Summit Meetings

Insights from brutal encounters framed by kayfabe
Correspondences between MMA Styles and the 12 Labours of Hercules?
Commentary on Trump-Putin with "skin in the game"?
Adapting cultural diplomacy through political theatre
Existential significance of struggle reframed by MMA?
Imagery of Putin and Trump in MMA gear?
Kayfabe understood generically as reality manipulation

Imaginative use of AI in AI summitry?
Distinguishing between "new thinking" and "AI-washing"
Challenge of collective comprehension of "new thinking"
Profitability, "new thinking" and "psychic income"?
Unreconciled framings of fundamental distinctions
Ecosystem of disparate cognitive modalities
Challenge of recognizing what is systemically missing
Toroidal representation beyond the globality of the sphere
Quest for an archetypal container for a universal solvent?
Present incompleteness in the light of future development
Higher dimensionality of requisite potential coherence?
Quantum mind and multiple intelligences?
Sustainability of collective comprehension of sustainability?
Cultivating the art of unsaying
Questioning in question?
Implications for engaging with non-human intelligence?

The microbes -bacteria, moulds and yeasts -form biofilm, when growing on surfaces. Besides microbes, the biofilm consists of extracellular polymers and water. Crevices and uneven surfaces act as shelters for the microbes forming biofilms. Biofilms can also persist on worn surfaces in the food process lines and equipment.

Th is Article concerns relations between the Korean states aft er the second inter-Korean summit. Th e evolution of inter-Korean relations can be divided into periods that mirror the nature and specifi c character of cooperation and rivalry of the two Koreas. Inter-korean dialogue cover the issues of a unifi cation dialogue and an economic and cultural cooperation; it is worth noting that all the mentioned areas of cooperation overlap. Ever since the Sunshine Policy initiated by President Kim Dae-jung, it has become apparent that one of the main obstacles to the unifi cation of the Koreas is the economic gap; therefore, increased economic cooperation was to be sought. Despite the failure of some economic projects, owing to the economic initiatives and increased cooperation, the Korean states have strengthened mutual trust. Th e Republic of Korea has become the second largest DPRK's trading partner aft er China.

Marko Nikezić bio je „punokrvni političar”, revolucionar, osoba koju je zanimala umjetnost, koji je čitao o prošlosti, koji je govorio jezike i bio svjetski čovjek u diplomatskoj službi zemlje koja je imala svjetske dosege. U takvom kontekstu, u vremenu koje je u odnosu na desetljeća u kojima danas živimo, bilo daleko više političko i, bez obzira na jednopartijnost, dinamično, Nikezić je nezaobilazni akter, stvaratelj, analitičar i praktičar. Petar Žarković koristio je golemu arhivsku građu, najvećim dijelom iz DSIP/SSIP-a i drugih beogradskih arhiva, i tako na jednom mjestu pokazao važnost diplomatskog i političkog djelovanja Marka Nikezića, zemlje koju je predstavljao, ali i ukupne, svjetske dimenzije, politike koju je zastupao ili vodio.

Prof. dr Tvrtko Jakovina

U Izraelu radost, a u Palestini i u Libanu plač. Ubijen je vođa Hezbolaha Hassan Nasrallah. Jevreji nemaju razlog za radovanje, jer smrt jednog čovjeka ne znači kraj pokreta ni ideje već će donijeti novi podsticaj ratu, možda i gorem nego što se dosada vodio. To je rezultat ubistva jednog lidera, a takvih među napaćenim narodom Palestine i arapskog svijeta ima na hiljade. Krv traži novu krv, osveta traži novu osvetu, rat novi rat...

Türkiye, küresel aktörlerin Afrika’ya olan ilgisinin artışıyla eş zamanlı olarak Afrika’ya yönelik çok boyutlu politikalar üretti ve bunun neticesinde kıta ülkeleri ile ikili ilişkiler gelişti. 2013 yılı itibarıyla Türkiye’nin “Afrika Açılım Politikası” sona erdi ve “Afrika Ortaklık Politikası” dönemine girildi. Türkiye’nin “Afrika’nın sorunlarına Afrikalı çözümler” ilkesini benimsediği, karşılıklı kazanımlara vurgu yaptığı, tahakküm kurmaktan uzak yaklaşımı, kıtada güvenilir bir imaj kazanmasına, dolayısıyla Afrika ile ilişkilerinin boyut değiştirmesine katkı sundu. 2014 ve 2021 yıllarında düzenlenen ikinci ve üçüncü Türkiye-Afrika zirveleri, ikili ilişkilerin dönüşümünü anlatması açısından somut örnekler olarak bu bağlamda öne çıkıyor.

A little-known sea battle off the Cinque Port of Sandwich stopped what would have been a foreign invasion. It is considered to be a watershed in medieval Europe’s naval history.    Not since the Conquest or the Spanish Armada had England been so threatened.      William Marshal, now Regent of England, would oversee the battle from ashore.

