustment presents an element of striking correspondence. In both countries, agricultural policy was protectionist and expansionist, and subsequently stressed income parity between the agrarian classes and other classes. Divergent trajectories often are allowed to obscure other similarities, for example, when the trade unions opposed the continuation of wartime control policies affecting the union, and in

This chapter will investigate who are the visitors and nonusers of outdoor recreation opportunities, and what factors influence or inhibit forest visitation. Additionally, it will focus on identifying a research agenda that links the cultural ecosystem services of outdoor recreation with issues of diversity and cultural and social constructs in the actual delivery and use of this public service, and develop management strategies to better increase visitation rates on nonusers.

Independent scholar Carl i Karin Larssontwórcy szwedzkiego "domu idealnego"? Carl and Karin Larsson-Creators of the Swedish "Ideal Home"? In 1888, two Swedish painters, Carl Larsson and Karin Larsson, moved to the mansion Lilla Hyttnäs in Sundborn (Dalarna, Sweden). This summer house became an ideal place for a big family with eight children, but was also a complex work of art which astonishes by its fantasy and uniqueness even today. These radiant rooms full of joy and love were depicted by Carl in his watercolours but can be visited in the museum founded after the death of the householders. The Larssons' style was an inspiration for Scandinavian interior design and built an image of the "ideal home", mostly by illustrated albums with commentaries by Carl. By analyzing the story of the house, with its various inspirations and ideas, some links to contemporary Swedish furniture companies and the Social Democrats' concept of F o l k h e m m e t and l a g o m are given.

Swedish authorities need to learn how to handle political Islam that confronts Swedish laws, society, and lifestyle. To be passive against this challenge creates a threat for safety and social coherence. It also leads to foreign policy catastrophes and integration problems. Consequences spread out in a spectrum of increased terror threat against Sweden and support for extreme right movements within the country.

En väsentlig styrka i den nordiska lönebildningsmodellen är att arbetsron cementeras i centrala avtal så att lokala konflikter kan undvikas, vilket också gynnar investeringar. I en ekonomi med starka och stora fackförbund är det också nyttigt att det sker någon typ av informell samordning kring den lämpliga genomsnittliga löneökningstakten. En sådan samordning utesluter inte en individuell och flexibel lönebildning på lokal nivå. Artikelns analys och teser är författarens egna och ska inte tolkas som Konjunkturinstitutets syn.

Finland har efter 2007 haft en svag ekonomisk utveckling, och den samlade produktionen och sysselsättningen ligger fortfarande under 2008-nivån. Finland har påverkats av den globala lågkonjunkturen, men ekonomins svaghet beror också starkt på inhemska faktorer. Konkurrenskraften har försämrats tydligt efter 2007. Lönebildningen har inte anpassats till den sjunkande produktiviteten. Den försämrade konkurrenskraften för exportindustrin har förstärkt effekten av den internationella krisen, så att både produktion och sysselsättning i den internationellt konkurrensutsatta sektorn har sjunkit kraftigt. Den höga kostnadsnivån i förhållande till euroområdet kommer att dämpa den ekonomiska utvecklingen under detta och nästa årtionde. Läget förvärras av att arbetsmarknadens parter inte verkar vara överens om en lämplig lönesättningsmodell som skulle säkerställa en bättre konkurrenskraft och skapa positiva förväntningar bland investerare. De långfristiga utsikterna för landets offentliga finan...

Ideological polarization is increasingly studied by researchers, but less so in the field of cultural politics. In Sweden, there are indications that cultural politics has changed from being characterized by broad political consensus to ideological conflict. Unlike other discussions about the state of democracy, however, disputes in recent years about ideological governance in Swedish cultural policy did not mainly concern the growing influence of right-wing populist parties. Instead, the debate concerned attempts by the previous Red Green Government to develop democracy in cultural politics. According to some debaters, those attempts show that Swedish cultural politics is still dominated by left-wing ideology. An ambiguity regarding ideological variation in cultural politics and its consequences for the state of democracy calls for an investigation.

This master's thesis studies ideas in Swedish parliamentary discourses to understand ideological variation in cultural politics. The right-wing and left-wing blocs share opinions about culture in society, and, instead, their primary area of conflict is the economy. Both blocs argue for an arm's length principle in cultural politics, but consensual dialogues still enable governance towards a norm-critical and multicultural society. They portray themselves as good democrats by contrasting themselves with nationalist right-wing populists who allegedly threaten this order. The Sweden Democrats, as opposed to the other blocs, advocate a society where social trust and democracy emanate from cultural affinity, while the economy is less important.

