Summit Meetings

The purpose of this study is to highlight one aspect of the Israel-Palestine conflict, namely the issue of United States involvement in conflict resolution in this area. The US has a long history of direct involvement and activism in the region starting in 1948 and going on through the Suez Crisis of 1956 and the 1967 war that set the modern borders and occupied Palestinian territories of the region. After the 1973 Ramadan/Yom Kippur war between Israel and the main Arab states led by Egypt and Syria, the US adopted and donned the role of a peacemaker, albeit a biased one, but a role that was focused on bringing lasting peace between Israel and her Arab neighbours. This policy first bore fruit in the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Israel and Egypt have engaged in a cold peace that has stood the test of time until the present time.

However the Americans were not successful in their other endeavours to bring peace, particularly between Israel and Syria as well as between Israel and the Palestinians. My present work seeks to detail US efforts to bring about peace between Israel and her Arab neighbours primarily Egypt and the Palestinians since 1967. The study has been arranged into nine chapters that are all consecutively connected to each other and seek to provide detailed analysis as regards the US role in the region from 1967 until date.

The changes in the institutional structure of the EU brought about by the Lisbon treaty and recent developments in economic governance are offering scholars new fields of interest. In particular, the emergence of the European Council - and its President - as the institution driving integration further in times of crisis, the extension of co-decision and the continued quest for legitimacy through transparency are among the factors inviting scholars to cast new light on the role and functioning of the European Council and to re-assess the role and functioning of the Council of the European Union. The General Secretariat to both institutions has also increasingly been the object of scholarly enquiry.
The Library of the General Secretariat, a part of DG Communication and Document Management, wishes to contribute to and foster further research by offering scholars, libraries and civil society a structured bibliography of literature on the European Council, the Council of the European Union and their General Secretariat. The bibliography has been compiled by the Library on the basis of its own holdings and of targeted bibliographical research. It has greatly benefited from contributions by a variety of individual researchers and academic institutions throughout Europe and is constantly being updated with new contributions.
In its enhanced and updated January 2016 edition, the bibliography contains more than 1750 records: monographs, theses, academic articles and chapters of books. Records are indexed with EuroVoc descriptors http://eurovoc.europa.eu/ and classified by subject area. EuroVoc, the EU's multilingual thesaurus, is freely available via the EU Open Data Portal: http://open-data.europa.eu/en/data/dataset/eurovoc
In addition to the present printed release, the bibliography can be searched and browsed online at: http://ec.europa.eu/eclas/F?func=find-a-0&local_base=BIB
The Library invites research communities to use the bibliography and welcomes comments and suggestions on additional resources to be included. All materials referenced in the bibliography are held in full text in the Library and inter-library loans can be arranged. Researchers and students can access Library collections on site by appointment.

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Knjiga se bavi ulogom Josipa Broza Tita u formulisanju i sprovođenju spoljne politike socijalističke Jugoslavije. Geneza jugoslovenske diplomatije se prati od perioda posleratne staljinizacije, raskida sa Informbiroom i prvih otvaranja prema Zapadu do razvijanja politike balansiranja između blokova i stvaranja doktrine nesvrstanosti. U svim ovim fazama, jugoslovenskom spoljnom politikom dominirala je ličnost šefa države, koji je bio njen osnovni nosilac.

The article scrutinizes the dynamics of Yugoslav summit diplomacy from the end of the Second World War until the First Conference of Heads of Governments of the Non-Aligned Countries (1961), in order to outline the evolution of a paramount role that Josip Broz Tito played in shaping Yugoslav foreign policy.

Interregionalism means region-to-region relations. Its relevance lies on two assumptions: that regionalism is a significant mechanism of governance and that regions are outward looking. The fact that both assumptions are contested confers the concept of interregionalism a structural fuzziness. In this paper we seek to grasp the phenomenon by following a sequential path: we first deal with definitions, types and theory, only then to look into the empirical evidence in search of correspondence between names and facts. By looking into transatlantic interregionalism, we find it as a large umbrella that brings together very diverse groupings of countries under a same, moderately inconsequential, working mechanism: summitry.

Mais tout d’abord, qu’est-ce que la diplomatie environnementale ? A priori, la diplomatie environnementale se comprend comme une diplomatie qui traite uniquement de questions d’environnement. En pratique pourtant, la diplomatie environnementale côtoie régulièrement beaucoup d’autres thématiques comme les questions commerciales (commerce des espèces protégées par exemple), de propriété intellectuelle (droit des populations indigènes et locales concernant l’usage des ressources génétiques naturelles), énergétiques (atteinte des objectifs de réduction des gaz à effet de serre, utilisation des biocarburants), de santé (impacts sur la santé de la consommation d’organismes génétiquement modifiés – OGM), et même de sécurité (conséquences du réchauffement climatique sur les migrations transnationales).