Məqalədə XX əsrin sonu - XXI əsrin əvvəllərində Türkiyə - Özbəkistan münasibətlərinin siyasi təhlilinə cəhd edilib. Məqalə tarixi-siyasi ədəbiyyatlarda mövcud materialların toplanması, müqayisəsi və təhlili əsasında işlənilib. Araşdırmanın yekununda gəlinən nəticə bundan ibarətdirki, Türkiyə Özbəkistan münasibətləri birbaşa, ikitərəfli və çoxtərəfli formatda həyata keçirilib. Münasibətlər SSRİ-nin dağılması və Özbəkistanın müstəqilliyini elan etməsindən sonra qurulmağa başlanılıb. Məqalədə Türkiyə-Özbəkistan münasibətlərinin 1990-cı illərdə problemli olsa da, XXI əsrdə artıq bu münasibətlərdə irəliyə doğru addım atıldığını görmək mümkündür.

The article attempts to analyze the political relations between Türkiye and Uzbekistan at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. The article was developed based on the collection, comparison and analysis of the available materials in the historical and political literature. The conclusion of the study is that Türkiye-Uzbekistan relations were conducted in direct, bilateral and multilateral form. Relations began to be established after the collapse of the USSR and the declaration of Uzbekistan's independence. It is possible to see in the article that although Türkiye Uzbekistan relations were problematic in the 1990s, they have already taken a step forward in the 21st century

Məqalədə XX əsrin sonu - XXI əsrin əvvəllərində Türkiyə - Özbəkistan münasibətlərinin siyasi təhlilinə cəhd edilib. Məqalə tarixi-siyasi ədəbiyyatlarda mövcud materialların toplanması, müqayisəsi və təhlili əsasında işlənilib. Araşdırmanın yekununda gəlinən nəticə bundan ibarətdirki, Türkiyə Özbəkistan münasibətləri birbaşa, ikitərəfli və çoxtərəfli formatda həyata keçirilib. Münasibətlər SSRİ-nin dağılması və Özbəkistanın müstəqilliyini elan etməsindən sonra qurulmağa başlanılıb. Məqalədə Türkiyə-Özbəkistan münasibətlərinin 1990-cı illərdə problemli olsa da, XXI əsrdə artıq bu münasibətlərdə irəliyə doğru addım atıldığını görmək mümkündür.
The article attempts to analyze the political relations between Türkiye and Uzbekistan at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. The article was developed based on the collection, comparison and analysis of the available materials in the historical and political literature.  The conclusion of the study is that Türkiye-Uzbekistan relations were conducted in direct, bilateral and multilateral form. Relations began to be established after the collapse of the USSR and the declaration of Uzbekistan's independence. It is possible to see in the article that although TürkiyeUzbekistan relations were problematic in the 1990s, they have already taken a step forward in the 21st century.

List of Figures 4.1 Spreads on corporate liabilities 4.2 Central banks' balance sheets 6.1 Bank of England and European Central Bank interest rates 6.2 Divergence of gross domestic product growth within the Euro area 10.1 Raw material prices 10.2 Current account balances in Latin America and the Caribbean (percentage of GDP at current prices) 10.3 Growth estimates for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2009-10 (percentage) 11.1 Static forecast of future debt service difficulties 11.2 Dynamic forecast of future debt service difficulties 14.1 Central Bank financing of U.S. total imports, percent, 2001-08 This Page intentionally left blank List of Tables 4.1 International macroeconomic forecasts: Growth in gross domestic product 5.1 Amount outstanding of OTC derivatives 6.1 Gross domestic product growth rates (%) in Europe, the United States, and China 6.2 Support for the European banking sector (as of May 2009) 6.3 Public indebtedness problems in Europe 10.1 Main fiscal measures in Latin America 10.2 Classification of the major economies in the world, 2000-2040, ranked according to GDP 11.1 Trade statistics of selected countries 11.2 Annual performance of national stock market indices 11.3 Annual rates of change of nominal exchange rate and of total reserves for selected countries 11.4 Key statistics and indicators of selected developing regions, 2007 11.5 Statistics of real freight-on-board export growth by selected developing regions, 1970-2007 11.6 Aid to all recipients by major purposes in 2007, in percentage 11.7 External debt statistics of selected developing regions, in $ billions 11.8 Proposed design for Aid Council for Africa 14.1 U.S. current account balances, 1973-2007 Appendix 11.1 List of countries sampled for the computation of statistics of real growth of export earnings, 1970-2007 Appendix 11.2 Net disbursements of official development assistance to sub-Saharan Africa by recipient Preface This book continues the tradition of Ashgate's Global Finance Series of using the annual G8 summit as a catalyst to explore the central themes in the emerging dynamic of global governance, as shaped by summit itself. It continues the series' central concern with core finance issues. It focuses on the impacts of the financial crisis that peaked in the United States in the fall of 2008 and spread around the world over the following year, and the policy responses in North America, Asia, Europe, the emerging BRIC countries of Brazil, Russia, India, and China, and the developing world beyond. This volume reports the results of research conducted by the Research Group on Global Financial Governance and the G8 Research Group, with support from The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), the Review of Economic Conditions in Italy, and the Centre for International Public Policy Studies in Japan. These strands of research were brought together at authors' workshops in Rome in the summer of 2008. They were subsequently revised, updated, supplemented by other contributions, and integrated into a common framework for their presentation here. This book draws its contributors from North America, Europe, and Africa. It involves scholars and practitioners who bring first-hand professional experience with the G8, central banking, government, and multilateral economic organizations. These contributors come largely from the disciplines of economics and the international political economy and international organization fields of political science. With this variety of perspectives, analytical approaches, and judgements, the collection combines the insights of experts who draw on a rich assortment of regional experiences, theoretical traditions, interpretative frameworks, and concluding convictions, on a G8-wide and broader global scale.