The lack of meaningful ideological variation beyond the economy between the traditional blocs makes the Sweden Democrats the only option for democratic accountability in cultural politics. Parliamentary democracy, then, is ironically upheld by the Sweden Democrats' alternative cultural politics, while the other parties' cordon sanitaire limits the will of the people by their promotion of the arm's length principle in order to maintain the current political order.

Keywords
Cultural politics, ideological variation, democracy’s problem, arm’s lengths principle, deconstruction

Immigrants are less politically engaged in Western societies, and it is important to improve that situation. Religious engagement, as one form of civic engagement, is often suggested as having the potential to promote political participation for immigrants by providing civic skills and native networks. However, being both religious and an immigrant is also often associated with economic deprivation, which could discourage political participation. In this study, I revisited the question in the Swedish context, where the political participation levels are generally high, the immigrant community is ethnically and religiously diverse, but the political climate on the migration issue is increasingly polarized. Using the Swedish Level of Living Survey for the Foreign Born and Their Children (LNU-UFB), I show that, contrary to findings in the previous literature, religious engagement is negatively associated with political participation for immigrants, particularly for those who have experienced discrimination. Religious engagement leads to more engagement in other civil societies, but it does not facilitate political participation for immigrants by providing civic skills or native networks. Also, economic disadvantage does not explain why religious immigrants refrain from political participation. Thus, more policy efforts should be made in Sweden to improve the political integration of immigrant religious organizations.

European politics are changing constantly. Moreover, the changing demography of Europe have had far-reaching effects on these. In reaction to the immigrant inflow, political parties across Europe changed their policies. Further, new political movements, generally with a far- right stance, formed at a dizzying rate, each offering increasingly radical policy solutions. These parties' impact is frequently larger than their small vote totals would imply, allowing them to influence more popular parties' policies. To understand what these far-right populist parties can do, one can take a closer look at the circumstances in Germany and Sweden. In Germany, AfD has had surprising and evocative effects. Sweden also has its own example through Sverigedemokraterna (The Sweden Democrats). This article attempts to understand the potential motivations behind the rising electoral support towards various anti-immigration and political parties throughout Europe by analyzing the changing dynam...

Swedish democracy ranks very high in international democracy indexes. It fascinates political scientists from all over the world because it seems to have resolved a fundamental political dilemma: the choice between equality and liberty, without the historical inconvenient of regimes which favoured too much equalitybut killed liberty, or regimes which favoured liberty-but failed to make citizens equal... The "'egalitarian pluralism" practiced in Swedish political system is rooted in a specific political culture. This culture has opted for popular sovereignty and comes from the ancient peasant society. Lutheran values and the absence of feudalism paved the way to the search for equality and the edification of a strong State. In the 20 th century, the Social-democrats endorsed the traditional Swedish values and prolonged them in the so-called Swedish model, with social policies allowing more equality along with more individual autonomy. Nowadays, the model is evolving, coping with globalization, and the definition of equality is under discussion.

Mainstream political economy has tended to treat the family as a unit when examining the distributional consequences of labor market institutions and of public policy. In a world with high divorce rates, we argue that this simplification is more likely to obscure than to instruct. We find that labor market opportunities for women, which vary systematically with the position of countries in the international division of labor and with the structure of the welfare state, affect women's bargaining power within the family and as a result, can explain much of the cross country variation in the gender division of labor as well as the gender gap in political preferences.

European politics are changing constantly. Moreover, the changing demography of Europe have had far-reaching effects on these. In reaction to the immigrant inflow, political parties across Europe changed their policies. Further, new political movements, generally with a farright stance, formed at a dizzying rate, each offering increasingly radical policy solutions. These parties' impact is frequently larger than their small vote totals would imply, allowing them to influence more popular parties' policies. To understand what these far-right populist parties can do, one can take a closer look at the circumstances in Germany and Sweden. In Germany, AfD has had surprising and evocative effects. Sweden also has its own example through Sverigedemokraterna (The Sweden Democrats). This article attempts to understand the potential motivations behind the rising electoral support towards various anti-immigration and political parties throughout Europe by analyzing the changing dynamics in Germany and Sweden through their respective prominent far-right political movements.

i Malmö är en ikonisk plats i Sverige. Nu är det viktigare än någonsin att lyfta den platsen-och berättelsen om "antirasistiska Möllan"-som ett alternativ till en nationell politisk utveckling. Det här är en debattartikel. Det är skribenten och inte Dagens ETC som står för åsikten.