The CPMM, currently known as the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), is an international summit conference and is part of a broader international organisation, the Commonwealth of Nations. In its early years, the CPMM at irregular intervals, but it changed to meet biennially from 1971 onwards. The leaders discuss international issues and key challenges relevant to them. Rhodesia, which was earlier known as Southern Rhodesia and is currently known as Zimbabwe, became the most significant item on the CPMM agenda in the mid-1960s. Indeed, it drew the world's attention as the conflict was between a white minority government and the black majority population of Rhodesia. This dispute was over whom should control the government and it took more than a decade (until 1980) to resolve. Rhodesia had a unique status under the British Empire. Before the break-up of Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (Central African Federation) in 1964, Rhodesia was a self-governing colony with the right to hold elections based on minority white control. In November 1965, Ian Douglas Smith, who had succeeded as the Prime Minister of Rhodesia in 1964, and his political party, the Rhodesia Front (RF), announced the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) of Rhodesia without any legal recognition by the colonial power, Great Britain. After the UDI, Britain and most other United Nations members insisted that Rhodesia could only become a sovereign and recognised state based on majority rule. Original research of this problem investigates and explores how the CPMM dealt with this divisive issue and worked to achieve a settlement. The originality of this research lies in its exploration of primary sources, especially from the Commonwealth Secretariat Archives. It is arranged according to a chronological structure and adopts an historical approach, reconstructing events in the past. This paper will focus on the problem in the late 1960s, when three CPMMs were held (two in 1966, one in 1969).

De abril a octubre de 2017 la agenda global del desarrollo se conformó de una dinámica gama de sucesos que, si bien se alimentó de acciones propositivas, también se caracterizó por sufrir fuertes embates, sobre todo desde Estados Unidos, bajo la presidencia de Donald Trump. El devenir de los acontecimientos de mayor impacto a este respecto durante el periodo de tiempo señalado constituye el eje de análisis de este texto, el cual se sintetiza en que la agenda global del desarrollo si bien dio pasos hacia adelante, también lo hizo en sentido inverso, lastimando el proceso a favor de un mundo más sostenible para el
planeta y las personas que lo habitan.

Roughly two decades ago, very few people outside of Korea were following developments in and around the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), more commonly known as North Korea. To them, what happened in the first half of 2018 must appear extraordinary and unique. From “fire and fury,” “dotard,” and dangerous bragging about “nuclear buttons,” events turned to no less than six summit meetings of North Korea’s hitherto isolated leader, Kim Jong-un, the dismantlement of a test site, the release of American detainees, and a bunch of smiles and handshakes.

This article aims to place events like the April 2018 inter-Korean summit and the first ever North Korean-American summit in June 2018 into context. It is this author’s hope that this essay can help to provide a more sober and objective evaluation of what has been achieved this year, and render more realistic expectations of what could follow.

2016 yılı G-20 zirvesi, 4-5 Eylül 2016 tarihinde Çin'in Hangzhou kentinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. Toplantının ana teması her sene olduğu gibi küresel ekonominin ve küresel yönetişimin eşgüdüm içinde sürdürülmesine ve ortak önlemler alınmasına yönelik olmuştur. Yenilikçi, canlı ve kapsayıcı bir küresel ekonomi ekseninde cereyan eden bu yılki Zirve'de diğer küresel sorunlara da değinilmiştir. Zirve'nin tarafları; Almanya, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, Arjantin, Avustralya, Birleşik Krallık, Brezilya, Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti, Endonezya, Fransa, Güney Afrika, Güney Kore, Hindistan, İtalya, Japonya, Kanada, Meksika, Rusya, Suudi Arabistan, Türkiye, Avrupa Birliği'dir. Bunun yanı sıra Çad, İspanya, Kazakistan, Laos, Mısır, Senegal, Singapur ve Tayland özel davetli olarak katılmıştır.