For a full list of manuscripts, editions, and translations, see "La chronique d'un Ménestrel de Reims," ARLIMA: archives de littérature du moyen âge, online at https://www.arlima .net/mp/menestrel_de_reims_chronique_dun.html. xvii xviii Introduction text Natalis de Wailly chose for his edition, may be defective. In the words of one commentator, it has "neither a proper beginning nor ending."4 This deficiency makes it difficult to determine whether a different "original" composition preceded the version of the text that we have. If one did precede it, scholars may be engaging a set of récits worked and reworked, in the process now known as remaniement, by one or more hands. Author and Minstrel might therefore be plural figures.5 So, although I shall follow convention and use masculine pronouns when referring to the supposed author(s), I remain sensitive to the problem of unreflectively regarding anonymous texts, especially those classified as songs but others as well, as maleauthored.6 I drew on the Minstrel's récits for my first book when discussing the relationship between Queen Dowager Blanche of Castile and her son, Louis IX (Saint Louis).7 For readers who would not have been able to comprehend the Old French, however, I turned to the only English translation readily availableat least, available in major university libraries-that published by Edward Noble Stone in 1939.8 When not archaic, its prose was stolid at best. Recognizing its weaknesses, Robert Levine prepared a new translation of what his publisher advertised as 4. Lindy Grant, "Récit d'un ménestrel de Reims," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle (Brill), online at http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclo pedia-of-the-medieval-chronicle/recit-dun-menestrel-de-reims-SIM_02160. 5. I capitalize "Minstrel" when I refer to the author and employ lowercase for the general category. 6.

Összefoglalás: 2023. július 11-12-én Vilniusban került sor a NATO állam-és kormányfőinek csúcstalálkozójára. Jelen írás ennek apropóján közelebbről áttekinti a szövetség legfelső szintű találkozóinak történetét és funkcióját, valamint a vilniusi csúcs napirendjét és fontosabb döntéseit.

In this academic article, an attempt is made to present the perception
of Chinese scholars on the development of contemporary processes in Central Asia and the policies of foreign states and unions in the region in the context of changing international and regional dynamics.
The research results shed light on the existing perceptions within Chinese academic circles regarding the current state and trajectory of Central Asian countries' relations with foreign actors, ongoing geopolitical changes, the process of strengthening intra-regional cooperation, and a significant shift in China's foreign policy in Central Asia.

This is, then, a thought-provoking book that addresses theoretical and practical problems of pressing concern. It fits with the general movement in the study of International Relations away from structural theories and towards mid-range theorizing about diplomatic practice. As such, it is a welcome and important volume.

akon napada Nemačke na SSSR, 22. juna 1941, pred sovjetsku diplomatiju postavili su se brojni, hitni i vrlo složeni zadaci. Ona je, pored ostalog, morala da: 1) u međunarodnim okvirima širi pozitivne vesti i procene o perspektivama borbe protiv agresora; 2) zaštiti i stavi pod nadzor strane diplomatske misije u SSSR-u; 3) spreči da se na strani Nemačke u rat protiv SSSR-a uključe druge države, posebno Japan; 4) uspostavi i pravnim dokumentima precizira savezničke odnose sa zapadnim silama. U radu se govori o načinu na koji se sa ovim problemima suočavala sovjetska diplomatija. Posebno je ukazano da je u jednom periodu Kujbišev (danas: Samara) postao rezervni glavni grad, a po mnogo čemu čak i diplomatska prestonica SSSR-a. U njega su evakuisani MIP, kao i strane diplomatske misije koje su tu ostale sve do 1943. godine. Mada su događaji na bojnom polju bili presudni, snažna diplomatska aktivnost Sovjetskog Saveza, koja se odvijala na mnogim poljima i raznim sredstvima, znatno je doprinela da se prebrodi kritična situacija u jesen i zimu 1941, da se Japan odvrati od mogućeg napada i da se uspostave stabilni saveznički odnosi sa vodećim zapadnim silama, formiranjem antihitlerovske koalicije, što je vodilo pobedi u ratu.