The Swedish welfare state is facing the greatest threat since its inception. Attacks stem from the country's sharp economic downturn since 1989 and the related currency crisis of September 1992. Politicians of the right and left have responded to the economic crisis by initiating cutbacks in social welfare programs and supporting policies that will lead to a massive transfer of income from working people to corporations. The focus on cutting social programs is misplaced. The Swedish economy flourished for decades with the network of social service programs in place; the welfare state cannot be blamed for economic problems that have only recently arisen.

Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. * Benny carlson är professor i ekonomisk historia vid ekonomihögskolan, lunds universitet. detta arbete har utförts på uppdrag av Sveriges riksbank och Bank of canada. Författaren är tacksam för synpunkter från göran ahlström, claes Berg, lars Jonung och kerstin Mitlid.

This paper seeks to investigate the inner mechanics of policy change. It aims to discover how ideas enter the political arena, and how endogenous forces within the policy making environment transform ideas into new policies. The central hypothesis is that in times of crisis, new ideas emanate from a number of change agents, but in order for any of these ideas to enter the institutional environment, one specific agent of change must be present: the political entrepreneur. Without political entrepreneurs, ideational change, and subsequent policy change, would not occur. The paper sets out a framework for identifying and explaining the endogenous drivers of policy change, and then tests this framework on two case studies, from two countries.

SeCtiOn iii "Europeanization in Sweden: Opportunities and Challenges for Civil Society Organizations" edited by Anna Meeuwisse and Roberto Scaramuzzino is available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license with support from the University of Lund. OA ISBN: 978-1-78920-983-9. Not for resale.

Civil Society stands for one of the most ambitious projects and influential concepts relating to the study of modern societies. Scholars working in this field aim to secure greater equality of opportunity, democratic participation, individual freedom, and societal self-organization in the face of social deficits caused by globalizing neo-liberalism. This series deals with the multiple languages, different layers, and diverse practices of existing and emerging civil societies in Europe and elsewhere and asks how far the renewed interest in the concept can contribute to the gradual evolution of civil society in the wider world.

This study is a broad analysis of Sweden's nature conservation and explores how Swedish authorities produce nature conservation from physical space to social space along the lines of Lefebvre's (1991) theories. The symbolic values and practical norms that nature conservation creates are discussed. The study addresses multiple views and values on and in nature that has characterized nature conservation historically, such as nature as a resource, object, isolated place or part of our society, thus discussing various conservation values. A discourse analysis by government-represented authorities shows what views of nature occurs today and is compared to the past ones, what kind of nature the authorities wants to preserve and how this is practically achieved. The results show that the practice of nature conservation is knowledge-spreading with normative goals and that previous results claiming that the dominant spacing according to Lefebvres (1991) triad is oppressive of non-normative special interests cannot be strengthened through the results of this discourse analysis. The prevalence of nature conservation and values is discussed in competing interests from both humans and other species and shows that both humans and other species are given equal value but that the benefits are primarily for humans.

Friluftsliv, Swedish for outdoor recreation, is a relevant concept for sustainable development, yet as a political objective, friluftsliv is struggling to gain a foothold in Swedish public policymaking. To generate knowledge of how friluftsliv is used in policymaking, and to address the growing demand for friluftsliv by the public, I explore visions of friluftsliv as articulated in the Swedish Parliament Chamber between 2010-2021. Utilizing an interpretive approach to the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), I identify and analyze four dominant policy narratives of friluftsliv: the Multi-use forestry, Profitability, Affordability, and Municipality narratives. My analysis adds to literature stating that friluftsliv as a political objective lacks its own platform and rests on a merger with external values, which largely depends on definitions of public interests. The narratives manifest juxtapositions of public and private interests and central and local mandates. Hence, friluftsliv as an objective risk getting increasingly polarized and invokes consensus-making approaches.

Artikeln undersöker svenska etniska organisationers verksamheter i syfte att belysa hur detta organisatoriska fält har förändrats under de senaste decennierna. Studien bygger på en totalundersökning av de 52 riksförbund som fått bidrag från Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor (MUCF). Den visar att det etniska organisationsfältet kännetecknas av både kontinuitet och förändring. Kulturella aktiviteter var i särklass vanligast och arrangerades ofta i samverkan med olika studieförbund, vilket tyder på att folkrörelsemodellens inflytande över fältet är fortsatt stark. Det förekom större variation ifråga om integrationsfrämjande verksamheter, vilket dels antyder att organisationerna svarar mot skilda medlemsbehov, dels att några organisationer tycks ha iklätt sig rollen som välfärdsproducenter, främst för att bistå medlemmar att orientera sig i relation till olika myndigheter. Studien visar att utvecklingen inom det svenska etniska organisationsfältet uppvisar tecken på spår...