This article focuses on the evolution of systems dealing with economic globalization. The emergence of successive structures of global governance is a response to tension, crisis and uncertainty generated by anarchy in the international environment. The author presents the concept of the super triad of economic governance (STEG), developed between 1973 and 2008. It is characterized by a departure from the traditional triadic systems of economic triad (United States – European Union – Japan) and institutional triad (International Monetary Fund – World Bank – World Trade Organization) toward networking, trans-governance and an increasing role of leaders, whose summits are opportunities to resolve global issues in economics and finance, as well as politics. In consecutive sections the article, based on the neoliberal theory of international relations and the network theory of world politics developed by Kenichi Ohmae, Anne-Marie Slaughter, John Kirton, Andrew F. Cooper and Ramesh Thakur, discusses and critiques the triadic systems in an era of economic globalization, and then explains the STEG concept and its structure. The conclusion presents the main findings.

Citation: Rewizorski M. (2015) G7/8 – G20 – BRICS: A New Triad in Global Governance? International Organisations Research Journal, vol. 10, no 4, pp. 29-48 (in Russian and English). DOI: 10.17323/1996-7845-2015-04-29.

Keywords: BRICS, G7/8, G20, global governance, summits, economic triad, institutional triad, network theory, transgovernance

Co-authored with Professor Harsh V Pant (Professor of International Relations at King’s College London & Vice President – Studies and Foreign Policy at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi)

Raisina Debates- This segment focuses on a rising India in a changing global order. It captures India’s global engagements, challenges and priorities amidst its internal and external reorientation.

Many accounts of mega-events emphasize their ability to facilitate the accumulation of capital and place them in the
framework of urban entrepreneurialism. This paper examines the ways mega-events—with the help of capitalist
boosterism rhetoric—become intertwined in regional and urban policies. Using the run-ups to the Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation and the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa summits as case studies (Ekaterinburg in 2009
and Ufa in 2015), I investigate local citizens’ and stakeholders’ perceptions of federal and local governmental action
surrounding mega-events in Russia. Drawing on the theoretical notion of clientelism, I argue that the hidden rationality
in the preparation for mega-events consists of their use by local stakeholders (1) as a legitimizing tool for raising their
political and economic capital and (2) as a convenient pretext to directly and indirectly elicit benefits and amplify
existing practices of rent seeking. Planners evoke neoliberal rhetorics of growth and profit-oriented investments to
justify the “conversations” that various ranks of elite have among themselves. The run-up to a summit is part of a
strategy by regional and municipal leaders to win the President’s favour by engaging in prestigious international events.

Nous sommes aujourd’hui accoutumés à voir des chefs d’État échanger des poignées de main relayées par les médias, mais il n’en a pas toujours été ainsi. L’histoire de l’Europe comporte en effet des périodes où il était courant que les monarques se rencontrent et d’autres où, à l’inverse, ils évitaient à tout prix de se trouver en présence de leurs homologues. À cet égard, la Renaissance est un moment d’effervescence pour les entrevues entre princes: elles sont particulièrement fréquentes, spectaculaires et «médiatisées» à cette époque, avant de connaître une certaine éclipse qui durera jusqu’à la fin de l’Ancien Régime.

The European Union has been, and still remains one of the most amazing phenomena that has been witnessed in the 21st century.  It is an epic story of different countries getting past their differences and trying to move forward in order to create a system of one economic currency and having the ability to transact globally with all nations through the world that will not only work for themselves economically and socially, but will also have the ability to usher the Union into the new world order and be recognized in the modern era of Globalization in the eyes of all world governments.  However, past issues that have taken affect with respect to the past 15 years since its founding have plagued the Union making its future questionable to those not only within the Union itself and each other, but also in the eyes of other nations, such as the United States, China, Japan, and England, all of whom are a part of the new Global Economic Movement.  However, in order for one to fully understand the significance of the problems, one must go back to the earlier times of Europe before it became known as the European Union.  In this paper, I will take you through a historical journey that shows you the early origins of the first attempts not only to bring about the European Union, but also to point out the problems then and now that continue to plague it up to its modern existence.

Experts share their views on the historic meeting: In this special Policy Forum Rapid Round-up, experts help sort the substance from the spectacle of the historic Trump-Kim meeting.

Authors: Michael Cohen, Sang Hyun Lee, Se Young Jang, Olga Krasnyak, Francis Grice, Daniel Fazio, Sarah A Son, Stephen R Nagy, and Lauren Richardson

This opinion article briefly discusses Mexico's most likely objectives at the North American Leaders’ Summit to take place on 29 June, 2016, in Ottawa, Canada, and the complexities the country will face to reach its intended goals at the Summit. It discusses the ambitious proposals on the future of the regional integration project that President Enrique Peña Nieto will probably introduce at the Summit and concludes that he is unlikely to reach his intended objectives.