This special issue aims to offer empirical, qualitative and comparative insights into the waves of informality sweeping the globe and to decipher the nature and consequence of the proliferating dynamics of informal organizations. From a policy perspective, the special issue is motivated to delve into the operationalization of practices and outcomes of informal organizations. In particular, the articles encompassing this special issue focus on three sets of issues that together compose the main analytical framework of this project: (1) Proposing an innovative analytical framework for the study of informal organizations by putting the cascading effect at the core of its narrative; (2) Offering comparative insights into the contesting and converging components in the wave of informal organizations and their effects on global governance; and (3) Enabling projections on how informal organizations interact and rub up against each other both cooperatively and in a contested fashion.

who, in the words of William the Breton, has been my Palinurus through the rough seas of a project that has been far more challenging (and rewarding) than I could have possibly imagined at the outset. Equally as important, Professor R. Scott Smith of the Classics department generously volunteered to meet with me weekly, even during his sabbatical, all throughout the course of this project to pour over every line. Whatever elegance there may be in my translation is entirely due to his guidance. Finally, Professor Elizabeth W. Mellyn has been an incomparable editor, a true friend, and a most welcome mediator as I sought to please the divergent desires of a historian and a philologist. Her uncompromising critical eye has repeatedly saved this project from utter failure. Next, I would like to acknowledge the faculty and staff of the University of New Hampshire's Department of History for making my enrollment here an incredibly rewarding experience. I am especially thankful to the Graduate Advisor, Professor Cynthia Van Zandt, for helping to make my transition back into academic life a smooth one and her assistance in making my stay here economically viable. I would also like to recognize Susan Kilday and Jeanne Ann Mitchell for their not insignificant role in vi helping me to maintain my sanity as I struggled with even the simplest of bureaucratic issues. No less important have been the faculty and staff of the University of New Hampshire's Department of Classics. I am most indebted to Professor Richard Clairmont, who not only indulged me and my project during his class on Virgil's Eclogues in the Spring of 2009, but has also provided me with invaluable resources and insight on Medieval Latin. Likewise, I would like to thank Professor Susan Curry and the students of my Ovid class of the Spring of 2010, who generously agreed to take three weeks to translate the three hundred-lines of the story of Pentheus to help me better understand four lines of the Philippide. It is also through my Latin classes that I have made some lasting friends, many of whom assisted in this project in ways large and small, but a few of whom deserve special mention. Notably among these are Patrick Connelly and Michiel Veldhuizen for their assistance with German sources, Kagan Durmer for his help with the maps and the final printing, and Christina Clements and Jessica Charlesworth for their invaluable friendship and moral support. Also, Jan Salas and the staff of the University of New Hampshire library have been incredibly helpful and exceedingly patient as they helped me track down all sorts of out of print and hard to find sources for this study. I also received funds for this project from the Grant-Wilcox Graduate Research Scholarship, which helped defray a portion of the costs associated with my research of the manuscripts in Paris and London last summer. No less important to this aspect of my study was the hospitality of my friends Mark and Julie Migliacci and Franchise and Herve Cathelin for making my stay in Paris possible. In Paris,

This research discusses the differences in BRICS and G7 responses to the Ukraine-Russia conflict, where these two groups consist of countries with different political interests. Following the results of the G7 and BRICS Summits, both responded differently to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Background Problem: Differences in response are proposed because the G20 has the vision to achieve the resolution of policy issues on problems that hinder world economic growth, one of which is the food crisis caused by the Uraina-Russia conflict. The selection of the G7 and BRICS's different responses is the right strategy to determine how much potential the G20 has. It is difficult to achieve its goal of providing solutions for the world economy thanks to the structure of its members, who have diverse interests and responses to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Novelty: This study uses interest-based theory to analyze the differences in the responses of the G7 and BRICS. This theory seeks to explain the formation of the G20's international regime by dismantling aspects of the fundamental interests behind the cognitive states that decided to establish the international regime of the G20. Method: The method used in this research is the discourse analysis method in a case set because this study wants to see changes in discourse related to the multilateral G20. Findings/Results: The complexity of trading, namely the BRICS and G7, with different responses and interests in responding to the Ukrainian crisis, can encourage a multilateralism crisis in the G20. The research results prove that the complexity of reporting generates different interests, so the response to the Ukrainian-Russian crisis tends to differ. Conclusion: The G20 has not been able to overcome the different interests of its members in solving the problem of the world food crisis because the discussion of the world food crisis is linked to the discussion of Ukrainian-Russian security politics.

Introduction/Main Objective: This research discusses the differences in BRICS and G7 responses to the Ukraine-Russia conflict, where these two groups consist of countries with different political interests. Following the results of the G7 and BRICS Summits, both responded differently to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Background Problem: Differences in response are proposed because the G20 has the vision to achieve the resolution of policy issues on problems that hinder world economic growth, one of which is the food crisis caused by the Uraina-Russia conflict. The selection of the G7 and BRICS's different responses is the right strategy to determine how much potential the G20 has. It is difficult to achieve its goal of providing solutions for the world economy thanks to the structure of its members, who have diverse interests and responses to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Novelty: This study uses interest-based theory to analyze the differences in the responses of the G7 and BRICS. Thi...