This article interrogates the digital storytelling of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. Drawing on scholarship on state feminism and digital diplomacy, it shows how digital platforms offer opportunities to reproduce narratives of state feminism through storytelling. We propose that digital diplomacy is used to advance feminist foreign policy through emotional sense-making that requires the telling of personal stories. The article provides a narrative analysis of the stories of women and girls that symbolise and embody feminist foreign policy, and the way in which they are communicated by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The article concludes by noting that the digital storytelling of feminist foreign policy allows the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to communicate to a wider digital audience. These stories, however, run the risk of obscuring the feminist ambitions of feminist foreign policy by insufficiently considering the gendered injustices that undergird the global gender ...

The United Nations is an organization founded at least in part on hope: hope for a postwar future offering security, human rights, justice, “social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.” This book documents some of the ways in which the UN engages with peacebuilding as a practice of hope, under the auspices of the UN Peacebuilding Commission that was created in 2005. Hope was part of the Commission’s foundational mandate: the hope that the Commission, as a principal actor in the UN peacebuilding apparatus, would “integrate a gender perspective into all of its work”; and the hope that the Commission would “consult with civil society, non-governmental organizations, including women’s organizations, and the private sector engaged in peacebuilding activities, as appropriate.” This book engages with the work that gender is doing conceptually to organize the way that peacebuilding is defined, enacted, and resourced, as well as exploring the ways in which women, gender, ...

Özet 1960'ların ortalarında Türkiye'den kitlesel emek göçü alan İsveç, sonraki yıllarda da çeşitli sebeplerle Türkiye'den göç almaya devam etmiştir. Bugün yaklaşık yüz bin civarında Türkiye kökenli göçmenin yaşadığı İsveç'te Türkiye kökenli göçmenlerin siyasal algıları, katılım, davranış ve eğilimlerine odaklanan bu çalışma, yüz yüze gerçekleştirilen on beş derinlemesine görüşmeye dayanmaktadır. Çalışmada İsveç'e göç öyküsü, İsveç siyasetinin tarihsel ve güncel panoraması, Türkiye kökenli göçmenlerin algı ve eğilimleri üzerinde durulmaya çalışılmıştır. Sosyal ve ekonomik olarak elli yıllık süreçte İsveç'e görece daha fazla tutunan göçmenlerin siyasal tercihleri renklenirken aynı zamanda 'yeni göç dalgasına' karşı ilginç sayılabilecek eğilimleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu çalışma derinlemesine görüşmeler ve literatürden yararlanılarak 'yabancı ülkede yerli olma' sürecinde olan göçmenlerin İsveç siyasetine bakışları çerçevesinde şekillenmiştir.

In 2014, Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) was announced with a fanfare. This article critically interrogates how Sweden implements the FFP through digital diplomacy by investigating the extent of Sweden’s gender equality activities on Twitter since the introduction of the FFP and by tracing gendered online abuse in digital diplomacy. I focus on Swedish embassy tweets towards two countries where feminism is highly contested – Poland and Hungary. The theoretical inspiration comes from discursive approaches to the spoken and unspoken, enriched by feminist observations about the non-binary character of voice/silence. The method applied is gender-driven quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings demonstrate that the FFP has not set any significant mark on digital diplomacy in the analyzed cases. The launching of the FFP went completely unnoticed and posts related to gender equality have actually decreased since 2014. There are no traces of ambassadors being subject...

Sweden has a global brand as being a democratic, happy and progressive society that is in consensus. However, when looking more closely at the key brand and reputational components of the Swedish international brand and reputation it is possible to see the various irregularities and contradictions that are present.

What happened to the once famous Swedish model? Since the economic crisis in the 1990s, prophecies of the imminent demise of the universal welfare state have been common. Cutbacks in social benefits and mass unemployment seem to confirm these prophecies.Ali Hajighasemi – a citizen of Sweden, with a Ph.D. from Durham University, UK, and a native of Iran – thinks differently. In this study he explores the role of social movements, demographic, economic and socio-cultural conditions, institutional change and "globalisation" in the transformation of the Swedish welfare state. Several programs were indeed recalibrated, and a policy of cost containment came to dominate social policy-making, independent of whether the government was center-left or center-right. Although the favourable conditions in the decades of World War II no longer obtain, the downsizing of the welfare programs has basically followed an egalitarian and universal logic. There are cracks in the wall, but the No...