O status é um fator importante para as potências emergentes do Sul Global e elas buscam aumentar sua estima internacional, revisando a hierarquia global. Concomitantemente, precisam tomar escolhas diferentes de estratégias internacionais: imitar, desafiar ou seguir vias alternativas de mobilidade internacional em relação às potências tradicionais. Diante deste dilema, o quanto as potências emergentes priorizaram o Sul e o Norte Globais ao longo do tempo? Sabendo que a diplomacia presidencial é um dos marcadores de status do sistema internacional contemporâneo, este trabalho testou a seguinte hipótese: organizações internacionais do Sul Global receberam mais visitas de chefes de Estado/governo de potências emergentes do que outros tipos de organização. Acompanhamos a diplomacia presidencial de África do Sul, Brasil, China e Índia entre 1998 e 2019. O número de visitas presidenciais foi coletado através dos bancos de dados Rising Powers Diplomatic Network e China Visits. A hipótese fo...

The G20 is set up to foster cooperation among states while sharing common principles and values. Even though it was first created to handle the global financial crisis, G20 has become a big multilateral forum covering other strategic developmental issues. At the beginning of this year, Russia's invasion of Ukraine came unexpectedly and created commotion among the G20 members. Some members assume it threatens multilateralism in G20 since Russia ignores international law. This paper uses a qualitative approach through a case study, collects the data from a literature review, and looks at different dimensions of multilateralism. Furthermore, the discussion will focus on the perspective of the Global South regarding the multilateralism crisis by overviewing the characteristics of multilateralism in crisis. The result of this paper indicates that the division among the West, Russia, China, and other members showed that the consensus and compliance in G20 no longer exist. It is consid...

MEETING BACKGROUND FOCAL convened an advisory group of leading thinkers and experts on hemispheric issues on June 8, 2001. The event was a follow-up to an inaugural meeting held in July 2000 that allowed participants to expand their networks and analyze key trends in the Americas.

The Russian-African Summit in St. Petersburg in July 2023, an unprecedented event bringing together leaders from Russia and various African countries, holds immense significance in the realm of international relations. This summit, aimed at fostering cooperation and strengthening ties between Russia and Africa, has sparked both hopes and skepticism within the global community. With Africa's growing economic potential and Russia's strategic interests, the summit bears the potential to yield substantial benefits for both parties involved. This essay delves into the prospects, hopes, and chances of the Russian-African Summit, exploring its implications for regional and global dynamics.

O status é um fator importante para as potências emergentes do Sul Global e elas buscam aumentar sua estima internacional, revisando a hierarquia global. Concomitantemente, precisam tomar escolhas diferentes de estratégias internacionais: imitar, desafiar ou seguir vias alternativas de mobilidade internacional em relação às potências tradicionais. Diante deste dilema, o quanto as potências emergentes priorizaram o Sul e o Norte Globais ao longo do tempo? Sabendo que a diplomacia presidencial é um dos marcadores de status do sistema internacional contemporâneo, este trabalho testou a seguinte hipótese: orga-nizações internacionais do Sul Global receberam mais visitas de chefes de Estado/governo de potências emergentes do que outros  tipos  de  organização. Acompanhamos a diplomacia  presidencial de África do Sul, Brasil, China e Índia entre 1998 e 2019. O número de visitas presidenciais foi coletado através dos bancos de dados Rising Powers Diplomatic Network e China Visits. A hipótese foi testada através da estatística descritiva, gerando  uma  métrica  longitudinal  estável  para  monitorar  o  grau de priorização entre destinos do Norte ou do Sul pelos quatro países analisados. Os resultados indicam que a média de visitas ao Sul Global foi superior para a África do Sul (59,9% das viagens), Brasil (55,7%) e China (53,3%), mas não para a Índia (44,4%). Os achados indicam que as potências emergentes, em geral,  priorizaram organizações do Sul Global em comparação a destinos do Norte Global, validando nossa hipótese de trabalho.

By submitting this thesis/dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification.

The paper examines the USA and North Korea Relations from 1945 till date. It discusses the Korean peninsula under the control of Japan and China. It analyzes San Francisco Treaty and USA intervention. The relationship between USA and North Korea in the 20 th and 21 st Centuries came to focus. The study relied on primary sources like oral interview and secondary sources such as books, newspapers, journal articles, speeches, theses, dissertations. It was found that her geographical position placed her in a precarious situation hence Japan, China and Russia exploited before USA intervention. It was also found that the involvement of USA in Korean civil war against North Korea strained the relationship between the two countries. It was found that over 3 millions North Koreans died in that war because of USA involvement. Again, the dismissal of General Douglas by Harry Truman, who was planning to use nuclear weapons on North Korea came to focus. In conclusion, the constant test of rockets by North Korea in Korean peninsula and USA imposition of sanctions on her, demanding full denuclearization before the lifting of sanctions strained the relationship between the two countries.

Geostrategijski značaj Airike i strano vojno prisustvo Slavko Prdjlć Fakultet po1it'ićkih. nauka, 7.agTeb Autor ramna:t.ra aspekt geoollrategljskog pol&aja ALlike d njegovu povez.a.noe;t sa stranim vojnim pr:isustvom. ~ se odgovor: u kojoj mjeri strano vojno prlsustvo na teritoriju i akvatoriju A!r.ke proizla7.i a njC!l'lOg geostrategij;skog polo7.aja promatrano u štrim međ\1l'l.IU'OdnUn odnooima. Nakon kratkog OSVllta o mjestu Afrđike u međunarodnim odnosima i ra.7.lozima za strano vojno prisu.stvo, u daljem !l'adu se daje prikaz značaja geost:rategijskog položaja kao odlučujućeg faktora m strano vojno prisustvo. Polazeći od činjenice da se u najvažnije geosiralegljske faktore ubrajaju: medunarodne pomorske i zraćne komunikacije; energetska i rudn~t bogatstva; teritoriji pojedinih zemalja koji mogu poslužiti za kontrolu !iu•eg područja pa time imaju i posebno mjesto u vojnosl.rategijskim planovima velikih sila le političke opredijeljenosti nezavisnih i suvremenih drl.ava-autor 7~ključuje da spomenuti !aktort tek u uzajamnom djelovanju izazivaju interes za prisustvo vojnih efektiva iz nenfmčkih zemalja (.što je ilustrirano podacima u tekstu) čime :;e osigurava poliličko prlsustvo l jač~t moć velikih sUa u međuna rodnim udnoslma. Suvremeni odnosi i akcije velikih sila pokazuju da svaka su persila nastoji dati najbolji odgovor na pitanje koje već godinama (otkad postoje dva suprotna bloka) poput opSP.sije zaokuplja pažnju vodećih struktura Zapada i Istoka: kako očuvati, učvrstiti i poboljšati vlastitu vodeću ulogu, mjesto i značaj u sve međuznvisnijim, kompleksnijim, ali i prolurječnijim medunar odnim odnosima u kojima, s jedne :;tr•ane, djelu je kon kurentska s upe r sila sličnih globalnih interesa i mogućnosti a, s druge strane, i drugi centri čiji su Interesi vrlo često mimo utjecaja supen.ila, djelujući posredno ili neposredno na odnose medu njima. U nastojanju da učvr~'te. poboljšaju i povećaju svoju dominaciju, hegemoniju i autoritet, tj. da postanu (ili ostanu) vodeća sila svijeta, supersile, ali ne samo one, konstantno nastoje proSiriti svoje sier e interesa i utjecaja} l .. pod sverom interesa {interesnom sverom) podrazumevnju se one drt.ave, teritorije ill oblast.\ lwje jedna siJa smatra značajnim za .realizova:nje ciljeva svoje

How can interdependent nations maintain fixed or managed exchange rates in open capital markets? Policymakers often find the answer in economic cooperation. Such a regime, however, did exist under the classical gold standard (1880-1914) without cooperation. This seeming paradox can be explained by a highly stable adjustment mechanism under the gold standard. While modern policymakers have relied on cooperation to make up for the lack of such a stable adjustment mechanism today, effective cooperation (i.e., substantive policies which address fundamental problems) and compliance have nonetheless been impeded by domestic political forces. These forces represent a myriad of domestic political actors (interest groups, the public, parties, technocrats) and processes (legislation, bureaucracy, elections) which elevate parochial economic interests over and above, and therefore often serve as roadblocks to, substantive diplomatic agreements that would address fundamental multilateral economic problems. Orchestrating viable schemes of cooperation and compliance will depend critically on the ability of policymakers to limit these domestic political distortions. The implications for G8 diplomacy are compelling. If negotiations are going to deliver the kinds of economic stability and performance desired, nations will have to increasingly infuse their diplomacy with a greater understanding of how domestic politics can condition international economic relations.

Odnos i:medu koeg::.istellcije i 11esvrsrmws t i U savremenoj publici~tlci je Op!\leprihvaćcnu ua su principi kocg7.istencijc fonuulisnni u zajedničkoj izj avi Nehru-Cu En Laj, poznatoj kao » l'anča ših:1«. To je točno. Meetutim, u daljnjem izlaganju ~emu navesti misli predsedni ka Tita u ~ojjma su sasvim jasno prisutni prineipi kocgdstendje, a koje je on i7.1o7io ranije u taLličilim vido\ima i raznim povodima i koje !>U poznate u svetu. Ako se to ima u \'idu, ne odgm•ara pra\'orn stanju stYari l\tuuja da je Tito tek posle po\'ratka. a putovanja po Aziji kra-Jem 195-t i početkom 1935. godine postao zagoYornik aktime kocgL.il>tcncij:! i nes\TStanosti. .Ke. Anali;..a t.i\OLnog puLa i opredeljenja fita , kao i čita\• pol>lcratni jugol>lovenski ra7\oj. koji ćemo auali.liraLi u o\•om radu. neo;um-O.JI\'0 pokat.uju ua l>U U O::.OO\i jugosiO\'l'O ke re\olul:ijc i sodjalbtićkog ranoja. pa prema lome i u Tito,•oj vtziji nove jugoslovenske višenadonalnc zajednice, uvek hi!i prisutni ravuupra"ni odnosi između svih naroda i na-ruJnosti u našoj zemlji. Na međunarodnom plattu to 7 .. naćl koeg:-11istl:nciju 11aroua i dl-l.ava be7 obzira na uru~tvcoe :.istemc, čiji je preduslov aktivna miroljubiva l>amdnja. kojoj ne mogu bili prepreka ,•eličina, boja, jezik i t-asa. Prema lome, Tito i Jugosla\'ija u Ynjim c.:clokupnim biLem potndili da su sc 7.a kocg-Li-:,tcnciju i newrstanost oprt>delih mnogo ntnijc UC!lO ~to se običnu misli. Za \Teme su:.reta predsednika fita a indtj!\kim prcmij~o:IOUl ~ehruom, d\'a i-.aa knuta dr/.a\nika koji. u, kao i njiho\e zemlje, \ideJi jedinu pc1:.pektivu 7.a čo,•ečan, l\'0 u koegzi!.Lcncijt i u ne,ezhanju za blokove. potra7eni-.u putevi za oži\'Ot\'Orenje vec' oda\'no ruuctlc iucjc na raznim stranama sveta. I ; ~l\ ari , u Lome i jeste snaga neS\T<:tannst i kao M e.: t::. kuJ! pokreta. U svakom o;htcaju , s usret Titu-Nehm u Nj u De lhiju 19S4. godi ne :w ača.ian je doga đaj u is toriji pnkrcl.a m•svrstanih. Titu je na brodu "Gl'l leh « na to 11 1 pu tovanju rekao: " eophodno je da koc~zi stencija dobije stabilan i u da-ua~nie vreme jedino moguć ohlik meuunarudJtill odnosau, Još tada je Titfl naglasio da ::.e lu odno~ i na dalju pero;pekuvu, u sl\ at i , na nesYrl>tano~t. ~taže sc reCi da su upr-:cn•o ri m~~t:d i He<.lcljc pred mačajne !>U<:.ret~ a !\ehruom i drugim azijskim i alrićkim dri.a,•nicima ispunjeni razradom osnO\•nih pravaca i cilje\a one Tito\e ideje koja će e kasnije ll<U\alt ko

Historians have long recognized the importance of the Roman-canonical maxim 'defen :e of the realm .' tc, the propaganda politics practised by later d'apetian kings, most notably in the climactic struggle between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII. Although rightly conceding to Roman law the major impulse to its formulation, they have been less sensitive to the way in which the doctrineJits in.to historical images of Capetian kingship. The theory of the king as defender of the realm was critical in the early as well as late middle ages. In tracing the evolution of this slogan through the chronicle tradition of Saint-Denis, the most extensive and consistently royalist historical corpus in Capetian France, one szes the emergence of concepts congruent with those developed in legal and canonical texts, but which reveal little or no influence from these more learned sources.

Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour CRISP. © CRISP. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.

Among the contemporary narrative sources for the reign of King Philip II Augustus of France [r. 1179--1223], William the Breton\\u27s thirteenth-century epic poem the Philippide is the least well known and the least utilized. This thesis represents the first English language translation of a significant portion of the Philippide. The introduction explores William the Breton\\u27s life and works; the poem\\u27s sources, classical and contemporary; William the Breton\\u27s vocabulary and poetic voice; William the Breton\\u27s self-conception as a historian and a narrator, as demonstrated in his surviving works; and the overall theme and structure of the Philippide. It also includes as an appendix the first English translation of the relevant sections of William the Breton\\u27s Epitome of Rigord of St. Denis\\u27 contemporary Chronicle, upon which the Philippide is based. This translation endeavors to introduce this fascinating text to an Anglophone audience, while simultaneously challenging...

This article argues that, thanks to the progress of hemispheric multilateralism since the end of the Cold War, the conditions for identifying a nascent security community have been fulfilled in the Americas. The evolution has not been perfectly linear, and in light of the tensions that have marked inter-American relations during the past few years, it remains an open question whether the renewal of security cooperation can be pursued in the future. Yet it seems clear that, with regard to interstate conflicts, the Americas currently make up a more peaceful region than at any other time in modern history. The body of our article relates this unprecedented situation to the recent developments of inter-American diplomacy in the field of security. The first part focuses on the 1990s and shows how the notion of cooperative security has served as intellectual glue and helped stimulate a transformation of inter-American politics. The second part explains how the emergence of the notion of multidimensional security during the 2000s made it possible to further institutionalize hemispheric cooperation.

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is in search of a new identity after the dissolution of the bipolar world and the completion of the decolonization process. In that sense, the NAM is often perceived as a balance between great powers, particularly the US and China. Therefore, the author will investigate this possibility. However, the focus of this article will be on the analysis of the administrative structure of the NAM and the possibility of transforming it into a more coherent organization. Furthermore, the analysis of the most prominent topics in the area of international law and reform of the United Nations, mainly contained within the final documents of the NAM summits, will also be conducted.

Gotovo pola stoljeća nakon što je uzdrmala svijet te istovremeno postala kultnom, danas je 1968. godina iscrpno obrađena – što u znanstvenoj, što u popularnoj sferi. Šezdesete su sa sobom donijele vjetar promjene u vidu globalnih studentskih nemira i građanske neposlušnosti, odbacujući obrasce konformnog ponašanja i konvencionalnih pogleda na svijet. Važan dio priče o 1968. bio je Vijetnamski rat, kojeg su svi diljem svijeta mrzili, te koji je uspješno pokrenuo lavinu nezadovoljstva na globalnoj razini. Jugoslavenski su studenti bili dio priče od samog početka, oponašajući metodologiju protestiranja sa Zapada, o kojem su bili obavještavani na dnevnoj bazi, no pritom nisu zaboravljali pružiti glas solidarnosti prema ideološki istovjetnim državama Istoka. Kako se Jugoslavija nalazila u specifičnom položaju – između Istoka i Zapada – tako je i politički pristup ratu u Vijetnamu funkcionirao pod bitno drugačijim uvjetima. Država je razumjela i podržavala borbu vijetnamskog naroda za neo...

Now that the Group of Twenty (G20) summit has arisen as the self-proclaimed permanent, premier forum for international economic governance, a lively debate has erupted about its relationship with the old Group of Eight (G8) and the role of both bodies in the years ahead. Many assume or argue that the G8 will and should fade away,

In exactly one month, the leaders of the Group of Eight (G8) major market democracies will start arriving in Sea Island, Georgia, for their 30th annual summit, taking place from June 8th to 10th, 2004. Many Georgians are already wondering where this otherwise obscure G8 event and institution came from, what it has accomplished, and what it will do at Sea Island of any consequence for corporate concerns. Amid the inevitable and complexities, controversies and uncertainties, the answers to these questions are now becoming quite clear.

In recent years, multilateralism has faced significant challenges. The rise of populist sentiment in western countries, trade wars and now slowing economic growth have undermined trust in multilateral institutions including those of a plurilateral summit form. The Group of Twenty (G20) often faces criticism for its ineffective problem-solving and members' poor compliance with their summit commitments. Yet evidence from the G20 Research Group shows that G20 members do comply solidly with the commitments they make at one summit before the next one takes place. Some summits and subjects have secured higher compliance than others. Understanding what causes compliance and how it can be improved is essential for improving G20 effectiveness, credibility and even its future. This study offers an exploratory quantitative analysis of performance at G20 summits. It relies on established conceptual frameworks and presents a descriptive inferential argument. Compliance coincides with, and thus might be improved by, making more summit commitments, holding ministerial meetings and using specific catalysts in the commitments, given the prevailing reciprocity in compliance among members rather than a single dominant actor such as the U.S. or China setting the pace.

This outburst of scholarly creativity suggests a growing scholarly consensus that the G8 is, or at least could be, emerging as an effective centre of global governance, and thus an international institution worthy of serious study, even in a world where the legalized "hard law" institutions assert a priority claim (Abbot et al. 2000). Yet amidst this ever more expansive academic activity, there has been little move toward consensus on any essential analytic or empirical points. Thus the competing models of G8 performance offer different and often poorly specified conceptions of what core functions and roles the G8 does or should perform, and often lack careful empirical assessments of its performance and success. Similarly, these models offer as an explanation of successful or failed performance a set of causes, from various levels of analysis, that are seldom specified with precision, followed by indicators, or arranged into a parsimonious cluster of causes tightly connected with the performance they seek to explain. As a result, few of the models are tested empirically and systematically against the performance of the G8 system over the thirty years since the institution began, as an annual Summit of the leaders of the major market democracies, at Rambouillet, France in November 1975. Indeed, there is even growing disagreement on the unit of analysis itself, as the early focus on the annual summit of the leaders has given way to growing attention to the expanding system of stand-alone G8 ministerial and official-level bodies that lie below, and the broader G8 "nexus" that includes the financial interests and social classes with which the current incumbents of government positions in the G8 are closely allied. This paper seeks to inject into this creative conceptual proliferation the analytic discipline required for an empirically-grounded debate among the nine major models that now

The article examines how and why Canada's twin 2010 summits worked well separately and together, and how the future G8-G20 partnership can be improved to the benefit of both in the years ahead. The author makes the comparative analysis of the performance of Muskoka G8 and Toronto G20 summits, identifying the synergistic convergence, and explores the causes of the successes and shortcomings of each alone and both together applying the closely related but distant concert equality model of G8 governance and the systemic club model of G20 governance as analytical guides. On the basis of this analysis, the author suggests the ways for strengthening G8 -G20 partnership.

The Department of Planning, Control, and Evaluation (DPCE) was created to coordinate planning, control, and evaluation within the General Secretariat, including its secretariats, departments, and offices. Its specific functions are (a) to develop and administer instruments for the coordinated management of those processes and of project management; and (b) to develop the institutional statistics necessary for strategic decision-making. The Department also acts as Technical Secretariat of the Project Evaluation Committee.